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NEUTRAL n POLITICS & RELIGm...DE¥OTED TO ARt, bCtEWCB, EmJtATION.HIORIILITY Aim THE advancement of sacred music* BF. WHITE, Superintendent; J YOUTH WILL SOON BE GONE.—L, M> D. Orsinal, byJ. P. Rees. Aifetuosso. p M i Youth, like the spring, will soon be gone, £ *• ‘ By fleeting time, or conqu’ring death, S Your aparklmg eye? and flowing cheeks, The coffin, earth, and tvinding 9h('et, | *STour taorrting Sun may set at noon, ? Must wither like the blasted rose; Will soon yirttr active lrnotbs enclose. Aud leave you ever in the dadk. J Communications. S ■ . - ■■ For the Organ. Ga., May, 1855. lieloved Brethren in the can se of Sacred Music: —Another year is fast speeding ■its wheels of Time around; one half of the year is nearly gone, to return never again to us. Many of the human race, since the beginning of this year, have | folded their hands and closed their eyes ! for the last time. Yea, aged mothers, ■fathers, brothers and lovely sisters, have j ■hid earth a long and last farewell. Where are you to-day, my brethren and sisters ? Are any of you gone to your long and ■never ending home, and is it possible that I never again shall vou behold? The surviving can say yea or nay : the dead speaketh not; no, not a word. I know,! any brethren and sisters of the musical ■fraternity, that there is a great affinity ex- and a feeling 100 that .>n. that f am still Hfry* a place to the pnv | the Organ , \ Avon all ,p; O;: : A ; || „ g ‘’.a.., m ■Pleading and sing. |p oi the Organ —- ■Tstill and look for its be helpers in support- that which we pro cess to lo” ? Let us be careful, brethren, .and not let our works betray or condemn us. If we love the cause, let us not love in word alone, but in deed also. 1 have reasons to make me fear that something •has been neglected by some ol the friends of the cause that should have been others wise, i fear some have acted in ungen erous faith tow'ards our little enterprise, others have been content in being inacs live, caring not which way the current iiowed, so they chnnced to obtain an Ors gan to read, and occasionally a tune in* serted for them. Such should not be the •case. I imagine that there are some that have been reading the Organ that never has paid the subscription price, and that from the commencement. What kind of conscience have such people ? are they lovers or friends to anything that is good? 1 think they are very destitute of moral principle. I would say to all such: re* pent and do better, and be a white man in internal parts, that it may go well with you in a coming day, when you will have to pay larger sums than a dollar or two. 1 have referred to these points my brethren, in order to stir up your minds, not that I think any of you are behind with your dues towards the office, but that jou may not forget your duty. I have .some late intelligence from the source of >the office that indicates to me that some .one near that point is in indigent want, ;and that this cause arises from a wilful dieglect of others, and there is danger of ■our efforts being lost, unless we help a liU tie at this juncture. I know that we can stake hold and help some; can we notob* 4ain new subscribers and paying patrons at that, in our own field of labor—l mean 4hose communities in which our lots are oast—and upon a pinch, can we not givej a little to help out our office ? It does appear that we should do so at least. The station I hold among you, pay brethren, prompts me to address those indications to you. Will they have any influence upon your minds or action ? What say you, my brethren? Can I importune with you to any advantage ? Ido not want the progress of the musical cause suppressed at this day and time. Nay, if we have put our hands to the plough, let 41s never look back, and thus become unworthy of the cause or kingdom in which we have engaged. It would prove a great calamity Snd downfall to the cause THE ORGAN. of vocal music, should it now be synco pated'; many gifts and talents would be lost and buried forever. The great and many evils that would ensue, 1 attempt to describe to you at this time, my musical companions. I know many of yona want to know what I am doing, whether teaching or laying idle. Well, brethren, I am knocking clods this year'; 1 have turned my attention again to farming. I know j ni-any of you wonder at this and ate ready to condemn my course. Circumstances pressed upon me to do something of the kind, and to desist from regular teaching the present year. Tile hard times com* pelied me in part to leave off; the people also made me quit, not by persuading of me, but by driving me from the cause. I have been unfortunate in some commu nities.; I have done a heap of work and got but little ot the one thing needful. — The inference then is, that I have sung I for some people and failed to get reward* Jed. Ye3, that is so, and no mistake. This little world has lots of ugiy things in it besides lizards and toad frogs, and such otfier musical birds. lam fixing up some few schools just around me ; I think I shall teach about half a dozen during this year, tbntas. me and my companion will try to do so. I love the cause too [well to give it entirely up. I want to ►near trtm ail the fest of those following the business; I want to hear from the , brethren of the Chattahoochee Auxiliary ; ( want to leara their prospect for a meet* ing in due time. lam also wanting the friends of sacred music to speak out tn due time, and our Alabama brethren must give us a token, as l think of trying to assist them at their next regular commu nication. The cause of music is badly behind in this part of our country. We have haters of the cause even in our delightful settle ment, and some of the woful sounds are heard in God’s sanctuary. I sometimes think that hog-grunting and ass-bellowing is as good music as some I hear offered up by human beings to their Great Ben efactor. They have no spirit or under* standing of the subject; they take no care to inform themselves upon the sci ence of music, and it is out of the ques tion for us to sing acceptable, minus of an understanding upon the subject. 1 must close my remarks, and leave them with the Superintendent and breth ren to think upon. I hope at the same time, inability will be over-passed. I continue the same towards my brethren and sisters as formerly. I close by sub scribing myself, Fraternally, yours. H. S. Life in Utah. —The hair of our co temporary of the Humbolt Times, has been made to stand on end by the fol lowing revelation from ‘his friend a re* iabie gentleman,’ who has been there, and ataid over night ’ ‘He has informed us that Brigham Young will denounce a man in open church and proclaim it to be lawful to any one of the saints’ to kill the culprit. He knew of instances when the party so denouncep was never heard of afterwards. Emigrants who perchance spoke derog etory of the Church and Young, have been foully murdered, and our informant was told the particular canon where the skull of the offenders could be found. His description of the incentous adultery practiced py them is revolting—men taking their own.daughters and sisters,for wives. The larger portion, at least two thirds are foreigners, and it is a disgrace our goverment that they have been tol erated as long as they have. Uncle Sam can if he wishes it, raise troops enough in California to compel those people to obey the laws of the land and to respect the U. S. Courts and Judges.’ An urchin being sent for a cent’s worth of Maccaboy snuff, - forgot the name of the article, and asked the man for a cent’s worth of naukea*boy sneeze. Hamilton? Ga. Wednesday? June 6, 1855* [From the New York Herald.] THE KANSAS QUESTION AND THE ANTI SLAVERY DISORGANIZED: UNION OR DISUNION. The ferocious philanthropists of our el der Seward organ, whose pollitica'l ‘plat form ha-s been whittled down to univers al niggerdom, are perfectly rabid at our suggestion that the admission of Kansas as a slave holding State, may comprehend the ultimate issue of union or disunion. Consulting that balance of power between the two sections, so essential to the secu rity of the South in these latter days, we have said that the South have the right to ask that Kansas shall be admitted into the Union as a .Southern State. Now, mark the implacable wrath ol our Seward negro-loving brethren. They say that— "lt a more insolently audacious proposi tion than this on the part of the oligarchy can be framed or suggested, it is one past our powers of conception-. And if there is a lower deep of meanness, servility and poltroonery into which their North ern servitftrs can descend than to back such a proposition, that also is also fath omless for our penetration.” And they further say that, “il the people of the free States are capable ol listening for an instant to the humiliating threat, they deserve the eternal brand of coiward and slavery.” > ♦ Ail this may be vepy fine as jt violent outburst of abolition indignation; but it does not touch the merits ol the question. The issue is, shall Kansas be admitted in to the Union or rejected, if her applica tion is based upon a constitution recogni zing the existence and providing for the protection of the Southern institution of slavery within her borders? We also believe that the Southern squatters now hold the ascendency in the Territory ; that they will continue to hold it; that they wifi give shape to the ultimate insti tutions ol Kansas, and that she will be admitted into the Union as a slave hold ing State, notwithstanding this prevailing anti-slavery furore throughout the North. With a view to the restoration of that equilibrium of power which they have heretofore held in the federal Senate, we have said that the South have the right to demand the concession of Kansas to them, and that the good sense of the country will, in good time, appreciate the justice and sound policy of this conces sion. For this we are told that “ the open audacity of the [Southern] oligarchy, add their Northern tools, is only equalled by their iniquity and violence.” But it so happens that instead of being the ‘ tool’ of the • oligarchy’ we are opposed to any oligarchy, and have never been the “tool’ of any, whether a United States Bank ol igarchy, a spoils administration oligarchy, or a seditious sectional Seward oligarchy. Our platform has been, is, and will be, the Constitution and the Union, against all conspiracies and all oligarchies. But we are no negro worshippers ; nor do we believe that universal negro emancipation would usher in the millenium. We be lieve in the lights of revelation and the tests and proofs of histo'ryand experience. We believe that the blacks ot the South are doing very well as they are ; that em ancipation would be ruinous to them and disastrous to the white race. We know that the whites of the South believe that j their security from the bloody scenes of | St. Domingo depends upon this institu- j tion of slavery ; and we know that they i will secede from the Union rather than consent to open the door to the abolition ists and the hazards of a servile insurrec tion. Hence the vital importfrffee of this Kansas Territory to the South.; It is the issue to them of positive safety or positive danger, while to the North, upon the subject ot slavery, it is at best bat a ques tion of mock philanthropy and false pre tences. A We must adhere to the fpirrt of tt* original compact of the constitution* this Union cannot last. It was estabfl||| ed only after certain concessions t'tHSj South were given—a three fifths repre sentation of their slaves in the federal en umeration for Congress, a continuation of the African slave trade to the year 1808, and a positive binding obligation for the teturn of fugitive slaves to their masters, heing conspicuous among these concessions. From 1789 to 1812 the sla very question was quietly managed ; for most ol the Northern States were directly interested in slavery to a later day, and in the African slave traffic down to the year o 4 its constitutional expiration. Mean time questions of finance and foieign pol icy were predominant. But in 1812, when the federalists of New England re ceived their death blow in the success of the war policy of the republican party, the former in the Hartford Convention, as a last expedient for political capital in the North, opened this Pandora's box of the slavery agitation, and scattered abroad those seeds of mischief, to the bitter fruits of which there seems to be no end. The first crop of these seeds of discord j and confusion ripened into the Missouri i agitation of 1819-2 Q. And the tomprom-q ise which was then agreed upon was not, a constitutional one, but an extra consti- i tutional truce upon the spoils of the Pres-, idency. Mifcsrs. Clay, Calhoun, Craw* ford and Jackson, four aspiring,Southern ; candidates for Northern votes, w ere ha the field. Hence the Missouri compromise , —that terapggary armistice which couldj not stand, because it was a violation oil ! the constitution, and of no binding force* to either party. A temporary peac** however, did follow, which was not m* terially disturbed until the annexation i*| Texas, when, upon the same false bjM of a geographical line, another temp* U pacification succeeded. With out* acquisitions from Mexico, by the* of peace ol IS4S, the general issue M ed a most complex and threateni* acter. when there was another s* in 1850, partly upon the old M* lacy; but to a far greater exte* constitutional landmarks ot ular sovereignty- In sliaits of an imbecile gested tho repeal of )i -- j Missouri restrictions, an> The Territories ol Ivan* ‘ g| were accordingly oigar* the people of each to *. ‘J , cal institutions for th bungs us to the im* hand. * ’- J The test question Territory is open t! sections, with or v i least until the au< have finally settled ters from both sect slaves, are going irJ outslaves, who arJ ing the institution ! cieties ba,ve boasN sorts of terrible thij holders who ma yl slaveholders hav* There have beer*J same unlawful* consequences* ed by a free ** the interests* and the believe tha* majority i make it g<! and this t* que.-liomr M sion ot 1* Union. f'v’V/i The a free so* • to pi a1 gratiot* JS S! - ijt ’ [ VOU. 4—NO. 14. Congress the poweT the South Would have the right to demand the establish ment of slavery in the Territory by affct of Congress. But the question is with the settlers of the Territory, and if the South are most active, the victory is theirs, the State is theirs, and as such, if we aim to deal justly and honorably, it must be admitted into the Union. Wo cannot refuse it. But, as we understand it, it is the fixed policy of the Northern anti slavery league, ■including Seward, his followers-, ail'd his organs, to reject the application of Kansas il she asks lor admission with a State con stitution in favor of Southern slavery.—* Are there not two sides to this question £ Viewed in any light, it is the policy of the South —the vital policy of self-preser vation —to resist any further preponder ance which the North now possesses in the Senate at Washington- Consulting this policy, then, we repeat that this Kan sas question may bpcopie the test of un ion or disuni n. Meantime our Northern vagabond intermeddle!?, fanatics and scheming agitators, in connection with this Pierce administration, are responsible for what has occurred in Kansas, and sots the- ultimate results of this ugly and omin ous territorial imbroglio. The people of i the South will look out tortheirown safe- r . il la fnr