Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

NEUTRVL I* POLITICS & IIELICIOY—DEVOTED TO ART; AND THE ADVANCEMENT OF SACKED RltJlSifct B- F.^HITE, Super.iVTEivOENT. j * RELIGION IS SWEET.-7’s, by W. R. Waldrap. ’Tis Religion that can give, Sweetest pleasures while We live. *Tis religion must suppljr. Solid we die. SYNOPSIS OF Tft&SiE KCH ‘*ii V iipN. H. VV- .Milliard Delivered at Concert Hall, July 11, 1855. Mr. Hilliard said, that some time had j elapsed since he had taken part in any po | litical discussion. Dot that he had ceased to feel interested in the fortunes'of his friends, j or the welfare of his country, but that he , had voluntarily retired from Congress with | the view of pursuing his profession, and this had occupied him. On two occasions he had engaged in political debates—first in 1851, to vindicate the position of the Union partyt and afterwards associated on the electoral ticket with Judge Hopkins, he had followed the standard of that war worn Vo teran, Winfield Scott. In coming forward this evening, he felt it due to candor to say, that his political opinions had undergone no change? so long as the whig ensign had floated over the field, he had taken his place under it? and if to-day the circumstances existed to require it to be brought out, he would he ready to surround himself with the “old guard” and meet its assailants. But the time had come when mete party issues had died outi deeper questions were moving the people ; it was no longer a dis-l mission as to the manner of conducting the government; but our country aud our al tars demanded our services, and all who ioVed republican liberty and the Protestant Cause should abandon old party alliances and come up to the support of this young, patriotic and powerful organization calfed ■tbeAMERtcAN Party. Let us catch the Spirit of ancient Republican Rome; quar rels between patricians and the people, how ever fiercely they raged, were hushed so soon as a foreign standard appeared at**the .ypMcjt of the.gitv : aftdeverv bosom with ITttWrnrog desire To fl Mr. H. proceeded To state four proposi tions as the basis of his argument in support of the platform eg the American party i. Americans most rule America. To thii doctrine he gave his unqualified nssent. This government is based upon re*, publican principles, and it ought to be ad ministered by those thoroughly imbued with a love of constitutional liberty aud compre hending their spirit. Our opinions are formed id our youth they grow with our growth and strengthen with our strength; aud surely meu born Bud reared under the monarchical system of the old woEd, cannot he so well qualified to hold the great trusts of our government, as those dirhose eyes first beheld the light under our skies, and who have been trained under our free institutions. This was the sentiment of our revolution ary ancestors, and they embodied it bribe Cynstirution of “the Uuifed States. In look ing into that instrument, one is struck with the wisdom and the forte of the provisions , against foreign influence. No one can be elected a representative iu Congress unless he has beeu a citizen of the United States for seven years, which of course involves the necessity of his having been in the coun try twelve years. He cannot be a Senator in the United States Until he has been nine years a citi zen, and fourteen years a resident. And no matter what may be his ability, bis in tegrity, his patriotism, his services, so jeal ous were the wise and just men who framed the constitution, of foreign influence, that ihey provided that “no person except a na tive born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of the constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President and Vice President.” Why not? What is the reason of this important provision of the constitution ? Plainly, because pur fathers saw that no man ought to be entrusted with the first of fices of the republic who was born under the monarchical systems of Europe, or who was not reared under our own free in stitutions. We claim, then, that the plat form of the American party rests upou the great principles of ths American constitu tion. Every objeciion levelled against our principles proclaimed at Philadelphia, ap plies with equal force to the principles em bodied in the Constitution of the United States. •-*> h is further provided in the constitution that no persoa holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, shall accept any present, office, or title of any kind from any King, Prince, or foreign State. Shall we then eutrust the government itself, or any of its great departments,’ to men who come to our shores with all the training, prejudices, and ideas of foreign countries? That good men, capable men. patriotic men, like Mitchell from Ireland, do come amongst us, we do not doubt; but laws must be geueral in tboir application, and in propos ing to change our naturalization laws, we must make them apply to all alike. THE AJRGAN. ■I Ware ireitUyv mmndrsr™J i/*i> be Supposed that wr wirh wv deprive any nat uralized citizen of the United S<ates of rigfus already acquired. Not so; we pro , pose to legislate for the future. It is also ; provided in the constitution of this demo cratic State of Alabama that no person hut a native born citizen of the United States shall be elected Governor. Mr. H. said that he had read with amaze ment, if not with indignation, letters and speeches from distinguished .sources, which represented-Alexander Hamilton and Rob- Urt Morris as foreigners. He would pluck ep those great names from the place where they had been cast, and restore them to that splendid galaxy of American heroes Rod statesmen where they properly belong ed. Alexander Hamilton a foreigner! Nev er! Robert Morris a foreigner! Nevor! Because Hamilton and Morris were born in England, does is follow ihat they were for eigners? At that time the dominion of England Embraced this country. At that time the American government did not ex ist. How then could these men be foreign er? A foreigner is one who is born out side of the jurisdiction of the government: .hut our government had not then been cre ated. Hamilton, young, accomplished and able, before the revolutionary struggle, marie these colonies his home; he entered with all his zeal into that struggle; rode by the side of Washington in battle, and when -the day was won, satin the very conven tion which formed the constitution, and vo ted for that provision which excludes a for eigner from the Presidency. So too Moiris, upon w Washington '* in the ;; WT’i- attempt foreigners! As to paupers and criminals, it musTbelirrested. Europe was precipitating them upon our shores by thou sands. Bremen sent them out, it was un derstood, at dollars per head. Sar dinia empties berjails and poor houses up on us. As to the secresy of the order, it no long er existed. The organization was formed without calling in its enemies to council, hut at Philadelphia, the very place where the Declaration of Independence had been made, the principles of the American party were proclaimed in the streets and publish ed from the house tops, to the dismay of the Philistines. It is well known that all political bodies do exercise the privilege of excluding th? public from thoii meetings, when they think proper to do so. For six years I was your representative in Congress. I felt myself the peer of Sen ators, and yet often when passing through the rotunda to the other end of the capitol, I sought to euter the Senate chamber. I was informed the Senate was in executive see., sion with closed doors. In caucuses of either party, at Washing ton, for the choice of officers, the doors W'ere carefully closed. We can call up, 100, from history a me* morablo instance of secrecy of movements. lay in the Boston harbor, laden with ten, upon which the tax must be paid before it could be sold to the colonists; the Amer icans of that day concerted in secret the plan of destroying the hateful cargo ; and disguised, they boarded the vessel aud threw the chests of tea overboard. 2. Mr. H’s second position was, this is a Protestant country aud must ever continue to be such. Civil liberty and the Protestant faith are closely allied. The greatest event which has ever occurred in the history of our race, next to the coming of the Son of God into the world to redeem it, was the Reforma tion, which emancipated the mind of Eu< tope from bondage to the Pope, and taught all mankind that no Priest had the right to stand between man and his maker that salvation was not to be bought and sold iu the markets, but was to be had by; faith in him who died for ui and rose again, and that every man had the right to read the Bible for himself. We seek to vindi cate the great principles of the American Revolution, and of the Reformation; prin ciples at times almost lost sight of, in the struggle between parties, pandering to the prejudices and passions of a foreign horde, and forgetting too often the principles of our republican government and our Protest ant Christianity. We make no war on Catholics—far from it; we welcome them to our shores; we in vite them to our hospitalities ; we see their cburcbee go up without molestation; we attend tbeir service even when they cele Hamilton v Ga; Weauesday, August 1, VHSS pers ; but we deny tb right of Pope or Priest to touch the conscience ; we distrust a politico-religious organization with the head of the church a temporal Prince hurl ing thunders against heretics; denouncing the open Bible, punishing men as in Tusca ny for reading the word of God and teach ing others to read it; wo dread the intoler* ant spirit thus displayed—a spirit manifest ed in our own country by the attempts made in New York and elsewhere to shut the Bible out of the public schools} and failing in that, attempting to divide the school fund that schools might be formed from which our Bible is Iq he excluded—we dread the ascendency of such an organiza tion, and when Brownsnn. one of theirown writers, says that this he a Catholic country, that the convent hell shall be heard from Maine to Georgia, and that “thecleau sacrifice for the living and the dead,” shall be offered over this who£e couutry—We re ply, never —if we can hejp it 1 By the memory of the noble army of Mar tyrs { by the recollection of the struggle of j Luther who erected his broad platform in the midst of Europe, and defied the power alike of Emperor and Pope; by the suffer ing of Protestants every the supremacy of the our liberty ; to bring h c i bo because taut republic. Our J| native Ca legiance to the Catholic hold that say we v..te Joffices of this republic. You must take the ■PPfsibility of such a church connection as you choose to main tain, Not that we dread the temporal power of the Pope, but we believe his church to be hostile to our institutions. Will he permit a Protestant house of wor ship to be reared by the side of St. Peter’s, or in front of the Vatican ? Will he permit our Bible to be read openly within his do minions? Is h,e friendly to republicanism? In JB4B the republican spirit flamed up in Rome; who was the first to take fright at it ? The Pope, in the disguise of a courier, hooted and spurred, fled from his dominions, Meu were full of hope, descendants of the ancient Romans theycou'd without a blush walk under the rr.ondments of their former glory, the fire* of liberty were rekindled up on their old altars. Then Austria, the basest of the King doms ; Austria who pfit down Hungary with the bayonet, Austria who whipped women publicly through the streets, Austria sent her soldiers, and France sent her s, and the Pope was seated once more upon his throne. Is it to be expected that any man who acknowledges any allegiance to this Prince, can expect to be elevated to office by the American people? No religious test is required—but our ap. prehension is, that those who hold any alle giance to the Pope, will sustain his policy and that if his church should ever acquire the ascendency in this country, the very same intolerance which has been shown iu other countries, where his rule is supreme, i would he displayedjjfiye. reaswa. | the Americans declare that they will not I elevate to office those who acknowledge | his allegiance ; but this does not bear upon he native Catholic who disclaims this alle giance. The oath of some of the dignitaries of the Roman Catholic Church, Bishops and Arch-Bishops, it is said,—requires them to j persecute heretics. “Heretics, schismatics I and rebels to our said Lord, or his foresaid | successors, 1 will, to my utmost power, per i secuto and wage war with.” We must then forever oppose the iocrease of this power j within the limits of this Protestant Repub : lie. I We are asked if we would exclude any 1 sect by law ? We must reply that we seek [only to influence public sentiment—keep that sound and we want no other guaranty. 3. We will give our support to a party aiming to be national, and yet giving its support and protection to the rights of the South. This the American party duos, and, therefor#, we act with it. But a short time since the “Union,” the organ of the Pierce administration, advised Demo cratic parly to ignore the question jof slave ry. It says: / “ If we were right iu assuming that the North and the South can never harmonize on tbo abstract subject of slavery, it follows that there can be no such thing# as national parties,.except upon the basis of an entire ipTusion of ibe subject frotij iheirpolitifal ! twied#. - ‘No jpaiWstMttcsl -Proposition h more trad tltau that the only basts of party organization is en agreement among those who enter into it upon the subjects which they recognize as belonging to its creed.— They may differ as widely as is possible as to all subjects not embraced by their party creed, but to be harmonious inside their or ganization they must have common senti ments, and stand together ou a Common platform. These truths will command ready assent, and they demonstrate the proposi* tion that no party embracing members at the North and tbo South can be national or harmonious in its organization which does uot exclude the question of slavery from its creed. If Northern men insist upou en grafting upou tbeir party creed the doctrine that slavery is a moral or political evil, they raise an insufferable barrier against a harmonious association with Southern men. In like manner, if Southern, men insist on making it a party creed that slavery is mor ally and politically right,, they thereby cut off Northern men from political association with them. The necessary result is. that, without toleratiou of differences of opinion as to the true question of slavery, parties [are necessarily sectional and cannot possi bly be national.” Was so monstrous a proposition ever be*. fore put forth by a great party, in this coun try? It £oceeds upon the idea that the rights of tne South must be absolutely sur rendered for the good of the Democratic parly} that tho Northern Democrats hold opinions hostile to slavery, and Southern Wemocrats favorable to it; therefore they l&annot agree, and it is better to say noth ing in convention upon that subject; but hold the Party together even if the feeble section of the Union should be trodden doivn. ft seems thnt the Democratic party of Pennsylvania, meeting in convention the’ other day, followed this couosel. So, too. we learn, was it in New Jersey and in Maine. , What a contrast does the course of the American Party, assembled at Philadelphia, present! They adopted, on the slavery i question, the soundest platform ever put ‘forth by any party in this country. This courageous and high-souled body of men undertook to do their duty to the whole country; the North was there in its power, but these men vindicated the rights of the South; passed their pattiotic and sterling resolutions in the very face of the Abolition ists and Free Soilers.i and then the Aboli tionists and Free Soilers walked out of doors! Which party is most worthy of our sup port? A party flushed with power and holding the offices of the country, yet igno ring the questiou of slavery, that it may hold on to the spoils ? or a young, gallant, courageous parly, magnanimously meeting every issue, throwing the ffigis of their strength in defence of the South, and pro* 1 claiming their principles to the whole world! The administration party, to-day, per fectly realizes Mr. Calhoun’s graphic de scription—they are bound by no principle, “but held together by the cohesive power oi ’ public plunder.” I Generous, gallant young Giant, the Amer i ican Party stands, to-day, like Sampson in his youth, his invincible locks streaming iu the winds of heaven; his limbs unbound, glowiug with ardor and hope; you cannot bind him within walls; he will burst through the gates of Gaza and bear them away upon his broad shoulders! You call upon us to quit this platform because Northern Abolitionists abandon it. To my mind that is a conclusive reason why Southern men should stand upon it and de fend it. 4. The American Party deserves our sup port, because it seeks to maintain the Con stitution and preserves the Federal Union. We prize the action of the convention, because it assert* it in unqualified terms, a profound sentiment of love for the Union . It ought tis be preserved—to utter the senti ment of that distinguished matt—always an American though erring as we think in some important measures, with a heart always true to his couatry, from the hour of boy hood when a British officer ordered him to black his boots, BDd be refosing, the ruffian ■mote the lad in the face, up to the latest moment of his life when an humble and trusting Christian be breathed out his life in the Hermitage; we utter the language of Gen. Jacksou, borrowed by him from Wash ington : “The Federal Union must be pre served.” The hostility displayed by some presses and by some gentlemen towards the Ahterican party may be accounted for from the fact, that it aims to infuse new vigor into the constitution, and to preserve the Union. The Charleston Afersury—one of £ VOE. .4—NO. S2. the most brilliant papers in tho tvhfcle coiitt* try. North or ftofltn—candidly states this as an objection to the ne*r eirganizuion. “But again :’The position affairs, just before the advenAf the Know-nothing par ly, was eminently favorable to th# Union ot tho Sontb. The old parties were disfttem- The whin iu the South had been driven out from the party rank# by theWy non -of .abolition, the democrats or the South were experiencing a like fate. A storm of unequaled fury was descending upon ns.* Throughout the Bhgtk the ne cessity of Uuiou was becoftiiiijPtojiin imperi re-estabiisbiiSig their party through itsor-T conization, and revived their fast dying invh tor national idols.” Now, these presses, and these geuUemeh are patriotic, but they have despaired of the republic. We have non we adopt the glo rious Roman sentiment— “never despair of ibe r publicWo shall stand by the Uutott while there is any hope of maintaining our rights under it. To-day, we are one great republic—divide and We shall fall; we shall be without an army for our protection, or ft navy for our defence. If ever it Wits im portant to preserve the Union, it is import tant now. Europe is heaving under tom vulsions—powerful armies are in the field still greater dynasties thun those now in ex istence will spring out of these convulsions, and republicanism will be threatened. No* where in all the world but here, it there a republic worth the name. In 4be clefts of the Alps, Swiizerlaftß preserves her liberty; but this government is the only powerful free State on the globe, !do Uot belieVe ‘ that our republican system would long sur - vive a breaking up of this Union. As to ■ slavery, it is as I have more than once said: : safer In the Un ion than it would he out of it. Os course, in desiring to maintain thft Union, I wish to preserve a constitutional 1 Union. The noble task which thejAmeHcatt pir* ty has undertaken, is to protect the rights of the South—to maintain the constitution : and to preserve the Union. 1 propose to aid that party, to th foil ex tent of my ability, in aacomplisbingttbe glo rious objects. Let us appeal once more to the masse* of the North to be faithful to thft constitution ; and if we fail to awaken their patriotism, wokncW bon re dim ierdefeucß of our institutions. , 1 call upou you,gentlemen of both partitst to quit your ancient standaids and come Up to the aid of this great and patriotic party, Its glorious ensign is the harbinger of a bet ter day. Other parties are like formations in the clouds, which rise, perform their functions, aud disappear; hnt this organi zation is the emerging of a continent from the wild waters or the oceab. It Will standi We are striving t revive the great prin ciples of the REVOLUTION and the RE FORMATION, A party which proposes such aims as these, must uot be denounced as unworthy of support. We honor whigi who support it ;.but much more do we bon orsderaocrats who come up to its support* for they abandon a party* in the full plentl tude of its powers, and prove that they loVft tbeir country more than their party, . I turn, gentlemen, that We shall be able to save the Country, Let us save the UotoU from the hands which threaten to destroy it; and uphold its nohle and stately col umns through till the cycles of the coming future. Napoleon and Hia General.—Tha Washington Union writes as follows; It appears from private letters for whose authenticity, however, we desire not to be,.held responsible—that the Emperor of France, instead of going in person to take the command ia the Crimea, is ain bitious of carrying on the war in his Cab*- inet, and has roused the ire of the ’smok er.’ Pelissier, by a succession of dis patches for his special direction, insomuch that the General has no time to attend'- to anything but the telegraph. There is; we think, great reason to <|oubt the sncv cessful military operation under the super intendence of a commander-in-chief two or three thousand miles distant, not-- withstanding the facility of transmitting’ orders by telegraph; and we do not wonder General Pelessier—-who is said to be very quick on the trigger—is in dignant at this species of dry-nursing; The Emperor had better leave him to* smoke the Russians oat of Sebastopol! Great Fires in New Hampshire.— We learn !,by a dispatch that the loss by the conflagration of the great Cotton Milt in Manchester, New Hampshire on th* 16 inst. amounts to $250/000. Five hundred persons were thrown out of anw ployment; The mill was insured for only SIOO,OOO. 3 The second fire which broke out tb* same day, destroyed 82 building, store* and dwelling houses, involving a total loss of SIOO,OOO. Two acres of ground was burned over. ‘ ._■!> . IIJH l/JI p#l “I v>orn crops is made in this country.