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The Pacesetter of the Seventies
GARY JOHNSON JOHNNY TURNER
member Editor Asocial* Editor
CARL BROWN, Business Manager
LYNDON MAYES, Managing Editor
Asst. Editors: John Tyler Hammett, Ron Childs
Executive Editors: Tom Cauthom, Bobby Phillips
(Unsigned editorials are the opinion ol the Cluster and should not be confused with
news stpries Signed columns end cartoons ere the opinions of the authors end not the
Cluster )
Mercer Maturity
Still Unevidenced
Last Spring Quarter a report was presented
to the SGA Senate outlining a system which
would place more responsibility for disciplin
ary matters Into the hands of students. Be
cause of some points raised by the University
Disciplinary Committee and by several stu
dents the Waverly Conference asked that fur
ther study be given to the matter before it
was presented in final form to the President
and the Board of Trustees.
At Waverly the SGA President appointed a
committee to revise the proposed judicial
system, and extensive work was done over the
summer. In its current form within the com
mittee the system would provide for lower
courts composed of students to adjudicate
minor student offenses, and there is provision
for a higher court to replace the University
Disciplinary Committee to adjudicate major
offenses and to act as an appellant body bom
the lower courts. The committee is also pre
paring a revised Student Code of Conduct and
a Bill of Rights for the students.
A few weeks ago the proposal for a Men’s
Judicial Council (the lower court for the
men’s residence halls) was presented to the
men in a referendum. It was defeated in a re
latively close vote.
It is ironic that at a time when most stu
dents are clamoring for more power and are
demanding that they be given control over
their own affairs that a proposal which would
by Altai Wallacw
do exactly that is defeated. Of course some
Mercer students may be in the process of rea
lizing that their peers are not mature and re
sponsible enough to sit in judgement of
others, but I doubt this.
There was much misunderstanding of how
the Men’s Judicial Council would function.
This point was made salient to me when I sat
in on a freshman English class where the
matter was discussed briefly; it was clear that
the freshman who spoke against the Council
had been misinformed (or not informed at all)
as to the duties and purposes of the Council.
At the SGA Senate meeting last week misun
derstanding was reflected again, by one Sena
tor in particular who seemed incapable of
thinking beyond his own preconceived pre
judices. There was a cover letter supposed to
explain the Council attached to the referen
dum ballot, but this was rather vague; this
vagueeness was explained by the author of the
letter (the SGA President) when he stated that
he himaelf was “a little unsure” of exactly
how the Council would (Unction. Despite this
and despite the fact that one student stated
that some hall counselors had sought to influ
ence the voting in the referendum the Senate
refused to conduct another vote.
Perhaps some day Mercer students will
begin to show their maturity by accepting the
responsibility which is an essential part of
coming of age and of becoming educated.
On Capitol Hill
When the President of the United States
has something to say, both the Congress and
people inevitably find something to say about
it. Such was certainly the case with the Presi
dent’s Vietnam address of 3 November. In this
week’s expanded coverage, I shall do two
things; First, I shall include copies of the
Nixon and Ho Chi Minh letters that the Presi
dent mentioned at the end of his address; and
second, I shall relay the reaction of the war
critics, so that the long range effects of the
President's pleas for greater unity may be ac
curately assessed.
Following, is the full text of the Richard
M. Nixon and Ho Chi Minh letters.
In terms of the unifying effect of the Presi
dent's message, it is the reactions of the war
critics that must be carefully considered — not
the reactions of those already told on the
President’s policies. In this vital area of presi
dential salesmanship, the Nixon address was a
dismal failure. Evidence abounds ih the re
action of his critics. Representitive statement*
follow:
Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts: “I and mil
lions of Americans were most disappointed by
the Presidents address on Vietnam. The Presi
dent’s speech, simply stated, was more of the
same — no new hopes, no new cooriderations,
no new inspiration for an American people
who have waited so long and given so much
for peace.”
Stephen M. Young of Ohio: “The President
revealed no new initiatives toward peace. His
talk about a secret schedule of withdrawal re
minded me of his promised secret plan to end
the war — a plan announced more than 13
months ago which remains his secret. His plea
to the American people was not successful
and w« only serve to iacmare opposition to
our continued Involvement hi that immoral
undeclared war in Vietnam.
Charles Goodril of New York: “President
Nixon has one* again stated his daaira for
peace. I am most disappointed, however, that
he has offered no new policy initiatives The
Pmridant will heap American foraas in V|et-
THE MERCER CLUSTER • January 13,1970 • 2
by Larry Finkwlstwin
nam — and continue American casualties —
well into the 1970’s."
And finally, Senate Majority Leader, Mike
Mansfield: “The President spoke sincerely for
peace. He emphasized once again, that he
wants to get the United States out of Viet
nam. What is still not clear is the how or
when. There were no specifics. The President
undoubtedly had his reasons for not making
this clarification. Nevertheless, until it is
made, I am afraid the issue of Vietnam will
remain as divisive as ever in the life of the na
tion.”
The White House,
July IS, 1969
His Excellency Ho Chi Minh,
President, Democratic Republic of Vietnam,
Hanoi.
Dear Mr. President: I realise that It is diffi
cult to communicate meaningfully across the
gulf of four years of war. But precisely be
cause of this gulf I wanted to take this oppor
tunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my daaira
to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that
the war in Vietnam has gone on too long pad
delay in bringing it to an and can benefit no
one - Mast of all the people of Vietnam. My
speech on May 14 laid a proposal which I be
lie** is fair to ail parties. Other proposals have
been mad* which attempt to gty* the people
of South Vietnam an opportunity to chooae
their own fhtnre. Them panpnsaM take into
account the reeonahM conditions of all ridae.
But we stand reedy to dMucm other ptogms
as well, specifically the 10-point ptopam at
the NLP.
As I have said repeatedly, them M nothing
to be gained by waiting. Delay can only In-
cream the dangers and multiply the euffsriag.
The Mam has cosare to mo** forward at the
cooMteoce table toward an early reaolatloa of
thte tmgte war. Yon wM find aa forthcoming
ana open-minded In a common effort to bria*
at aaae* to the brave people of
r - " ~ w
In Place of
(The following is adapted from In Place of
Folly by Norman Cousins. Dr. Cousins is
Editor-In-Chief of Saturday Review. -The
Editors)
The enemy is not a totalitarian power with
a world ideology. Nor Is the enemy solely the
unfettered national state, violating the rights
of man and jeopardizing his natural environ
ment
The enemy is many people. He Is a man
whom only concern about the world Is that It
stay in one piece during his own lifetime. He
regards his good fortune not a* a challenge to
get dose to the real problems of the age but
■* proof of the correctness of everything he
does. Nothing to him Is lam important than
the shape of things to com* or the needs of
the next generation. Talk of the legacy of the
past or of human destiny leaves him cold.
Historically, he is the disconnected man. When
he thinks about the world at ril, it is usually
in terms of his hope that the atomic fireworks
can be postponed for fifteen or twenty years.
The enemy is a man who not only believe*
in his own helplessness but worships it His
main article of frith is that there are mam
moth forces at work which the individual can
not possibly comprehend, much leas alter or
direct. He assumes that only people In author
ity are in a position to know and act He be
lieves that if vital information essential to the
wholly or
ask no
quences
The enemy
lie mandates b
own, (
about
obsessive fear of
wa
bo
that he is
tion may enjoy among Its
world. He Is
connection
act in behalf of the hi
The eoemy is any
with personal peace a
personal responsibility.
At a time when everything man could be
and when everything man could have am in
jeopardy. It is saasntiri that we know not the
name* of easy scapegoats, but the faces of the
enemy.
The Vocal Minority
Bonzai,
Mr. Nixon!
If any virtue is ever found
in America’s silent majority, it
may be the fact that it Is
silent. All other praise escapes
me.
Several years ago, this
majority adopted a* Its own, a
fun-filled hobby known as the
Viet-Nam War, better known
as “Let’s get our minds off of
domestic problems.” Since
then, this game has continued
much to the joy and amuse
ment of its co-inventors, the
South Viet-Nameee oligarchy
and the CJ.A.
Now the time for fun and
nonsense Is over. A very vocal
minority has arisen in this
country which will not take
anymore of this type of Ain.
The call is for an immediate
withdrawal of American forces
from Viet-Nam and continued
resistance to the war as long
as any U. S. forces remain
there. No redress or grievances
has been given yet or is any in
immediate sight. Therefore,
only on* course remains: con
stant and vigorous resistance
to administrative policies in
regard to the war. In fact, we
must be in a state of virtual
revolution with respect to the
war machinery.
This revolution must In
clude resistance to lepl
by Rogwr Boll
slavery (the draft), exhaustion
of all legal protases*, demon
strations and strikes, even
armed rebellion if our de
mands are not met within the
immediate Artur*.
In view of Nixon’s about-
face policy on anti-war pro
test, it may well take an
armed rebellion to ensure that
our demands are even taken
seriously!
A quarter of a million
people made it to Washington
on November 15th to register
their protest agslest the war.
One may have a gun next
time, Mr. Nixon. You had
hatter turn around and look.
From the Editor
The Seventies — —
A Decade of Hope
Although the Student Uon have functioned this year healthy, and It M hoped that
Government Association Sen- as autonomous bodies. The the Cluater and the SGA can
ate and the Cluster have been Cluster ha* had a free hand in continue to work topthsr tor
at odds with each other at analysing aad evriaatfc* the the betterment of Mercer,
times, the Ouster does re- wwrk of the Senate. This is
cognise the program and
achievement of that body.
The student senate has indeed
made greet strides. It ha* con
fronted, debated, and resolved
many key isaucs that had to
be freed. Aad though the de
bate has at time* been lactic,
it ha* also been fruitful.
And so, w* begin the new
year, the Ouatar’s 50th year,
with the spMt of optimism.
Them as* many Isaucs yet to
be reaotved. But we hate MM
the pound work. It M now up
to the Chaster and the Senate
to take the Mad in mohrlng
them Manes. Speciri t*tntton
mast, of necessity be Mean to
of