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tions, which in effect throws most of the task on the United States. Tims it is that the distracted internal condition of the State of Nicaragua lias made it incumbent on me to appeal to the good Faith of our citizens to abstain from unlawful intervention in its affairs, and to .adopt preventive measures to the same end, which, on a similar occasion had the best results in reassuring the peace of the Mexican Sta'cs of Sonora and Lower California. TREATIES Since the last session of Congress a treaty of amity 7 , commerce, and navigation, and for the surrender of fugitive criminals, with the kingdom of the Two Sicilies; a treaty of friend ship, commence and navigation with Nicaragua; and a covention of commercial reciprocity with t,hc Hawaiian kingdom have been negotiated. The latter kingdom and the State of Nicaragua have also acceded to a declaration recognising as international rights the principles contained in the convention between t ! m United States and Russia of the 22d July, 1854. These treaties and conventions will be laid before the Senate for ratification. TREASURY. The statements made in my last annual message respecting the anticipated receipts mid expenditures of the Treasury have been substantially verified. It appears from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that the receipts during the last fiscal year ending June 30, 1855, from all sources, wove sixty-five millon three thousand nine hundred and thirty dollars ; and that the pubic expenditures for the same period, ex clusive of payments on account of the public debt, amounted to fifty-six million three hundred and sixty-five thousand three hundred and ninety-three dollars. During the same period the payments made in redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, amounted to nine million eight hundred and forty-four thousand five hundred and twenty eight dollars. The balance in the Treasury at the begin ning of the present fiscal year, July 1, 1555, was eighteen million nine hundred and thirty one thousand nine hundred and seventy-six dollars ; the receipts for the first quarter, and the estimated receipts for the remaining three quarters, amount, together, 1o sixty seven million nine hundred and eighteen thousand seven hundred and thirty four dollars ; thus affording in all, as the available resources of the current fiscal year, the sum of eightv-six million eight hundred and fifty-six thousand seven hundred and ten dollars. If to the actual expenditures of the first quarter of the current fiscal year be added the probable expenditures for the remaining three quarters as estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, the sum total will be seventy-one million two hundred and twenty six thousand eight hundred and forty-six dollars, thereby leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury on July 1, 1856, of fifteen million six hu-idred and twenty-three thousand eight hundred and sixty-three dollars and forty-one cents. In the above estimated expenditures of the present fiscal year are included three million dollars to meet the last instalment of the ten millions provided for in the late treaty with Mexico, and seven millions seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars appropriated on account of the debt due to Texas, which two sums make an aggregate amount of ten million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollar.;, and reduce the expenditures, actu and or estimated, or ordinary the year, to the sum of sixty millions sou hundered and seventy-six thousand dollars The amount of the public debt at the com mencement of the present fiscal year was forty million five hand ed and eight-three thousand six hundred and thirty one dollars, and, deduc tion being made of subsequent payments, the whole public debt of the Federal Government, remaining at this time is less than forty million dollars. The remnant of certain other Government stocks, amounting to two hundred and forty three thousand dollars, referred to in mv last message as outstanding, has si.noe been ’ paid lam fully persuaded that it would be dif ficult to devise a system superior to that by which the fiscal business of the Government is now conducted. Notwithstanding the great number of public agents of collection aiuf dis bursement, it is believed that the checks and guards privided, including the requirement of monthly returns, render it scarcely possible for any considerable fraud on the part of those agents, or neglect involving hazard of serious public loss, to escape detection. I renew, however, the recommendation heretofore made by me of the enacmcnt of a law declaring it. felony on the part of public officers to insert false entires in their books of record or account, or to make false returns ; and also requiring them, on the termination of their service to deliver to their successors all books, records, and other objects of a public nature in their custody. Derived as our public revenue is, in chief part,from duties on imports, its magnitude affords gratifying evidence of the prosperity, not only of our commerce, but of the other great interests upon which that depends. The principle that all moneys not required for the current expenses of the Government should remain for active employment in the hands of the people, and the conspicuous fact that the annual revenue from all sources ex ceeds, by many millions of dodars the amount needed for a prudent and economical administra tion of public affairs, cannot fail to suggest the propriety of an early revision and reduction of the tariff of duties on imports, ft is now •so generally conceded that the purpose of revenue alone can justify the imposition of duties on imports, that, in re adjusting the impost tables and schedules, which unqestiona bly required essential modifications, a departure from the principles of the present tariff is not anticipated. ARMY. The army, during the past year, has been actively engaged in defending the Indian frontier, the state of our service permitting but few iuid small garrisons in our permanant fortifications. Ihe additional regiments au thorized at the last session of congress have been recruited and organized, and a large portion of the troops have* already been sent to the field. All the duties which devolve on the military establishment have been satisfac torily performed, and the dangers and priva tions incidental to the character of the service required of our troops have furnished addj.tio.jaT evidence of their courage zeal, nnd4A*apacity to meet any requisition which their country may make upon them. For the details of the military operations, the distribution of the troops, and additional provisions required for the military service I refer to the report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents. Experience, gathered from events which ha ve transpired since my last annual has but served to confirm the opinion then expressed of the propriety of making provision, by a retired list, for disabled officers, and for increased compensation to the officers retained on the list for active duty. All the reasons which exited when these measure- were recom mended on former occasions continue without modification, except so far as circumstances have given to some of them addditionnl force. The recommendations heretofore made for a partial reorganization of the al'inv are also renewed. The thorough elementary education given to those officers, who commence their service with the grade of cadet qualifies them, to a considerable extent, to perform the duties of every arm. of the service ; but to give the highest efficiency to artilery requires the practice and special study of many years ; and it is not, therefore, believed t > lie adviseable to maintain in time of peace, a larger force of that arm than can be usually employed in the duties appertaining to the service of field and siege artillery, 1 ilie duties of the staff in all its various branches belonging to the move ments of troops, and the efficiency of an ar my in tie field would materially depend upon the ability with which those duties arcdiscarg ed. It is not, as in the case of artilery, a speciality, but. requires also an intimate knowledge of the duties of an officer of the line, and it is not doubted that, to complete the education of an officer for either the line or the-general staff, it is desirable that he shall have served in both. With this view it was recommended on a former occasion that the duties of the staffs should be mainly performed by details from the line ; and, with conviction of the’ advantages which would result from such a change, it is again presented for consideration of Congress. NAVY. The report of the Secreutary of the Navy, herewith submitted, exhibits in full the naval operations of the past year, together with the present condition of the service ; and it makes suggestions of further legislation, to which your attention is invited. The construction of the six steam frigates for which apporpriations were made by .the last Congress lias proceeded in the most satisfactory manner, and with such expedition as to warrant the belief that they will lie ready for service early in the coming spring. Im portant as this addition to our naval force is, it still remains inadequate to the contingent ex igencies of the protection of the extensive seaeoast and vast commercial interests of the United States. In view of this fact, and of the acknowledged wisdom of the policy of a gradual and systematic increase of the navy, an appropriation is ref ommended for the construction of six steam sloops of-war. In regard to the steps taken in execution of the act of Congress to promote the efficiency of the navy, it is unnecessary for me to say move than to express entire concnrence in the observations on that subject presented by the Secretary in his report. POST OFFICE. It will be perceived by the report of the Postmaster General that the gross expenditure of the Departmet for the last fiscal year was nine million nine hundred and sixty-eight thousand three hundred and forty two dollars, and the gross receipts seven million three hun dred and forty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-six dollars, making an excess of expendi ture over receipts of two million six hundred and twenty-six thousand two hundred and six dollars : and that the cost of mail transporta ti-on during that year was, six hundred and seventy four thousand nine hundred and ‘fifty two dollars greater than the previous year. Much of the heavy expenditures to which* the Treasury is thus subjected is to be ascribed to tiie large quantity of printed matter convey ed by the mails, either franked, or liable to lio postage by law, or to very low rates of post age compared with that charged on letters, and to the great cost of mail service on rail roads and by ocean steamers. The sugges tions of the Postmaster General on the sub ject deserve the consideration of Congress. INTERIOR. The report of the Secretary of the Interior will engage your attention,as well for the useful suggestions it contains as for the interest and importance of the subject to which they refer The aggregate amount of public land sold during the last fiscal year, located with milita ry scrip or land warrants, taken up under grams for roads, and selected as swamp lands by States, is twenty-four million five hundred and fifty seven thousand four hundred and nine acres , of which the portion sold was fifteen million seven hundred and twenty-nine thousand five hundred and twenty four acres, yielding in receipts the um of eleven million four hundred and eighty-five thousand three hundred and eighty dollars. In the same period of time eight million seven hundred and fifty-four acres have been surveyed ; but, in consideration of the quantity already subject to entry, no additional tracts have been brought into market. The peculiar relation of the General Gov ernment to the District of Columbia renders it proper to commend to your care not only its material, but also its moral interests, in eluding education, more especially in those parts of the District outside of the cities of Wasliintion and Georgetown. The Commissioners appointed to revise snd codify the Laws of the District have made such progress in the performace of their task as insure its completion in the time prescribed by the act of Congress. Information has recently been recievcd that the peace of the settlements in the Territories of Oregon and Washington is disturbed by hostilities on the part of the Indians, with indications of extensive combinations of a hostile character among the tribes in that quarter, the most serious in their possible effect by reason of the undetermined fore gn interests existing in those Territories, to which your attention has already been especially in vited. Efficient measures have been taken which, it is believed, will restore quiet and af ford protection to our citizens In the Territory of Kansas there have been acts prejndical to good order, but as yet none have occurred under circumstances to justify the interposition of the Federal Executive.— That could only be in case of obstruction to Federal law or of organized resistance to Territorial law, assuming the character of insurrection, which, if it should occur, it would be my duty promptly to overcome and sup press. I cherish the hope, however, that the occurrence of any such untoward event will by the sound sense of the people of tfiHTerritory, who, by its organic law pos sessing u*c right to determine their own domestic institutions, are entitled, while dc porting theiwlvcs peacefully, to the ercisc of thatwighb, aniLjnust be nr/ n t n a j n the TvitlurnTTfiJmercnce on the partfof the citizens of any of the States. ThqSouthcrn boundry line oftliis Territory hsus (Ksver been surveyed and established. The rapidly extending settlements in that region, and the fact that the main route between Indepedence, in the State of Missouri, and New Mexico, is contiguous to this line, sug gest the probability that embarrassing ques tions of jurisdiction may consequently arise. For these and other considerations I commend the subject to your early attention. CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY OF THE GOVERNMENT. I have thus passed in review the general state of the Union, including swfeh particular concerns of the Federal Government, whether of domestic or foreign relation, as it appeared to me desirable and useful to bring to the special notice of Congress. Uiiiy?sHW great States of Europe and Asia, arid many of those of America, these United States are wasting their strength neither in foreign war nor domestic strife. Whatever of .discontent or public disatisfaction exist is attributable to the imperfections of human nature or is incident to all governments, however perfect, which human wisdom can devise. Bneli subjects of political agitation as occupy the public mind consist, to a great extent, of exag'eration of inevitable evils, or over-zeal in social improve ment, or mere imagination as grievance, hav ing but remote connection wi h any of the constitutional functions or duties of the Feder al Government. To whatever extent these questions exhibit a tendency menacing to the stability of the Constitution or the integrity of the Union, and no further, they demand the consideration of the Executive, and require to be presented by him to Congress. Before the Thirteen Colonies became a confedera tion of Independent States, they were associated only by community of transalantic origin, by geographical position, and by tic of common dependence on Great Britain; When that tie was sundered, they severally assumed the powers and rights of absolute selfgovernment. The municipal and social institutions of each, its laws of property and of personal relations, even its political organization, were such only as each one chose to establish, wholly without any in terference from any other. In tiie language of the Declaration of Independence, each State had “full power to levy war,conclude peace, contract alliances establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.” ‘The several colonies differed in climate, in soil, in natural productions, in religion, in systems of education, in legislation, and in fire* forms of political administration ; and they continued to differ in these respects when they voluntarily all lied themselves as States to carry on the war of the Revolution. The object of that war was to disenthral the United Colonies from foreign rule, which had proved to be oppressive, and to separate them permanently from the mother country. The political result was the foundation of a Federal Republic of tlie free white constituted, as they were, in oimnet and re Cipro cully independent Stote - Governments. As for the subject races, whether Indian or African, the wise and brave statesmen of that day, being engaged in no extra regent scheme of social change, left them as they were, and thus preserved themselves and limit* posterity from the anarchy and the ever-recurring civil wars which have prevailed in other revolution ized European colonics of America. When the confederated states found it convenient to modify the condition of their association, by giving to the Geneal Govern ment direct access, in some respects, to the people of the States, instead ot confining it to action on the States as such, Ahey proceeded to frame the existing constiffitiou, adhering steadily to one guiding thought which was to delegate only such power as unnecessary and proper to the execution of purposes, or, in other words, to retain as pos stlHe, consistently with Ihbseq l *i|PWfes, of the independent powers of the individual States. For objects of common defence and security they entrusted to the General Government certain carefully defined functions, leaving all others as the umlelcgated rights of the separate independent sovereignties. Such is the Constitutional theory of our Government, the practical observance of which has carried us and us alone, among modern republics, through nearly three gener ations of time, without the cost of one drop of blood shed in civil war. With freedom and concert of action, it has enabled us to coil- tend successfully on the battlefield against foreign foes, has elevated the feeble colonies into powerful States, and has ra'sedour indus trial productions and our commerse which transports them to the level of the richest and the greatest nations of Europe. And the ad mirable adoption of our political institutions to their objects, combining local self-govern ment with aggregate strength, has establish ed the practa validity of argcrrCThqjgfit ITkc ours to cover a continent with confederate States. The Congress of the United States is, in effect, that congress of sovereignties which good men in the Old World have sought for but could never attain, and which imparts to America an exemption from the mutable leagues for common action, from the wars, the mutual invasions, and vague aspirations after the ballance of power which convulse from time to time, the Governments of Europe,— Our co operative action rests in the condition of permanent confederat ion prescribed by the constitution. Our ballance of power is in the separate reserved rights of the States,and their equal representation in the Senate. That in dependent sovereignty in every one of the States, with its reserved rightj of local self government, assured to each bj their co-equal power in the Senate, was the fundamental con dition of the Constitution Without it the Union would never have existed. However disirous the larger States migliirJgjt o recog nize the Government so as to give to their population its propotiouate weight in the com mon councils, they knew it was impossible, un less they conceded to the situller ones au thority to exercise at least a. negative influence on all the measures of the Government, wheth er legitlativc or executive,through their equal representation in the Senate. Indeed the lar ger States themselves could not have failed to perceive that the same power was equally ne cessary to them for (ho security of their own domestic interests against the aggregate force of the general Government. It! a word, the original States went into Ads permanent league on the agreed premises cf exerting their common strength for the defence of the whole and of all its parts, but of utterly excluding all capability of reciprocal aggression. Each solemnly bound themselves together neither to undertake nor permit any encroachment upon or intermeddling with other’s icserved rights. Where it was deemed expedient,, particular lights of the Stat teccl by the Coj^’ utio 3l>ut \ Jll things^; “! dra . f t, ( ! O MSwc-,-eg“k.ll ’ ‘he limitaj. .01, oni/j; mvers compact of V xx ]2ir Thus ihe great po\fe< of-taxation was IJJfited to purposes of confir l dclcneo and welfare, including appertain ing to the local legislation oflja* several States and those purposes of U’oiMgtil welfare and common defence were aft'cjK’ds defined by specific enumeration, as boiSfc'atters only ol c-i-relation between the St3Bfc s themselves, or between them and forefg u'VShL'" meats, which, because of their common anv na.uie, could not be left to the scparl ltc c 9 utrol ol each State. * Os the c.rcnmstauecs of local conditions, in- j terest, and rights, in which a portion of the j States, constituting one great section of the I Onion, differed from the rest, and from an other section, the most important was the pe culiarity of a large relative co'ored population m th(*Soutliern than in tlie Northern States. A population of this class, held in subjec tion, existed in nearly all the States, but was more numerous and of more serious concern ment, in the South than in the North, on ac count ot natural differences of climate and production; and it was foreseen that, for the same reasons, while the population would di mmish, and sooner or later, cense to exist, in some States, it might increase in others. The peculiar character and magnitude of this ones tion of local rights, not in material relations only, but still more in social ones, caused it to enter into the stipulations of the Constitu tions. Hence, while the General Government, as well by the enumerated powers granted to it as by those not enumerated, and therefore re fused to it, was forbidden to touch this matter in tlse sense of attack or offence, it was plac ed under the general safeguard of the Union, in this sense of defence against cither invasion or domestic violence, like all other local inter ests of the several States. Each State ex’ press]y stipulated, as well for itself as for each and all of its citizens, and every citizen of eacli State became solemnly bound by his allegiance to the Constitution, any person, held to labor or service in one State, escaping into another, should 110't, in consequence of any law or re gulation thereof, be discharged from such ser vices or labor, but should be delivered up on claim of the property to whom such service or labor might lie due by the law of his State. Thus, and thus only, by the reciprocal guar anty of all the rights of every State a gainst interference on the part of another, was the present form of government establish ed by our fathers and transmitted to us; and by no other, means it is possible for it to ex ist. If one State ceases to respect the rights of another, and obtrusively intermeddles with its local interests; if a portion of the States assume to impose their institutions on tue oth ers,or refuse to fulfill their obligations to them we are no longer united friendly States, but distracted hostile ones, with little capacity left of common advantage, but abundant means of reciprocal injury and mischief. Practically, it is rmmaterird whether ag gressive interference between the States, or i deliberate refusal on the part of any one of! them to comply with constitututional obliga 1 tions, arise from erroneous conviction or blind ; prejudice, whether it be perpetrated by dircc 1 tion or indirection. In either case it is full of ‘ threat and of danger to the durability of the Union. CONSTITUTIONAL EOLATION OF SLAVERY. Placed in the office of Chief Magistrate, ns the executive agent of the whole conning i bound to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and especially enjoined by the Con stitution to give information to Congress on the state of the Union, it would be palpable neglect of duty on my part to pass over a sub ject like this, which beyond all things at the 1 present time, virtually concerns individual and | public security. It has been a matter of painful regret to sec ‘ States, conspicuous for their services in found ing this republic, and equally sharing its ad vantages, disregard their constitutional obli gations to it.. Although conscious of their in ability to lieaHadmittlcd and palpafde soexd evils of their own, and, which arc completely within their jurisdiction, they engage in the offensive and hopeless undertaking of reform ing the domestic institutions of other States wholly beyond their control and authority. In the vain pursuits of ends by them entirely un attainable, and which they may not legally at tempt to compass, they peril the very existence of the Constitution and all the countless ben - I efits which it has conferred. While the peo ple of the Southern States confine their atten- 1 tion to their own affairs, not presuming ofii- i daily to intermeddle with the social institions i of the Northern States, too many of the in ; habitats of the latter arc permanently organ ized in associations to inflict injury on the for- I mer by wrongful acts, which would be cause j of war as between foreign powers, and only fail to be such in our system because perpetrated under the cover of the Union. It is impossible to present this subject as ! truth and the occasion require without notic-b ing the reiterated and groundless allegation | that the South has persistently asserted claims ; and obtained advantages in the practical ad-; ministration of the General Government to! the'prejudice of the North, and in which the j latter has acquiesced; that is, the States, 1 which either promote or tolerate; attacks on the rights of persons and of property in other States to disguise their own injustice, pretend or imagine and constantly aver that they, whose constitutional rights arc thus systemati cally assailed, are themselves the aggressors. A* the present time this imputed aggression, resting, as it does, only in the vague declama tory charges of polical agitators, resolves it- j self into misapprehension or misinterpretation ! of the principals and'facts of the political or ganization of the new Territories of the Unit ed States What is the voice of history ? When the ordinance which provided for the Government of the territory northwest of the l’iver Ohio, and for its eventual subdivision into new States was adopted in the Congress of the Confederation, it is not to be supposesed that the question of future relative power, os be tween the States which retained and those which did not retain a numerous colored pop ulation, escaped notice or faildto be consider ed. And yet the concession of that vast ter ritory to the interests and opinions of the Northern States, a territory now the seat of five among the largest members ot the Union, was in a great measure iheaet of the State of Virginia and of the South. When Louisiana was acquired I)}’ 1 lie Unit ed Stales it was an acquisition not loss to the North than to the South; for while it was im portant to the country at the mouth of the ri ver Mississippi to become the emporium of the county above it, so also it was even more im portant to the whole Union to have that em porium. And although the new province, by reason of its imperfect settlement, was mainly regarded as on the Gulf of Mexico, yet infact, it is extended to the oposite bounda United States, with far greater bNuraTkabovo Ilian below, and was in territo ry, as in eVpry thing else, equally, at least, an accession to Hie Northern States. It is mere delusion and prejudice, therefore, to speak of Louisiana as iu the special interest of the South. The patriotic and just men who participat ed in that act were influenced by motive far above all sectional jealousies. It was in truth, the great event which, by completing for us the valley of the Mississippi, with commercial access to t-hc Gulf of Mexico, imparted #rrtt.y and strength to the whole Confederation, and | attached together by indissoluble ties the East J and the West as well as the North and the : South. As for Florida, that was but the transfer by Spain to the United States of territory on the East side of the river Mississippi, in exchange for large territory which the United States transfered to Spain on the West side of that river, as the entire deplomatic history of the transaction serves to demonstrate. Moreover it wvas an acquisition demanded by the com mercial interest and the security of the whole UYiion. * l In the mean time the people of the United States had grown up to a proper conscious ness of their strength, and in a brief contest with France, and in a second serious war with Great Britain, they had shaken off all which remained of undue reverence for Europe, and emerged from the atmosphere of tho-e trans atlantic influences which surround the infant Republic, and had begun to turn their atten-1 ‘tion to the full and systematic dc'-'clopemen t j of the infernal recourc.es of the Union. Among the evanescent controversies of that j period the most conspiem us was the question |of regulation by Congress of the social condi- I tion of the future States to be founded in the Territory of Louisiana. The ordinance for the Government of the territory north west of the river Ohio had con tained a povision which prohibited the use of servile labor therein, subject to the condition of the extradit'on of the fugitives from service due in any other part of the United Status. — Subsequently to the adoption of the Constitu tion this provision censed to remain as a law, ‘’ for its operations as such was absolutely sup- j ercceded by the Constitution. But therecul- i lection of the fact excited the real social pro I pagandism in some sections of the confedera tion, and when a second State, that of Mis souri, came to be formed in the T rritmv of j I Louisiana, propositions were made to extent! jto the latter Territory the restrictions origin-j j nlly applied to the country situated between j the rivers Ohio and Mi-slssip; i. ; Most questionable as was 11:1 rroporskioii ; jin all its constitutional relation*, nevertheless it. received the sanction, of Congress with some slight modifications of line, to save the exist ing rights oi the intended new State. If was reluctantly acquiesced in by Southern States as a sacrifice to t! e cause of peace and of the Union, not only of the rights stionh ti and by the treaty ot Louisiana, but of the principle of j equality among the States gnarenteed hv the ! Consiitution. It was received by the North- Urn States with angry and res id'd! condom ‘nation and complaint, because it did not de ] cide all which they hud exacting! v demanded. [ Having pa .-MV. I i ln-o!i!_>ji (lie- form* of tion, it took its place in the statute-book, j standing open to.repeal, ];ke env other act of! doubtful constitutionality, subject to be pro nounced null and void by the courts of law, : possessing no possible (tfn.'eucy to control the rights o! the Slates, which might thereafter be organized out. of anv part of the original Territory of Louisiana. In all this, if any aggression there were, any innovation upon the pre-cxLCrg rights, I to which portion of the Union are they justly i chargeable. j This controversy prssed away with the oc casion, nothing surviving it save the dormant letter of the statute- Hut, long aftenwards, when, by the propo sed accession of the Republic of Texas, the United States were to take In r next step in Territorial greatness; a similar contingency; occurred and became the occasion forsvst. uni tized attempts to intervene in the domestic af fairs of one section of the Union, in defiance of their rights as States and of the stipulation of the Constitution. These attempts assured a [ ratieal direction, in the shape of persever ing endeavors by some of the representatives; in both Houses of Congress to deprive the 1 I Southern States of the supposed benefit of j the pr< visions of the act authorizing the or-’ jganization of the State of Mis.-ouri- But the good sense of the people and tlio I vital force of the Constitution triumphed over; | sectional prejudice and the political errors of j the day, and the State of Texas returned to | the Union as site was, with social institutions: | her people clio-c for themseves, and with ex press agreement, by the re-annexation act, ; j that she should be susceptible of division into : i a plurality of States. I Whatever advantages the interests of the; ; Southern States, as such, gained by this, were j ! far inferior in results, as they unfolded in the ; I progress of tunc, to these which sprang from j I previous concessions made by the donth. To every thoughtful friend of the Union, to ; | the true lovers of their country,to all who lon-! j ged and labored for the full success of this 1 great experiment of republican institutions, it ! was cause of gratuhi tion that such an oppor tunity had occurred to illustrate our advan-j cing power on this continent, and to furnish; to the world additional assurance of the strength and stability of the Constitution.— Who would wish to see Honda still a Eu j ropean colony ? Who would rejoice to hail ; Texas as a lone star instead of one in the cal -, j nxy of States ? ‘*'< ho does not appreciate the j incalculable benefits of the acquisition of Loe isana. ? And yet narrow views and sectional purposes would inevitably have excluded them all from the Union. But another struggle on the same point en- j sued when our victorious armies returned from j Mexico, and it devolved on Congress to pro-j vide for the territories acquired by the treaty | of Gaudalope Hidalgo. The great relations! of the subject had now become distinct and j clear to the perception of -h<> public mind, j which appreciated the evils (astmetiomd iron- i trovers}’ upon the question of ihe administra- ! tion of new States. In that crisis intense so j lieitude pervaded the nation. But the patri otic impulse of the popular heart, guided by the admonitory advise of the Father <f his country, rose superior to all the difficulties; of the incorporation of anew empire into the j Union. In the council of Congress there was j manifested extensive antagonism of opinion and action between some representatives, who sought, by the abusive and unconstitutional employment of the legislative powers, of the Government, to interfere in the condition of the inchoate States, and to impose their own social theories upon the and other rep resent at ives, who repelled of the General Government in this respect, and maintained the self-constituting rights of the States. In truth the thing attempted was, in form alone, action of the General Govern ment, while in reality it was the endeavor, by the abuse of legislative power to force the ideas of internal policy entertained in particu lar States upon allied independent States.— Once more the constitution and the Un ion triumphed signally. The new Territories were organized w-'thout restrictions on the dis puted point, and were thus left to judge in that particular for themselves; and the sense of constitutional faith. ] roved vigorous enough in Congress not only to accomplish this pri mary object, but also tide inciclcntial and hard* !y less important one of so amending the pro visions of the statute for the extradition of fugitives from service as to place that public duty and the safeguard of the Government, and thus relieve,it from obstacles raised up by the legislation of some of the States. N ain declamation regarding the provisions of law lor the extradition of fugitives from service, with occasional cpisodics of frantic effort to ob struct their execution by riot and murder, continu ed, for a brief time, to agitate certain localities.— But the true principal, of leaving each State and Territory to regulate its own laws of labor accord ing to its own sense of right and expedience, had acquired fast hold of the public judgement to such a degree that.by common consent,it was observed in the organization of the Territory of Washington.- V'hen, more recently it became requisite to or ganize the'Territories'of Nebraska and Kansas, it was the natural and legitimate, if not the inevita ble consequence of previous events and legislation that the same great and sound principle which had already been applied to Utah and New Mexico I should be applied to them, that they should be ex empt- from the restrict ions proposed in the act rela tive to tin'. Mate o! Missouri. r i fiese restrictions were, in the estimation of ma il} thong Man nun. null from the begin ing, unau thorized. by the Constitution, contrary to the’ trea ty stipulations for the cession of Louisiana,and in consistent with the equality of the St a 4 os. ‘A: They had been stripped of all moral authority by persistent efforts to procure their indirect re peal thro’ contradictory enactments. They had been practically abrogated by the legislation atten ding the organization of Utah. New Mexico, and M a Anton. If any vitality rein aimed in them it would have been taken away in effect by the new i erritoria! acts in the form orriginaliy proposed | b) the Senate at the first session of the last Con j grors. It was manly and ingenious as well as pn triotic and just to do this directly and plainly, and j thus relieve the stature book of an act which’ I might be of possible future injury, and for no posi ; bis. future benefit: arid the measure of its-repeal was : the final consumationand complete recognition of’ i principle that no portion oftbc United Slates shall I undertake.through assumption of the powers of the j Ccnoral Covermner.t, to dictate the social iustitu ] tions of any other portion. i r i he scope and effect of the language of repeal’ j vero not left in >1 >nbt. It was and iclarod .’ in terms jtobo of ike true intent and meaning of this act j •-> legislate slavery into any Territory Qr State, j i-or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the, peo ; pie thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their ! domes!ic institutions in their own way. subject on jiv to the Uoiutilntion or the United States, j ‘ The measure could not bo withstood upon its nv rib- alone. Jt was attacked with violence, on j 11 a false or delusive pretext that it constituted a ! breach of faith. Never was objections more utr i tcr'y destitute of substantial justification. When i before was it imagined by sensible man that arc -1 galatlve crdeclarative institute , whether ctcd | ten or forty years ago, is irreparable—thkl filLjA | of C,ingress was above the ( I deed there were in the facts any cease to impute j bad faith, it would attach to those only who have j never r-from the time of the enactment of Ihe ; restrictive provision to the present day. to de ! nc-nm ;• and to condemn it; who have constantly ! refused to complete it by needful supplementary i legislation; who have spared no exertion to deprive ! it of moral force; who have themselves again and 1 again attempted its repeal by the enactment of in. mpatibig pivvA-iensnind xA.o.by the inevitable j reactionary effect of their own violence on the sub- I joct, awakened the country to perception of the i true constitutional principle of leaving the matter involved to the direction of the people of the re . peoiive exist mg or incipient States, i it is not piviended that this principle, or any other precludes the posibiiity of evils in practice, ! disturbed as political action is liable to be by ; passions, No form of government is exempt from ! inconvenience ; but in this case they are the result of the abuse, and not of the legitimate exercise, of the powers reserved or conferred in the organiza tion of a Territory. They are not to be charged to the great principle of popular sovereignty; on the contrary, they disappear before the fiitflff* j geiice and patriotism of the people, exerting j throgh the ballot box their peaceful and silent but j irresistible power. ] f the friends of the constitution are to have an— ; other struggle, its enicrnics could not present a*, j more acceptable issue than that of a State, whose; | constitution clearly embraces a republican form of! ! government, being excluded from the Union be-- i cause its domestic institutions may not. in all re ; speeds comport with the ideas of what is wise and i expedient entertained in some other State. Free front groundless imputations of breach of faith ; against others, men will commence the agitation of this, new question with • indubitable violation of an express compact between the independent I sovereign powers oi the United States and of the Republic oi'Texas, as well as the older and equally 1 solemn compacts which assure the equality of all ; the States. ; But, deplorable as would be such a violation of* | compact in itself and in all its direct consequences | that is the veiy last of tlie evils involved. When , sectional agitators shall have succeeded in forcing on tlie issue, can their pretention fail to be met by counter pretention? Will not ditto rent States be compelled respectively to meet extremes. with extremes ? An l if either extreme carry its I point, what is that so far forth but dissolution of’ the Uniion ? lfa new Plate, formed front the ter ritory of the United States, be absolutely exclud ed from admission therein, that fact of itself con- • stitufos the disruption of the Union between it and . the other States. Would not a sectional decision, producing such result by a majority of votes,, either Northern or Southern, of necessity drive cut tlij oppossed and aggrieved minority, and. place in prcseiu e of each ether two irreconeilibly ‘ hostile confederations ? I t is necessary to speak thus plainly of projects, the oilspring of that sectional agitation now pre vailing in some of the States, which areas imprac- - finable as they are unconstitutional, and which if persevered in, must and will end calamitously. It is either disunion and civul war. or it is mere an gry, idle, aimlest disturbance of public tranquility, ibsunion for what ? If the passionate rage of fa naticism and partisan spirit did not force the fact*- upon our attention, it would be difficult to believe that any considerable portion of the people,of this onlisihtened country could have so surrenderedthem < selves to a fanatical devotion to the suppreseif “ interests of the relatively lew Africans in the Unit ed States as totally to abandon and disregarded the interests of the twenty-live millions ot Americans, t o trample under foot the injunctions of moral ani constitutional obligation, and to engage iu plans of vindictive hostility against those who are associated with them in the enjoyment ol the com mon heritage of our national institution. Nor is it hostility against flier tellow-citizcns of otic section of the Union alone. ‘1 lie interests, the honor, the duty, peace, and the prosperity of the people ol all sections are equally involved and. imperilled in this question. And are patriotic men in any part of the Union prepared, on such. I an issue, thus madly to invite all the consequences ’ of the forfeiture of their constitutional engagements?*’ i it is imposibie. The stprin of phrensy and faction. | must, inevitably dash itself in vain against 1 unshaken rock of the Constitution. 1 never doubt it. 1 know that the Union is stronger® a thousand times than all the wild and ehimcricalfl schemes ofsocial change which are generated, ogfl afteranother, in the unstable minds of sophists and interested agitators. .1 rely on the patriotism of die people, on the self-respect of the States, on the wisdom of gross, and, above all, on the continued grafl favor of Almighty Cod, to maintain, enemies, whether at home or abroad, the id’ the Constitution and the integrity of thet JB ITtANKI IN IMLH VdAStfixoTox, Dkckmukk 31, 1555. U - W>> “ 03— A young lady walking out one fine* morning, met the celebrated John Wilkes. She remarked to him, “You sec, sir, I haver ’ come out for :i little s.n and air.” “A ou had;” l better, madam, get a husband first,” was the-. I i’op lv.