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TUB IMPIKiI STATE IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY, By A. A. Grauldins TWO DOLLARS IX ADVANCE, OR THREE DOL LARS AFTER SIX MONTHS, PER ANNUM. jjp-Office up-stairs over W. R. Phillips & ldrertisements are inserted at One Dollar per square for th. first insertion, and Fifty Cents per square for each in- Ortion thereafter. A reasonable deduction will be made to those who adver %lm by the year. ... All Advertisements not otherwise ordered will be contmu *4 tilt forbid. Sales of Lands by Administrators, Executors or Guar dians, arc required by law to be held on the first Tuesday la the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and 3 In the afternoon, at the Court House, in the county in which the Land is situated. Notice of these sales must he given in a public Gazette forty days previous to the day ol Bale. Bales of Negroes must he made at public auction on the fimt Tuesday of the month, between the usual hou.is of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the Letters Testamentary, or Administration, or Guardianship may have been granted—first giving forty days notice thereof in •ne of the public Gazettes of the State, and at the Court House where such sale is to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must he given in \lke manner, forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must he published forty days. Notice that application will he made to the Court of Or dinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for two months. Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published two •ntlis before any order absolute shall be made thereon by ha Court. Citations for Letters of Administration must lie publish ed thirty days ; for Dismission from Administration, month ly six months ; for Dismission from Guardianship, forty dav*. Notice for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be publish ed monthly for four months ; for publishing Lost Pa pers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling ti tl*s from Executors and Administrators, where a bond has ■•• en given by the deceased, for the space of -three months JAMES H STAiiK, ATTORNE YATL AW , WILL practice in the Courts of the Flint Circuit, and in the Supreme Court at Atlanta and Macon. Pah. 13,'1856....41.... ly JARED IRWIN WHITAKER. A TTO RNR Y A T L A IF. Office front Rooms, over John R. Wallace A Pros., corner of White Hall and Alabama streets, ATLANTA, GfiiOKG-A. January 30,1556... .ts W. L. GORDON, ATTORNE Y A T L A W, OKORGIA, January 30, 1856 39 ly HENRY HENDRICK, A T T O R N E Y A T I. A W , Jackson, Butts County, Georgia. May I, 1555. ts DANIEL & DISMUKE, Attorneys at Law, ■Griffin Citoi-fcla. L. a. DANIEL, *’• “• DISMUKE -. MayS,lßss. 11 j ~ W. POPE JORDAN, Attorney at Law, teuton, •<.<.,• , WILL practice in all the counties of the Flint Circuit. May 3,1855. _ STELLIi beck, Attorneys at La w , .Gcorgl - AI.L business entrusted to their care, will receive prompt attention.. *. M. E ‘ W - BE f- May 3. 1355. J. 11. MANLHAM, Attorney at Xiaw 7 GRIFFIS, GEORGIA. May 3, 1855-ly .... .1 “ ANDREW M MOO RE, ATTORNEY JiT l a tv , LaGRANGE GEORGIA. WILL practice in the Courts of the Coweta Circuit. All business entrusted to his care will meet with prompt attention. „ July 4, 1855. WM. H. F. HALL, attorney a t law, ZEBULON GEORGIA. Jaly 4, 1855. !K1 ’ A. D. NUNN ALLY, AT T O R N E Y AT L A W , GRIFFIN, GEORGIA. June, 27,1865. ly * UNDERWOOD, HAMMOND & SON, attorneys at la tv , ATLANTA, GEORGIA. WILL give personal attention to all business entrusted to their management, and attend the Sixth Lncuit Courtof the United States, at Marietta, the Supreme Court ait Macon and Decatur, and the Superior Courts m Cobb, Morgan, Newton, Delvalb, Fulton, Fayette, Spalding, 1 ike, Monroe Upsott, Kibb, Cftinpbell, Coweta* lion]), Whitfield and’ Gordon, in Georgia, and Hamilton county, (Chattanooga,) in Tennessee. MayJ,lNn>. lt B * rtLLEU - GRICE & FULLER, ATTORNEY S A T L A W, FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA. December 10th. 1855. 03-tf — WM. S. WALLACE. GRICE & WALLACE, AT T OREEYS AT LA W , BUTLER, GEORGIA. PERSONS Intrusting business to them may rely on their fidelity, promptness and care. Dec. 10, 55-33-Iv. GARTIIELL & GLENN, attorneys a t law, ATL A N'T A, C. BO EC, IA. Jf TILL attend the Courts in the Counties of Fulton, De fy Kalb, Fayette, Campbell, Meriwether, Coweta, Car •ll Henry, Troup, Heard, Cobb, and Spalding. Li'cius J. Gabtkkll, ‘ LithekJ.Gi.knx, *rmerly of Washington, Ga. ] FormerlyolMcDonough,Ga. May 10, 185.5. TENDERS bis professional services us a Physi usn and Surgeon, to the citizens of Griffin and vicinity. Office on the same floor with the Empire State,"s.s Griffin, March 5, 185(5 44....1y ©. iVL W3LUAMS, resident physician, GRIFFIN, REORfiIA. *®,Officeon Hill Street, over Banks’Boot & Shoe Store. May 3, 1855. tf ._ DR. H. W. BROWN, Gilffin, Georgia. •FFICE in the basement storv, under the Store of Messrs. w J. A. & J. C. Beeks. Mar 3, 1855. !L_ Dr KLnott HAS changed his residence and office to the first lot be. low Mrs. Reeves’ Boarding House, on the east side of the Railroad, nearly opposite the Freight Depot, where he may be found at all times ready to attend to calls, except when professionally engaged. Griffin, Ga., May 3, 1855’ ly Valuable Plantation for Sale IN South-western Georgia, containing 303$ acres, as good Land as any in Georgia ; Corn, Fodder, Oats, and Stock of all kinds sold with the place, if desired. Mr Lot containing 2 acres, and a large and convenient DWELLING, in West Griffin. Kg, All indebted will please ; settle. lam determined to close my business, as I HANDLES Soaps, Starch, Pickles, Soda, Saleratus,Bran C|! received andfor sale ©iioL VOL. 1. BOOK AND JOB OFFICE TIIE EMPIBE STATE, G IIJFFIN, GEORGIA. TIIS PROPRIETOR OF THIS Having recently received a large assortment of NKW AND BEAUTIFUL FANCY TYPE AND BORDERS, Are now prepared to execute, in the best style, and at short notice, all kinds of }%in anti (Dmnmrnfnl printing, srcn as je> as: ie* h; Xji es & Circulars, Labels, Business Cards, Catalogues, Programmes, Address Curds, Bill Hoads, Posters, Visiting Cards, Bank Cheeks, Hand Bills, Freight lulls, Blank Notes, Legal Blanks, s*<*•> s•<*., COLORS PROMPTLY ATTENDED TO. bates dr AOVERtlsinfi. rpHE following are tlie Rates of Charges for Advertising, .1. determined on between the undersigned, to take effect from the time of entering into any new contract:— S~Transient Advertising, $1 00 per square, for the first nsertion, and 50 cents for every subsequent one. CONTRACT ADVERTISING,|3 nios.jG mos.|9 mos 12ms 1 square, without change $ 6 00 $ 8 OftjsiO 00 #1,2 00 Changed quarterly.. . 700 10 00 12 00 16 00 Changed at will 8 00 12 00:14 00 18 00 2 squares, without change 10 00 15 00| 20 00 25 00 Changed quaiteriv,... 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 Changed at wi11,.*.... 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 3 squares, without change 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 Changed quarterly... 18 00 22 00 26 00 34 00 Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00 Half column, without change. . 25 00 3ft 00 40 00 50 00 Changed quarterly,.. 28 00 32 00 45 00 55 00 Changed at will 35 00 45 00 50 00 60 00 One column, without change,.. 60 00 70 00 80 00 100 00 Changed quarterly... 05 00 75 00 90 00 110 00 Changed at will, 70 00 85 00 100 00 125 00 flag” Ail transient advertisements will be inserted until or dered discontinued and charged for accordingly. A. A. GAULDING, “Empire State.” A. P BURR “AmericanUnion.” CABINET SASH M A KING!!! I rpilE subscriber takes pleasure in X cing to the citizens of Griffin and sur ! rounding country, that lie continues tln \/\y YU i business of CARRIAGE and CABINET Making- t Atilt! A -1 GBS, BUGGIES, and WAGONS made to order at short no- S tice. A few of the best made Buggies always on hand. ! He has recently added to his establishment the business of | SASH MAKlNG—diL‘a[>, and good a* the U*t. ’ ses, newstyle. He will he found at his old stand, always ! ready towait upon Lis customers. Give him a call. A. BELLAMY. Griffin, Aug. 29.1955... .18,.. ts J. K. WILLIAMS JXO. RHEA, WM. M. WILLIAMS. J. K. WILLIAMS & CO., Successors to J. L. Williams, General Commission Merchants, AND DEALERS IN GRAIN. BACON. PART). FEATHERS, and TEN NESSEE PRODUCE, GENERALLY, Decatur Street, near the “Trout House,” Atlanta, Ga. SlS’'Letters of inquiry, in relation to the Markets, Ac., promptly answered. May 16,1855.-3tf tJ. JL WEIGHT, EXCHANGE BROKER , ATLANTA, GEO. WILL attend to collections entrusted to him, and remit promptly, at current rates of Exchange: buy and sell uncurrent Bank Notes, Coin, Ac. The highest cash price paid for Bounty Land Warrants. JSST Apply; > TV. C. Wriglit, Griffin, Ga.. for sale of Land Warrants. REFERENCES.—John Thompson, Banker, N0.2, Wall street, and Carhaht, Bho. & Cos., New York; Converse & Cos., New Orleans. Atlanta, May 16, ’55 tt . J. THRASHER, J. M. DORSEY J. J. THRASHER & CO., WHOLESALE ANI) RETAIL Grocers and Commission Merchants, (At the Warehouse formerly occupied by J. E. Williams,) ATLANT A, GE ORGIA. H. 11. GLENN, W. A. CtIAMBLESS May 16,1555. 3-ts NOTICE. THE advertiser would respectfully announce to his cus tomers and the public generally, that lie continues to supply the various Magazines named below at the prices annexed : Harper, $2 25 ; Putnam, $2 25 ; Knickerbocker, $2 25 ; Household Words, $2 00 ; Blackwood, $2 25 ; Godey,s2 25; Horticulturist, (plain) $1 03; Little’s laving Age, $5 00 ; Frank Leslie’s Gazette of Fashions, £2 25 ; Ballou’s Picto rial, $2 50; Ladies'Repository,, (Cincinnati,) $1 03; Ar thur’s Home Magazine, $1 03. He is prepared also to liil orders for standard and miscel laneous bonks, whether from the trade or persons in other walks of industry. Having had an experience of 15 years in the Book and Periodical trade, he can give satisfaction to all parties entrustingliim with orders. Specimen numbers of the Magazines on receipt of six Post Office letter stamps for the 83 or 82 Magazines, and for twelve such stamps a sample of the 85 or s<> works will be sent. Letters of inquiry must contain a stamp for the return postage. B< inks sent post paid, on receipt of the pub lisher's advertised price. Address WILLIAM PATTON’ Bookseller, Hoboken, New Jersey. BEING left alone in the managemet of this Institution for the present, the rates of tuition will be as follows : Ist Term. 2d Term. Fr Spelling, Reading, Writing, &c 10 00 8 00 For Arithmetic, Geography,Grammar, &c. .12 00 10 00 Por Algebra, Philosophy,Geometry,&c 14 00 12 00 For Latin, Greek,Trigonometry, &c $lO 00 sl4 00 18$, No extra charges, except for damage to the College Building The first term will close about, the 4th of July. The second term will begin on the 4th of August, and closeabout the last of November. J. M. CAMPBELL. Griffin, Feb. 13, 1856....41....tf IF’mXtQia. rfji'!'■)_ House. ATLANTA, GEORGIA. D. L. GOR DON January 30tli, 185 G. .39. .ly. MiHAIL .Ml SMITE’S SHOP. THE undersigned haveassocia ted themselves together under the f~v/pA., firm name and style of V—jflfeAp CLARK & MX, wxMk >i*v For the purpose of carrying on the CARRIAGE MAKING and REPAIRING, WAGON MAKING and BLACK SMITH’S BUSINESS, in all their various branches. Their i Simp is on the corner of Hill Street and Broadway, oppo ite the Georgia Hotel, down stairs, in the house formerly | ccupied by A. Bellamy Esq. Promptness, dispatch and urability of work, they feel confident will secure for them liberal patronage. GEO. W. CLARK, S. H. NIX. Griffin, Dec. 24,1855. .35. .ts Window Glass J TT'RENCII Window Glass, of all sizes, for sale by t f Sept 19, HILL & SMITHtf'SS-- “Ho pool up conflrqcfs oqi* soteei v 3 —Jfce irfcwle taqqOte Gorrfiiiepf Ls GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING. MARCH 19, 1856. From the Memphis (Tennessee) Appeal. Letter of Judge Longstreet. University of Mississippi, > Dec 19, 155. ) Rev Win. Win ans, D. D : “My Dear Old Friend * 5,1 * * You regret that you have seen but one of my letters. So do I. Had you seen them all you would have had more charity for my mo tives than you evince, and more charity for yourself, than to have dropped some expres sions and intimations that I find in your com munication. You would have learned that my controversy with the Know Nothings was not of my own seeking. That it was forced upon me, by Know Nothing slanders, unmitigated and unrelenting—slanders wuich struck at my dearest interests, and my most sacred relations. Th:• t I bore all these for a long time in silence and in patience ; even until I saw tnis “politi cal party,” as you are pleased to call it, while protesting aloud against my teaching of poli tics in the University, whispering the students of my charge in is midnight gatherings, and there binding them by oath upon oath, to ev erlasting* fidelity to its own political creed I now spoke out boldly in my own defence, and against this party Not against its principles, but against its mode of propagating* them.- In str:ct truth there was mu one word of ‘pol itics” in rny first.’ letter, if 1 understand the term. I said nothing about foreigners, and no more than this about Catholics : “I am no Catholic. Put Methodism and Romanism on the field of fair argument, and I will stake my all upon the issue ; but 1 am not such a cow ard as to flee the field of honorable warfare for savage ambush fighting ; or such a fool as to believe that a man’s religion is to be re formed by hnmissing his person Nor am I (piite so blind as not to see that when the work of crushing Churches is begun in tiie country, it is m>t going to stop with tlie overthrow of one” Tin's was just such a letter os you tell me you would have indu ged. Not so with ei ther the saint- or sinners of the Know Noth ing parry They assailed me from all sides, and in all modes Not one of them gravely answered my objections to the Know Nothing discipline and dealings. They choose rather to assail me personally, in language as unbe coming in them as it was undeserved by me. Even my literary bagatelle, the amusement of n y idle hours five and twenty years ago, was held up to vi w as a test of ray fitness morally and intellectually, for the sacred office and re sponsible station to which I have been called. And yet these pnW c assaults, undetailed in their severity, were kind, courteous and pious, compared with the private communications which were addressed to me under the author’s names, in answer to this letter. They all agreed, however, in one particular at least, and that was, that if I had never medd ed with po litics before, 1 had done it now, and that this was a crying sin in an instructor of youth —— You perceive, then, brother, that you grossly misrepresent the Know Nothings, when you accord to me the right of opposing them in any way That I should not have a very exalted opin ion of them, after what I have suffered from them, I think you wilt own was quite natural. Have a little charity for me. then, if “no man damus from a Bishop, no influence of a presid ing Elder, no dogmatism or dictation of learn ed Doctors,” no combination of Christians or politicians, no power of numbers, can awe me into respect for t! cm You say, “I defy you, my brother, to specify anything in Know Nothingism, of equai turpi tude with this attempt to enlist a Church or ganization, in a crusade against a political party, no matter what that party may be.” * ****** if then, j believed, as I verily did believe, that the Know Nothings were about to rend Churches, inflame passions, sunder friendships, and kind e the flames of civil war, why might I not use my best endea vors to turn our Church, at least, away from it without incurring die guilt of “turpitude.” But this is only by the wav I will show you presently that jou have mistaken my designs in this Church matter entirely. Recapitulating the incidents which enlivened and cemented our friendships, (wherein you re presented my feelings in describing your own,) you say, “we together have warred strenuous ly against the malignant tendencies of aboli tion fanaticism, and we suffered togethei in that ruthless waif ire ” True, your efforts in that struggle were gallant, noble, powerful ; mine were ti c weakest of my life, and there tore, to myself the most mortifying. But against whom were we contending, brother ? Against a political party, which had brought its baneful principles into our Church. What was onr aim, when argument failed to exact justice from that patty ? To sot all Southern Methodism, all parties, all men who respected religion, right, and fair dealing, against it.— What was the issue ol our labors ? Tiie al most entire withdraw aloi Southern and South western Methodists from all connection with the Northern branch of our Church, and the establishment of an independent Southern Ciiureh which hath no fellowship with it. Was there any turpitude in all this ? If there was, .you were a much larger share: in it than I was, for you were by far the more efficient laborer of the two. And here let me remark in pas sing, that one of my strongest objections to Know Nothingism w as, t hat it united the main body of Southern Methodists in sworn bonds of fellowship with that very party who had re pelled them by proscription, blistered them by calumny, and cabbaged all the partnership funds. It was in the land of these law-despi sing, right abusing persecutors, that Know Nothing-ism originated, Senator Adams’ ad ministration to the contrary notwithstanding. I cannot stop to prove it at large. Suffice it for the present, that Chase says it originated in the “Free .-states.” The first Know Nothing formulary of the Grand Council was issued troin the press of Damrell & Moore, No. 16, Uovenshire Street, Boston. Baltimore would not have sent its bantling to receive its swad dling bands in Boston The infamous Judson, (according to the papers,) was recently intro duced to a Council in Pennsylvania, as the fa ther of the Order, and he was received with plaudits. The thing has no Southern feature. But enough of this. I think 1 hazard nothing in saying that when ■ L wrote my last letter, at least seven-tenths of the members of onr Church Had joined this party. For wliat ? To accomplish its avow ed aims, of course And what were they ? Why to “enlist” every Protestant “Church or ganization” in the land in a “crusade against” one of the weakest Churches, numerically, in the whole country. He was the first object of the Know Nothing party ; and the second was to oppose foreigners Will you say this is a combination against a Church, and not of a Church against a party ? Which is the worst ? Which savors most of turpitude ? But unf rtunately for the distinction, the com bination is against a political party, too, as its acts demonstrably show, whatever may be its professions In honest truth, it was the main, if not the exclusive object of it. The first in timatiou that the world had of its existence, was its onslaught upon Democrats in general and Nebraska men in particular. And please remembci'f<is’.we pass along, who suffered first from it, when it had neither a name nor a platform ? For when asked why fighting un der an antl-Catholic flag they killed nobody but Democrats, they said it was because the Democrats fought against them. * * * Your doctrine is monstrous, brother, and, coining from one of the best heads ot our Church, it proves demonstrably that Know Nothingism, as it was when I took the pen against it, is indefensible. Whether it be right or wrong to array a Church against a political party, depends entirely upon the character of that party. If it intermeddled with Churches —if it form coalitions with Churches against a Church —if its professed object be to rob a Church of its civil privileges —if it be immoral in its constitution, and revolutionary in its ten dencies—then it is the duty of every Christian individually, and every Church collectively, to oppose it. And if it displays all these un comely features in the only manifestation which it is pleased to make ol itself, while it conceals from the public view its counsels, its plans, its machinery and its membership, the duty be comes imperative, and the most imperative the stronger the party. Such 1 regarded the Know Nothings. It was reserved for this par ty to work in the dark - to unite religion and politics- to gather recruits by whispers—to nose for them about Schools and Colleges—to cement political bonds by oaths —to devise a plan whereby Ministers of the Gospel might become politicians without reproof, and perse cute without discovery—-to put the conscien ces of some men in the keeping of others—to bii and its members uot only to vote, but to fight under dictation. Such is the inner working of the Order. What the outward ? Hissing, bleating and coughing down such men us Wise and Douglas ; destroying ballot-boxes, and butchering, in and around their blazing dwel lings, men, women and children * It spreads its taint through all the depart ments of Government Witness the scenes now* enacting in Washington ; the legislation of Massachusetts ; the criminal trials in New York. Can a native expect justice from a judge or jury of foreigners, or a foreigner from these native officials ? A Protestant from Catholics, or a Catholic from Protestants ? At a trial in Massachusetts, Know Nothings excused themselves from testifying to tacts im portant to justice, on the ground that their testimony would subject then to (Know Noth ing) pains and penalties. And the Judge de cided that these volunteer, self-assumed respon sibilities placed the witnesses within the rule “that no man is bound to testify to facts that will criminate himself.” They testified, how ever, very freely against the Catholic who was on his trial. What confidence will those who remain in the Lodges have in those who left them in those who remain in them ? Before the magnates of the Order, gathered at Philadelphia, were pleased to release the members (themselves included of course) from so much of their oaths as required them to conceal their membership and iho membership of their fellows, the Know Nothings must have mustered at least 500,000 strong It is safe to assume that each one of them was question ed as to its membership, or the membership of others, at least ten days on an average. How did they meet these questions ? How were they obliged to meet them under their oaths ? Why by , What shall I call them, bro thcr, to speak truth without giving offense ? I will call them untruths, knowing no softer name for tli'-m. Here were 5,000,000 un truths, scattered broadcast over the whole sur face of the Union, as the first fruits of Know Nothingism. IManv, very many of them, dropped from the lips of Christians ! llow were the most of these 500,000 got into the Order ? By members pretending ignorance of it ; for they were under oath not to acknosvl edge their membership, or to disclose the se crets of the brotherhood They must, there fore, have been guilty of wilful deception with every proselyte they gained. Say that 300, 000 were gained over in this wa>, and we have 300.000 more untruths distributed through the country, as the price of so many converts to Know Nothingism. Thousands and hun dreds of thousands have lett the Order, and they almost unanimously testify that they found it not to be what it was represented to he. For a time, all who withdrew and spoke against it, were denounced as perjured knaves and traitors This was true or false, accord ing as they found the thing to agree with the representations of it made to them ; a candid representation of it, as we have seen, could not have been made to them, by the law of the Order. If true, what a Hood of iniquity pour ed out of the Order when they left it ! If false, what language is too severe to character ize the calumny heaped upon them by their re cent brethren ! Mr. Simon Wolf, of Pa , who writes like a man of wisdom and truth, after detailing the flattering but delusive representations by which he was induced to join the Know Nothings, thus concludes : “/ now declare, that in a life of sixty years, I have never so in private or in public, in politics or out of it, in Chutch or in tState, as much deceit, falsehood and corrup *From the volume of affidavits published by the Louis ville Journal to show that foreigners were the aggressors m the Louisville riots, there is one which is of awiul import and painful instruction, It is that of Thomas Jeffrey and Robert H. Haines, who testify that they were door-keepers of the Seventh Ward polls. That the rule was to admit not more than fifteen or sixteen at a time. That an Irish man insisted on passing when seventeen were in. That lie became boisterous, when Thomas Jcttrey, to prevent vio lence, struck him on the head. This from Know Nothings. JeHio 3—52,00, jfn tion, as I found in the self-styled American parly .” ‘\ o this let me add the testimony of a man, a little older thau Mr. Wolf, who never did join the ‘‘American party.” I was born and raised in the State of Geor gia, where there now over 43,000 Knotv Nothings, not on&#f whom, I will venture to say, will assert that he knows a blemish on my moral character. I have mingled much and disputed much in politics, and mure in law I have been twenty-eight years a member of the Methodist Church, and sixteen years a minis ter of the Gospel, and 1 never was called a do tard or fool, or likened to a clown,under men’s own signatures, or charged with falsehood and turpitude by Methodist preachers, until I came in conflict with Know Nothings. Nor have I ever been, in the whole course of my life, as much calumniated, as I have been by Know Nothings and their champions in the last nine months. Never did 1 see such intolerant., ar rogant, insolent, overbearing, inconsistent, vin dictive party as this. It belies me into oppo sition to it, and then tells me that, as a minis ter of the Gospel, I have no right ttf meddle with politics,l reply,then the hundreds of those who are in it should come out of it. It rejoins that it is religious in its character. I again respond, if it be religious, I surely, as a relig ious man,have a right to discuss its orthordoxy and to counsel my brethren who belong to it; and it again repeats that it is political! Its leligion is reduced to one article. ‘No office for Catholics-’ So of its politics: ‘No office for foreigners.’ Its religious exercises consist (oc casionally) in rummaging into ladies’ ward robes, riding Catholics on rails, mocking their services, assaulting their persons, and battering their houses of worship Its political exercises consist (occasionally) in killing foreigners, Arc ing their houses, and giving their bodies to the flames. Its professed instrument of reform is the ballot box; and if the ballot box will not work to its liking, it destroys the ballot box. One would suppose that a party might determ ine not to vote for Catholics or foreigners with out any apprehension of more serious opposi tion than is common to political parties gener ally; and certainly had the Know Nothings done no more than this, I should never have interfered with them. But what do they do ? Why they substitute anew government for that which our fathers bequeathed to us—a government secret in its operations, despotic in its principles,and revolutionary in its tenden cy. Hear the sovereign power speak: ‘This organization [not party, bi other] shall be known by the name of the Grand Council, of the United States of America, its jurisdiction and power shall extend to all the Mutes, Dis tricts and Territories of the United States of North America.’ This Grand Council is com posed of a President, and Vice President, Sec retary, and other officers, with fixed salaries, and a Congress of Delegates from the States. This Council has ‘power to form State, Terri torial and District Councils;’ to determine the ‘mode of punishment of members, &c. to grant charters to subordinate Councils that may be formed; ‘to adopt cabalistic characters for writ ing or telegraphing:’ to decide upon all mat ters pertaining to National politics;’ (!) ‘to fix and establish all signs, grips, pass words, and such other secret work as may seem to be ne cessary;’‘to adopt any and every measure it may deem necessary tc secure the success of the organization.’ We know the emanations from tiiis august sovereignty; State, county, beat and city governments all over the coun try; subjects sworn to paramount allegiance to tbeir governments —taxed to pay their ex penses—branded as perjurers and traitors if they disclose their secrets.’ Now sir, if you can find nothing worse in all this than an appeal from me to my church to have no connection with Know Nothingism, you are not to be argued with. If you believe that all this political machinery was manufac tured and set in operation merely to keep Ca tholics and foreigners out of office, you have a much more cotemptuous opinion of Know Nothing sagacity than I have. You stultify them, while I only oppose them. From their peculiar idiosyncrasies, they will doubt less give the preference to you; but whether any other party would do it,is questionable. If you can see no difference between such a com bination and parties generally, and it is plain that you do not, you should not have referred to your own ‘history’ to pi ove that you ‘con sider it the right of Christians and Christian preachers to meddle with politics;’ for it prov ed something more than your liberality, to wit: that when you ‘mcddldd with politics,’ you did both politics and yourself a sad dis-serviee. I believe the people of your district forestalled this inference, didn’t they brother ? . You say, in continuation of what I have just quoted from you, ‘but I do not believe that a eliorchorganization has such right, nor pardon my frankness,that any man can excite a church to such a course without political delinquency, which I will not characterize as 1 think it de serves.’ You certainly have the most profound reverence lor political parties of any man of your ‘history’ that ever lived. In the defence of them, you seem to forget all the interests of self respect, all the duties of your calling, all the claims of brotherhood, of controversy. You had already charged me with turpitude, i. e., with moral baseness, extreme depranty; and here you insinuate that there is yet something in the act thus characterized so unspeakably deprived that even your lips refuse to give to it its proper name. Flanked as you are by a legiion of Know Nothing Methodists, and ve ry many legions of Know Nothing politicians, you may feel confident of your security in the church, and of a clever popular support while you indulge in such defamation of a brother. But you would do well to remember,that there is another tribunal, not far distant from you and me, where words are not weighed by tbe standard of Methodism or the world. Did you understand my letter, simply be cause it was headed ‘To the Methodist Church South,’ as designed to exci e the church in its corporate character, and through its official organs, its bishops and its Conferences, to take action against the Know Nothings? It would seem so, and if this be your idea, I do more than pardon your candor—l commeserate your understanding. Where do you find the word or syllable in my whole piece which indicates - such a design ? He who addresses the church, addresses the members thereof, and in what character they are addressed, whether as an ‘organization’ or as individuals,is to be collect-* ed from the body of the address, and not from the caption alone Had yon read my letter with any other design than to find in it grounds of censure and abuse, you would have seen clearly that its whole and sole aim was to get the preachers and members of onr church out of and away from a political party, and not to excite a church organization against a political party But then you would have lost the laufereWlnch you have gained in this contest, the everlasting gratitude of the Know Nothings, and the thanksg.ving ofone or two hundred thousand Methodists, for your unlook ed for interposition in their behalf. The very first, sentence in my letter showed you it was one of a series, the antecedents of which had been addressed to the preachers of our church. Had you seen these, you would have found that they were addressed to { TM Know Nothing Preacher's’ exclusively. This is decisive of the fact that, however you may have understood it, my design was not to act upon- the church in its aggregate character at all, or to unite it in action at all. Your posi tions are as preposterous as your language is unbecoming: ‘worse than anything in Know Nothingism, ‘formally to address a church in its aggregate capacity upon a political ques tion ! Could you succeed in this design,” (of arraying the church against the American par ty,) ‘the very fountain of political power would be immedicably poisoned by a union of Church and State !” Did such paradoxes ever come from a Doctor of Divinity ? I sup posed a man in this country might address any person, any number of persons, in any charac ter, upon any subject, without crime, if the address be not of a nature forbidden by the laws of the land. Dwight used to discuss po litics with his pupils: Uverett. Cooper, Way land, and other Presidents of Colleges, have written on politics without blame; but the same privileges is not granted to me Very far from it. J may not speak or write on poli tics, either to the public or to my church—not to the public, by tlie edict of the Know Noth ings— not to the church but to the bull of Dr. Winans. I should have thought you a hard master, Doctor had you believed that my letter was likely to array our church, bodily, against the party of your love. But you tell* me cut tingly, that no power on earth could do that. VVhat, then, is the sin for which yon anathe matize me so cruelly ! Why, I wrote a letter which might perchance, lead the public to sus pect that I thought it was possible for somebo dy to move the M. E. Church South, conglcm eratedfy, against a political party. Papal su premacy would be a luxury compared with your government, brother, if this be a sped* men of it. But suppose that every M ethodist in the United States could be induced to take a united stand against the ‘American party;’ how would this produce a union of Church and State? What legislative, executive, or judi cial power would attach to them in this posi tion; or what attribute of a State would they assume ? The only possible result of this state of tilings must be, that the members of the church would either not vote at all, or vote against that party. How near this would bring the Church and State together, I leave you to determine. In all that I have written, you will not find a word or syllable which intimates a design on my part to interfere witli my brethren’s right of suffrage, or their right, in a proper manner, to discuss political questions, or to oppose Ca tholics. It is then- clanship witli ail charac ters, their letting themselves down to Know Nothing drills, their night-working, their need less swearing, their man-serving, party-schem. iug, office hunting, stump-speaking, anger stir ring, brother-wounding and church-inflaming, that I object to Now I put it to you as a man and Christian, to say whether these things are right in your brethren ? You will not, you dare not say so. Then why do you countenance them ? You have taken very good care (os you are partic ular in letting the public know) to keev your self aloof from the signs and grips, and pass words, and squalls and oaths and flag fribble of the Order; and yet you hold me up to the pub- No. 46 lie as a culprit, for counseling our brethren to follow your professed example.- ITow far you are competent to defend the Order, when con fesssedly you do not belong to it, I leave the public to determine. As to your fears of the Catholics from their increase, &c., Mr. Wesley gives yon a recipo for them, for the success of which he dpleges bis life, lie guarantees that,if strictly follow ed, it will ensure the conversion of every Ca tholic. Here it is: “Let all the Protestant clergy live like the Apostles, and preach like the Apostles, and the thing is done.” Most certain it is that Know Nothingism, which fellowships with them where they are weak, midnight conspiracies to rob them of their con stitutional rights, personal violence, mockery, ridicule and contempt, will never check their growth or bring their religion into discredit.— If I wished to raise Romanism, on the ruins of Protestantism, these are precisely the ageu cies that I would adopt. A. B. LONG STREET. A Speech from Parson Drownlovr. The following, says the Georgia, Telegraph , was Brownlow’s ratification speech in the Phil adelphia Know Nothing Convention: * ‘Loud cries were now made for Brownlow, of Tennessee. On taking the stand in re sponse, he said that his speech on this occa sion would be, like all his former speeches, short and sweet. For seventeen years he had performed the dreadful service of editing a po litical paper, and he could say in that connec tion that his paper had the largest circulation of any political paper in Tennessee. He had fought hard and long for the Whig party, but he had seen fit to leave that organization.— B hv, with Millard Fillmore to lead, and even with Josh. G hidings behind him,we could car ry our State. But with this large patriotic, greasy Tennessean, fpointing to Maj. Ponnel son,) the Pierce party will be a transcendental nothing. He should go home with tho deter mination to jump higher, and squall louder than any man in Tennessee, and would open the ball at Knoxville, on Monday next. [Ap- plause and laughter,] It had been understood as arranged that Maj. Donnelson would be pnt on the ticket with Andrew Jackson in big let ter’s and Ponelson invisible, and then the old line Democrats would think that old Hickory’ had come to life again. He then proposed the party should disperse, having done tho good work. The idea delveloped by Parson Brownlow may thus be carried out: ANDREW JACKSON donnelson. 1 mi i UST’The New York Express makes the fl lowing reluctant admission in regard to the true character of the Philadelphia know nothing convention: