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Cjje dEntpre State* GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, Wednesday Sept. !, ISifi. FOR PRESIDENT : JAMES BUCHANAN. OF FFV.VSYI.VAMA. for vice president : J. C. BRECKENRIDGE. OP KENTUCKY r~# o ♦ Democratic Electoral Ticket. FOR THE STATE AT LARGE. ELECTORS. ALTERNATES. ACM. H. STILES. Henry G. Lamar. IVERSON L. HARRIS. A. KAVrioht. ELECTORS. ALTERNATES. Ist Dist. Thomas M. Foreman \V M Nichols. 2d “ Samckl Hall, J A Ticker. 3d “ J N Ramsey, E J MoGeiiee. 4th “ I. J Gartrell, I F Johnson. sth “ John W Lewis, I. W Crook. Oth “ J P Simmons II McMillan. 7th “TP Saffold, _. J S Hook. Sth “ T W Thomas : A C Walker. Carroll Lands. We would call special attention to the adver meut of Mr. J. C. Benson, to be found in our col umns to-day, To those wishing to locate in a healthy, pleasant, well watered section of the coun try, Mr. Beuson holds out inducements which will not be resisted by a prudent man. He is anxious to sell, and offers great bargains. No mistake. Attention! —Those desirous of attending the Free Barbecue and political speaking, in Union District, Spalding county, are requested to assem ble in frout o ftiie “Empire State” office, on Fri day morning, the Sth inst., at 7 1-2 o’clock, forthe purpose of forming a procession. Flection of Fremont—Disunion. In these perilous times, when dangers threaten the existence of this great Confederacy of Ameri can States, it is well some times to look to the fu ture, and ponder upon the consequences likely to follow the happening of certain events. It has been said in the Congress of [the United States, “that the election of Fremont would be a dissolu tion of the Union,” to which a gallant Senator from Georgia responded, “and ought to be.”— And so say we. Howmuchsoever we may revere that glorious Union, cemented by the blood of our fathers—how strongly wc may be attached to it on account of the paternal advice of the great Father of onr Republic, to look upon it as the bulwark of our safety at home, and onr respect abroad, yet “a long train of abuses and usurpations” on the part of a reckless majority, may drive us to the necessi ty of throwing off this Union, and “providing new guards for onr future security.” The South being numerically the weaker section of the Confederacy, has for many years been in the power of the strong er section. The subject of slavery has cither di rectly or indirectly been the great bone of conten tion between the two. A spirit of fanaticism in reference to this subject, has always existed among the people of the non slaveholding States. This spirit of wild fanaticism, though like the little eloud in the heavens, which at first was not “larger than a man's hand,” has gathered and spread out, until it covers the whole Northern political hori zon with its black pall, threatening to discharge itself in merciless fury upon the institutions of the South, and to lay waste and desolate the fair fields of onr land, so highly favored of Heaven. Weare evidently approaching an awful crisis in the politi cal history of our country 1 A Presidential elec tion is uow pending, which, we think, will, and ought to decide the fate of this Union.- The Abo. lition Party, under the lead of John C. Fremont, have tendered a direct issue to the South upon this momentous question. The Black Republican Par ty has already unfurled the banner of sectionalism, with fifteen of the stars which have heretofore twinkled upon our National Flag, blotted out, and left sixteen remaining, representing the correspond ing number of free States. This party already Las control of one branch of the National Legisla ture. They are making desperate efforts to carry all these States for Fremont, and fears are to been entertained that the may possibly prove successful. In this event, what hope bus the South for future security ? The response of every intelligent, can did man, must be-- none. Does it not then become us as lovers of the soil which gave us birth, to look his contingency bold in the face, and prepare for our own safety and the security of our Household Gods ? . We shall be recreant to every duty to our selves, and traitors to posterity, if we shrink from the responsibility which coming events may cast upon us. “It may cost treasure, it may cost blood,” but a necessity which we cannot and ought not to resist, may impel us to take the step. We have threatened—wc have remonstrated, until our me naces and our remonstrances have become alike powerless to operate upon thcjniifds of our North ern brethren. They will not believe that wc are in earnest when we tell them that we will resist “to a disruption of every tic which binds us to this Union, if they persist in their aggressions upon our rights. Wc have exercised forbearance—we have conceded and compromised, until the voraci ty of our oppressors has become insatiable. And is Ibcrc to be no end to these things ? We fear not, unless the Southern people rise up as one man in their united power and majesty, and hurl defi ance into the teeth of those- who are bent on our destruction. Convince the Northern people that wc are in earnest, when we say we will resist “even unto blood,” and they will be constrained to con cede us the rights secured to us by our Constitu tion. Their interest demands the perpetuation of the Union much more imperatively than ours. We have within our own limits the resources of a vast Empire, capable of sustaining fifty millions of in. habitants, and so far as our pecuniary interests, and our domestic peace and ljappines,s are concern ed, we would be a thousand fold better off without the Abolition States than with them. They boast that the South cannot be kicked out of the Union, and so long as they entertain this opinion of us, we may expect to remain hewers of wood and drawers of water to our old task-masters. Though we thus speak, we still have hope that there iscon servatisra enough yet remaining among our North ern brethren, to avert the dire calamity of which we have been speaking. Wc are not yet prepared to believe that the National Democracy are not strong enough to carry a sufficient number of the free States to elect Mr. Buchanan, with the aid of the Southern States. Wc know there are yet thousands of honest., generous, noble-hearted patri °t*i**^C * forth ’ ar e true to the Constitution ,D ** t 0 ®* ve U 8 oar r *ghts ; but we fear tK ° f fuuatlcism ma y P r °ve too strong for ° rc ' -1 ’ ‘ Many of them have already fallen before it, and been efushed to death politically.— Many of them are still standing in the breach, bold ly fighting for our rights, but God only knows how long they may be able to stand. We are no Disu nionist, per se. We love our Northern brethren, who are contending with us for the .Union and the Constitution ; and the only regret we should leel in suudering the ties which bind us t.ogother would be at parting with them: We believe the only means of preventing this catastrophe, is for the .South to present one united front, and speak one language of bold defiance. Theu the tide of fa naticism would begin to roll back, and the Union may be preserved. Remember the issue now be fore the country is, Buchanan and the Union, or Fremont and Disunion. “To'your tents, 0 Israel.” Agitation. The enemies of the Kansas and Nebraska Bill, denounce that measure upon the ground that it is the cause of the fearful agitation which now shakes the Republic from its centre to its circumference. Mr. Fillmore himself terms the repeal of the Mis souri restriction, “the Pandora’s box from which have issued all the evils which now afflict the body politic. ’ ‘J hese politicians go upon the principle that it is better to submit to an infringement of right, than to disturb the peace of society by seek ing redress. Such is not our doctrine ; such was not the doctrine of our Revolutionary sires, when they declared that “these Colonies ought to be free and independent States,” and “pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor,” to maintain this declaration. Such was not the doc trine of the heroes of our second Revolution when they hurled defiance into the teeth of the British Lion, and declared for “free trade and sailor’s rights.” Such was not the doctrine of General Jackson whop Ire vetoed the United States Bunk and thus saved the country from the rapacity of a bloated and corrupt moneyed monopoly. And such was not the doctrine of our Senators and Re presenatives in Congress .when they said that the odious Missouri restriction should no longer Dis grace our statute book. The principle of resistance to wrongs and oppression, is the only safeguard to life, liberty and property. The sages of 1820 lost sight ol this great principle, when they submitted to the injustice and inequality of the Missouri Compromise. They restored peace to the country, bqt it was purchased at too high a price. They only postponed, the evils and difficulties which now environ the country, and cast a responsibility up on posterity which they ought to have assumed themselves. By the Missouri Compromise, the South surrendered to the North a vast amount of I erritory without any equivalent. This outrage has been submitted to without murmur for thirty years. This long and undisturbed possession of their ill gotten gains, has pampered the Northern people, until what they got by extortion, they now claim as matter of right. If th% Missouri fraud was iniquitous at the beginning, no lapse of time can make it just, or deprive the South of the right of restitution. If we have, till this late day, sub mitted to this measure of injustice, it is our mis fortune to have thus long been deprived of our con stitutional rights. If an attempt to retreave what we have thus basely lost, disturbs the quiet of the country, it is not our fault. The responsibility lies at the door of our opponents, and upon their heads be the consequences, ll the assertion of a great right, the right* of equality in the Union, cause agitation, let it come : Let the clamor for “justice to the South,” ring through the land, let it echo from the mountains, aim rumble through the valleys ; let every hill top and every plain be made vocal with the sound ; let it resound from the palace of the rich, and from the cottage of the pea sant, and bounding over plains and rivers, staitie the fanatical hordes of the North m their fatal de lusion, and drive them back to a sense of reason and justice. Yes, fct agitation go on until our rights a*re restored to us, fully and absolutely, and if a base surrender of our constitutional privileges be necessary to purchase the quiet of the country, we say “let discord reign forever.” Such a peace would be the repose of despotism, and its authors would deserve the scorn of the world, and the exe crations o/ posterity. Startling news from Kansas. Our accounts from Kansas are of a most inter esting character. Civil war, exists in that Terri tory, with all its horrors. The pro-slavery men who had settled in that country for the purpose of pursuing the peaceful avocations ofAgriculture and the mechanic arts, have been driven from their quiet homes by merciless hordes of arm and Aboli tionists and forced to fly for shelter and protection to the more humane and merciful Indian tribes. Recent letters report the probable massacre of Capt. Grant, from Upson county, Ga., and of young Hamilton, son of Dr. Hamilton, of Cass co., Ga, We learn that the family connexions of young Hamilton, are raising a company to proceed with all possible dispatch to the bloody scene to avenge his death. Other emigrants from Georgia are said to have been murdered, their homes burnt to ashes, their little property destroyed, and their wives and children driven out'to seek sustenance and protec tion among the charitable Indians and Missouri ans. W e trust that these accouts may be exage rated, but we have good reasons to fear they may be substantially true. Will not such accounts as this arouse the people of Georgia to a sense of their duty ? W ill.not our slaveholders furnish the means to send out our young, bold, adventurous men, to fight the battles of the South, upon the soil of Kansas? Missouri has done more than her part in this struggle, and is willing to do more, but she can’t stand alone much longer in this contest. Un less her sisters of the South come up to her assist ance, and that speedily, she must yield to superior numbers, aud when Missouri is conquered, the death knell of Southern institutions will be sound ed. Apathy on the part of Southern men, in this crisis, is criminal. Arouse up then Southerners, and strike one blow for your homes aud your fire sides. Our Picture Gallery. Mr. Henry J. Willianson has deposited in onr office a splendid likeness of the Hon. James Buch anan, the candidate of the National Democratic Party for President of the United States. It is a magnificent picture, elegantly encased in a beauti ful gilt frame, and we proudly place it in our pic ture gallery, the observed of all observers, and the admired of all admirers. ♦—#*—> > t Heavy Gale. On Sunday morning, 31st ult., about 8 o’clock, A. M , a heavy gale of wind, accompanied with rain, set in from the North-East, and continued without cessation, until night. Considerable dam age has been done to cotton and fodder,’ as well as fruit and shade trees. . Large Apples. Our friend Thos. B. Williams, of Monroe, left at this office, a few days since, .specimens of the “New England Pippen” Apple, which excel any thing in the apple line we have seen for a long time —the largest measuring 13 inches in circumfe rence. The taste and flavor is as fine as any ap ple we ever saw. By proper cultivation, great im provements in.„ut be made in the raising <>t the various kinds of fruit grown in this country. It is very important that every farmer should know exactly when to plant, how to manure and when to work. These things can only be learned by dil gent application. We tender our acknowledgements to the Hon. Howell Cobb, for several distinguished fa vors, consisting of speeches and valuable Congres sional documents. “ Porter’s Spirit of the Times.” From a circular recently received, we learn that W. T. Porter, for twenty six years the able Editor of “ The New York Spirit of the Times,” will issue, about the first of September, inst., a weekly Sport ing and Literary Journal, to be called “Porter’s Spirit of the Times.” The high reputation of the old Paper conducted by Mr. Porter, will, we doubt not, secure a large patiouage. The Meeting on Friday, sth inst. . A free barbecue will be given at W. D. Reeves’ in Union District, Spalding county, on Friday, the sth inst. A grand rally of the people is ex pected on the occaston. Gol. Jas. A. Russell, of LaGrange, L. J. Glenn, Esq. Atlanta, ami other distinguished speakers will be present am! address the meeting. The friends of Buchanan and all others favorable to Southern interests, are invited to be present. Col. McGee and Capt, Jones. We had the pleasure, a few days since, of mak ing the acquaintance of the above named gentle men. They have been sent out by the Georgia Emigrants, to ask aid for the cause of bleeding Kansas. Many of those who are “bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh,” have gone to that dis tant land, and staked their all upon the Issue now pending over .that devoted country Difficulties and dangers unforseen and unexpected have been thrown in their way, and they are cmpelled to ask assistance from their friends and brethren whom they have left behind. Col. McGee and Capt. Jo’nes have been commissioned by them to lay their wants and their necessities before the people of Georgia, and solicit from tligpi that aid which they *0 much need. Shall this call go unheeded ? Shall this appeal be made in vain ? We trust not. The liberality of our people is proverbial. Let their munificence be commensurate with their means Oratory—Henry M. Law. PflfsrtAnt to plf-etious notice, this gentleman ad dressed a portion of our citizens, at the Synodical College Chapel, on Saturday flight last. The in clemency of the vveather prevented fltany, \?ho otherwise would have been there, from being pres ent. He is a finished speaker—a gOfld orator—a profound scholar, and understands ids subject— “ Oratory,” well. It is emphatically a treat to heat him. He is* no humbug, but in reality whflt he pretends* to be—an Orator The weather permitting, he designs giving the citizens of Griffin another opportunity of listening to his enchanting and rapturous strains of elo quence, to night, (Wednesday) at the same place. Let none stay away. A “feast of revson and a flow ol soul” may be expected on th e occasion Our Neighbor. The Editor of the American Union, pays us quite a compliment in the last issue of his paper It how ever, smacks a little of the sour fruit which we read of in the fable of the Fox and the Grapes.— When our neighbor calls to mind the fact that we have no secret, oath-bound party ties, binding us, we hope he may dismiss his fears as to our indepen dence. Death of an Editor. John W. Wolfe, Editor of the Albany Patriot, died at his residence, on the 27th ult. In his death, the church of which he was a member, has lost one of its bright ornaments, and the Democratic Pres one of its strong .pillars. True Nobility—A Momentous Deci sion. All work, even cotton spinning, is noble. Work is alone noble. Be that, here said and asserted once more,” so Carlyle says. But we must remem ber that there are degrees in nobility. The high est nobility is the nobility of beneficence. An ho nest man, says the poet, is the noblest woik of God. We have no hesitation in extending the apothegm. The noblest work of God is the man who is not only honest, but who does the greatest good. The greatest of all temporal blessings, is health. And, as the mental condition is controlled by the physical, the effects of health can hardly be regarded as .terminating with a mere temporal ben efit. Ihen who is the greatest of all human benefac tors ? He obviously who enables us to restore health that has been deterioated, and to preserve health that is good. The secret of restoring and preserving health, has been the ’great aim of the modern philanthropist, as it was the philosopher's stone of the ancient alchemist. The secret has been discovered, its discoverer proving himself thereby not only the greatest phi losopher, but the greatest philanthropist the world ever saw. The question “Who is he ?” has been asked my millions, and answered to them:; and they have rejoiced. Professor Holloway has con ferred more blessings on humonity, than all the “soi-disant” social reformers, and pseudo.philan thropists the world ever saw. The fame of his Pills and Ointment has penetrated to the remotest confines of the earth, and their use has diffused health, and all the happiness that follows health over countless thousands. From the ice-bound capes of Lapland to the shores of the Meditterra nean, from the hoary summit of the Ural Moun tains to the eastern shores of the Atlantic, there is not a city, town or village of any note, in which they arc not met with. The missionary takes lit tle else in his medicine chest ; the sailor never needs a more varied supply for his. They are pe culiarly adapted to the diseases incidental to the American climate. They have never failed here or elsewhere. Friends, we indulge iq no exaggera tion ; we defy contradiction, because we state what we know to be true. If you aio ill, try these mediciues, and then say whether our statements are baseless. We are confident of your decision.— N. 0 . Picayune. ; ‘ •’ • ■>’ Ki * Prof. Wood’s Hair Restorative. This Restorative for making the hair grow, stop ping its falling out, and redeeming bald heads from their nakedness, is becoming celebrated. All the quack nostrums are giving way before it Three fourths of the mixtures for restoring and beautify ing the hair, do it more iujury than good. They buru it up— life at its roots, make the hair tall off, and produce mature baldness. But Prof. Wood’s Restorative may be relied upon, as con taining nothing which can in any manner be inju rious to the hair, while its success is accomplishing what it pretends to be able to do, has been verified in hundreds of cases. We advise bald heads, and beads getting bald —all who wish to save then’ wool, or obtain anew stock, to get a bottle of Wood s Restorative* —Evansville Journal. #■ Mr. Fillmore a sworn Know Noth ing. Let the people not forget that Fillmore, like the “private Secretary,” is a sworn in Know Nothing. Gustavus Adolphus Scroggs, of New York, ad ministered the oaths to him, and he belonged to Lodge No. 177. Brownlow, a great leader of Sam’s thus admits and endorses the fact in his pa per : “Since Mr. Fillmore's retirement from the Pres idency. he was initiated into Council 177, in New York, and took the three degress of the Order— took the oaths of the party, if the reader please— and if again elected to the Presidency, as we are confident he will be, he is just .the man to carry out his engagements, aud to comply with his obli gations. And mat ail who wish the information, may know what obligation Mr. Fillmore has taken upon himself, we subjoin extracts from these , obli gations : OBLIGATION OF FIRST DEGREE. ‘ln the presence ot Almighty God and these wit nesses, you do solemnly promise and swear that you will uot vote, nor give your influence for any man, for any office in the gift of the people, unless he be an American born citizen in favor of Amcri cans ruling America, nor if he be a Roman Catho lic ; that you will,-in all political matters, so far as this order is concerned, comply with the will of the majority, though it may conflict with your personal preference, so long as it does not conflict with the Constitution of the United States of A merica, or that of the States in which you re ride.’ OBLIGATION OF SECOND DEGREE. ‘You do solemnly and sincerely swear, that if it may be done legally, you will, when elected or ap pointed to any official station conferring on you the power to do so, remove all foreigners, aliens or Roman Catholics from office / place, and that you ivill in no case appoint such to any office or pldce in your gift.’ Since Fillmore is alone their platform, it is well to see some of the solemn obligations he has taken, and that “m all political matters,” the will of the majority of the Order he has sworn upon the Holy Bible to obey, though it.may conflict with his per sonal preference. Late abolition and freesoil move ments of that order North, show unmistakably where he has to go, or perjure himself. Old Line Whigs—American Democracy—inde pendent Freemen every where, look at these things. Can such a K. N. man be the proper head of thir ty-one Sovereign States ? Stump orators may try to veil the hideous fact by attempted deification of Fillmore, but that he is an oath-bound Know- Nothing, sworn in secret—after rising to public life as a great anti-Masot, and a denouncer of secret societies—sticks to him like the garment of Neme sis.—So. Banner . . [For the Empire State.] Facts for People of Georgia to ponder on. Every one who votes for Mill.nrd Fillmore, votes for a Presidential candidate nominated by. Aboli tionists, Black Republicans. Native Americans, Free Soilers, Nigger Stealers, and Southern anti- Kansas men. Proof : The Convention in .Phila delphia that nominated firrti Every one who votes itii Millard Fillmore, votes for a man who took an oath to do as he was com manded by his secret Council in all things politi cal—oaths of Know N othingism that was begot ten by abolitionists of Free Negroists, now dead and stinketh, the issue is.. See Gen. Suggs for proof. Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes for a man who stood by the side of -John Quincy Adams and Joshua R. Giddings in all their hellish designs on the South—voted with them on every proposition they made to ruin the South—frater nized with those traitors in all his Congressional career. See Congressional Globe for proof. Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes for a man who never gave a vote in favor of the South, when it came in conflict with the North on the slavery question—never, no never in favor of the South. Out of CO or 70 votes, he cast every one of them against us. Proof: See Congression al Globe. Kvery one who votes for Milliard Fillmore South, votes with Freesoilers North against the interest of the South against Kansas being a slave State —to put in office those who deplore the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and who will, restore it when they get the power. Proof: Every North ern Fillmore man, except two, has already pledged themselves on the record to do so. See Congres sional proceedings. Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, will do so with the certainty that no more fugitive lie-* grocs will ever be recovered, and white rogues who steal them, will be pardoned out of jail. Proof : See Drayton and Seay case. Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes for a man in layer of taxing salt, sugar, coffee, and all other necessaries of man in humble life, while he is in favor of admitting free of tax, gold watch es, breast-pins, striped stockings, and other jim cracks worn by the*proud and wealthy. Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes for a man who is opposed to the rich paying their honest debts Proof : His vote in favor of the Bankrupt Law, and his vote against its repeal. Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore in the South, does so to aid their Freesoil cousins North to get him in the House of Representatives, where they can make a bargain with the Black Republi cans for office. Proof: Senators Pearce au Pratt, of Maryland Every one who votes for Millard Millmore and A. J. Donaldson, votes either for a bad man, Free soiler, enemy of the South, in the person of Fill more, or for a great slanderer in the person of Donaidsott. Proof : Donaldson s opinion of Fill more. Every one who votes for Miiiard Fillmore, votes for bquatter Sovereignty and alien suffrage, as proven by the admission oi Cunlornin, and the’ Utah and New Mexico Bids, making Mexican cit izens eo instauter, and allowed to vote without one day’s probation —tut lirst President whose admin istration inaugurate*! a.- a earumai doctrine there in Squatter Sovereignty and alien suffrage. Proof: Compromise Bibs m Every one who vid.es lor Millard Fillmore, votes fora ma who would wuhuold Irom the South a boon, the right ol ( quality ; a Southern man not the equal oi a Yautue Abolitionist. Proot : Ro cheste- speech Every man who votes lor Millard Fillmore, votes for an Abolitionist. Prooi : Henry Ciay, the im mortal Statesman, delining who were abolitionists, said there were three classes—the Freesoilers. then gradual and ultra Aboiitionists. The ultra Aboli tionists he said were those men for immediate ae tion. Do you accept his opiniqn ? You once be lieved in him strongly, Millard Fillmore in his Erie Letter (and no one can show where he lias ever modified the remark,) said when asked this question, “are you in favor of immediate legislation for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ?” lie answers, I AM. Henry Clay’s definition proves him to be not only au Aboiitionist, but an ultra Abolitionist ! What native Georgian will vote for an Aboli-: twnist ? I will not, will you ? . ‘ ‘ • * For the Empire State. Mr. Editor: After my compliments to the Editors of the Columbus Enquirer, American Union, and all concerned, please say to them that the Old Ploughman chooses to follow the directions of the Bible rather than the notions of Party editors, which says” Acts sth chap. 29th verse, “we ought to obey God rather than men,” and his Divine Master has said, Luke 20th and 25th verse, “Render therefore unto Caesar the things which be Caesars, and unto God the things which be God’s !” Then read, if you please, the 2Gth verse, so the old Plough man, recollecting that God is the same yester day, to-day and forever, and that he used Mos es, Joshua, Samuel, David and others in a tgo fold way, will,if permitted, labor at Fellowship church, Ain., on the 3d. Sunday in Sept, for the peoples spiritual good, and on Monday for their National good. And be it known untoyou men and bi’e.uren from Maine to California, that he cannot Opiate with a party who came into being bound by cWths to secrecy,and whose track has been marked by deception, false hood, immorality,brute TITOo, fire, sword, blood and death, for ii is said in UJ’ Scriptures, Ha bakkuk the Ist chap. Kith vc!k’* “thou art of purer eyes than to behold evil, unu °anst not look upon iniquity, wherefore looked thou upon them that deal treacherously and thy tongue, when the wicked devouerth tiw man that is more righteous than he?” So not withstanding 1 voted for Mr. Fillmore in 1848, at the ballot box and in the Electoral College, as he approves of the American platform, with the 12tn section stricken out, and is openly opposed to the Kansas Nebraska act, and in favor of the restoration of the Missouri com promise, by which the South is deprived of an equal participation in the common property of the country, contrary to the Constitution, to justice and State rights, 1 must be excused for not voting for him now, and I cannot see how any Southern State Rights man can be consis tent, and do it. But Mr. Editor, I do not think Mr. Fillmore will get a single Southern State, and how he can get a Northern one when the same principle exists there that de feated him in the nomination before, I am at an utter loss to conceive, unless-he lias changed his notion of things: and when I see the many influential men that have left the Know’ Noth ing or American Tarty, and eoine over to the support of Buchanan • and the Constitutional rignls of the South, and then recollect the ma jority of the democracy last year, I am con strained to believe, if the Election was to come off now, Buchanan would be 20,000 ahead in Georgia. Perhaps you will hear from me again soon, Yours to serve, WM MOSELEY. The U ashiugton Monument. Many months ago, when the popular huzza was sounded throughout the land the ‘Ameri can’ party had inaugurated anew born zeal in behalf of American interests, national pride and honor, and when many persons were silly enough to believe that their vaunted pow er and infiuance were based upon something more substantial than ‘airy nothings,’ this party ob tained control of the National Washington Monument Association at the Federal Capitol. The mode by which this was accomplished is still fresh in the recollection of our readers.- the Know Nothings, by their secret machinery of lodges and oaths organized a Know Noth ing ticket, of which the outside public had not the slightest suspicion. Thus, for . the first time in the progress of this great National movement, to erect a monument in honor of Washington, it was made it a subject of party scramble. The disgraceful scheme succeeded— the eoniftfl of the Monument Association was thus surreptifuo'nsly obtained, and Know No thingism was substituted in place of a general National sentiment ns the presiding influence over this grand ovation to the Father of his Country. The name and the memory of Washington having been thus desecrated for party purposes it might reasonably have been expected that, from very shame of failure, the Know’ Nothings would have been stimulated to some creditable exertions to redeem their loud promises to the public. The merest dictates of party interest, any one would have supposed, would spur them on to do something toward the grand reseult, and stave of the ignominy and disgrace which failure would entail on Know’ Nothingisra.— But the party which could violate the sacred sentiment of national gratitude to the illustri ous dead, seemed incapable of realizing the dis gust which a gross neglect to redeem their promises would inspire. The Washington Monument, it was vaunt ingly said by the Know Nothings, w’ould rise rapidly to completion from the day that ‘inten sely American’ party took charge of the w’ork. It was to lift its towering summit to the skies by means of the voluntary subscriptions of the Know Nothings alone. From every member of their lodges ancl Councils throughout the land was to be a contribution to the work.— This, when completed, w’as to be not solely, and we suspect not chiefly, a monument to Washington, but a grand electioneering sign post to which Know Nothings were to point, and boast of their superior patriotism. * Behold now’ the fruits of their ridiculous ar rogance—their impertinent folly. Silence broods over the spot—the hum of industry is hushed—the sound of the artizan’s hammer is no longer heard. The blocks awaiting the disposal cf constituted guardians of the quent tokens of a people’s love and reverence for their great champion and hero, stand there untouched, mute but scathing witnesses of Know Nothing factiousness, presumption and irnpotcucy. The melancholy Spliynx—the broken columns and crumbling arches of ancient Thebes as they rise from their sandy beds in which they are half buried bespeak a glory once) • resplendent and complete, and the modern trav eller bows liis head in honor to the mighty deeds of the past, But what must the travel- j ler think of Know Nothingism as he pauses be-’ ton the Washington Monument, and beholds real eloquent evideneee of the delinquency of Los grandiloquent and loud vaunting party. That party which professed to have risen up from the ruins of the two great parties that pieecdeu it, and would not hold itself respon sible lor the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of either , is it sell now a unique, brokeu and scat tered ruin. Its dismembered fragments are seen in all parts of the Union, having some pe culiar characteristics common to all, but. in most respects dissimilar, disjointed, discordant; irreconcilable, repugnant. They never could have formed a homogeneous and symmetrical■ whole. They were from the beginning iucapa-l bio of being moulded iuto a shape that • would be either useful or ornamental. The party has turned out a miserable deformity—a hideous monument of fanaticism, demagogueism, pro scription and intolerance. Who is to be responsible for the obnoxious acts and violated pledges of the Know ‘ Noth ing party ? . Kansas Affairs. By the confession of both the pro and anti slay ery parties, says the Savannah Georgian & Journal, the late outbreak in Kansas was the work of the Freesoilers. Lane having march ed several hundred outlaws into the Territory, they signalized their advent, and illustrated courage, by an attack on the little town of Franklin—defended some accounts sat, by 20 others by 80 men. After a light of several hours in which four pro c a'cry men were wounded, and one or more abolitionists killed, the latter canturod the place and plundered it of its arms ? Ahe tollowiug ap^a l Ws boon sent to the at“ 1 "I w believe .it Llu_a 0 0. Cautiously as it is worded, it fore shadows very (tetmctly thenar now Wingwn ged by- the freesoilers over their opponents Georgians, does this appeal suggest nothing to.you ? Your friends are being' butchered by tltotabolition hordes* marched into the Territo- that purpose, from the North West. Can you do nothing ? Are there no men who will go.£ is there no more that can be sent to the grief of the assailed ? But here is the appeal : Lawuexck, Kansas, Aug. ‘l3, 1850. Lo the National Kansas Committee—- Gentlemen : The emigrant train which left i lo'ya a few weeks since, has, we , understood, a.'bed in safety Topeka. The presence oF so la., ‘'a a OC L V of men, and the prospect of still niOK following in their footsteps, is highly encouraging our people. In other respects, our cause in \ht> State, and at Washington, seems to brighten. c would gladly a wait the complete organization operatic** of your scheme, and the sure opera °F otfvt? cau ses for our preservation, but a jessing *mer gency conipells us to anticipate thcJ,~ and Wo 1 appeal by a special messenger to you for morA prompt and efficient aid iii men, anus, ammuni tion and provisions. Ihe contest is upon us, and instant action - alone can save our people from destruction. It scem to you a premature movement but we sre forced in it. The’details will have to be explained to you by the bearer, Esq who is fully acquainted with all the facts, ami upon whose statements you may fully rely. The leading facts of the case we will briefly state. A\ e have three statements upon the most idialilc authority, and no heresay re port. J Since the attack upon Lawrence of May the 21st, last, with executions of a few skir mishes, matters in the Territory have remained m comparative quiet. The presence of the Go vernment, troops, which is secured to impose a cheek upon the designs of our enemies, has served them with an opportunity to make’morc extensive preparations. Provisions, arms both guns and cannon, and ammunition, have been severally introduced into and stored in different parts of the Territory, bands -from 50 to 200 men each from Missouri and the South, are for tifying themselves into a continuous line thro’ the settled portions of the Territory, in readi ness for a simultaneous descent by night upon our scattered and defenceless people. 1* nil} satisflod that this extreme danger im pended over us as we appealed to the military to afford us‘protection by the dispersion of these armed bands. This has been refused us in the case of a band of upwards of 100 men encamp ed about six miles from this place, on Washing ton Creek. We must have immediate help.— The hordes from Missouri, and other parts of the South, will be in upon us. Wc shall stand by our homes to the last. To the neighboring free States, and to the- National Committee, we look for relief. Shall we not have it ? The battle, as you are alrea dy aware, is not for Kansas alone*, but for free dom of the entire North. Suffer us not, then, w e entreat you, to be overwhelmed for want of timely aid. We will do our duty. If the re ports our friends bring us be true, the North is alive to its danger and duty, and will stand by us. Commending our cause to the immediate at tention, and to the Almighty, we remain yours &c. ‘ ’ Shameful —The Hon. Percy Walker wat ” hung in effigy in Yobile a few days since. The ■ figure was suspended on the telegraph wires opposite the Battle House, and bore the in- - script ion of “Percy, the Traitor!” We presume the speech delivered by this gent/crann in the House of Representatives, on the sth inst., in which lie announced his determination to vote for Mr. Buchanan, gave rise to this disgraceful off ir The trea on of Mr Walker consist, as much in the expression of the followhg seuti mcm any thing else, we opine : “in the great struggle in 1850, I took the ground in ray own State, that, in my judgement this-Union—all glorious as it had been, the object of my love and revrence, filled as I was with ihe thoughts of the great deeds of the men who gave it to us, looking upon it as of only less value tnan the principals which gave it being—l said then, that rather than submit to an unjust compromise I would see the Union shivered int-fragments. Aifd I say now tbo’ I am no disunio ist—that yplueing my own rights, and, l trust, properly regarding the rights of others—yet, I say uow, in all calmness and -olenmess to northern gentlemen thai in ray judgement, if the restriction referred to bv tlie gtti.tiem.in, [die Missouri restric tion,] should bi renewed upon the South—if that i> to bo ii.c finale of this fierce sectional Strife- it would load to a disseverance of thfr Un on. Isay, further, that in the consumma- tion ot tnc eve t tbo gentleman supposed, if my voice had potency, t-Mould ring from everv | liill-tOj* and every vale in the South. I would I ligi* the beacon Arcs ot revolt on every sou j them s. earn, and, if need be, cut with the j sword the bonds that linked us with our I • ‘ppi o v. .> i e>, in saying this, I would invoke . Htau n >n ii t.iat dark day away from us. | I womu ot only live in peace, but cultivate, | fwi . s fe'tehial concord and hfwiac. j ny. !> : .t t tea only be achieved, it oaty 7 j l,e i : e-ervod by a determiuatieu upon rHI sides • to await, to each State its full equally,, audr | to tne citiz us oi each State full an and perfect, 1 , equadiy, t,n w rit the other. Gover omentsare t wur li live, f.,i unless thegrer *t objpots of ►I. e eat orr n- carried out, n 0( j w j t li us equality le.n.i g, fundament “ A \ jj oa . The t .- U. -t .Ot be Shorn of thej j. sovereignty, nor widens abridged In *l, e ir rights.”* uoh - t.if ■ language of -‘Per. .y Hie Traitor!* ’ &nc fte anguugeof tne mr J ‘ “ a South (6TB aiiy, and call ttaito: , Aias! tor Know Not jdngiwn \ People a a di, iHce >- ill begin to tl ti nk tb * t ,Mobile, maac p ot a strangepopu- One day a, .Cos .mvss, nan, who express’ M sentiments. 1 ,!! v ‘T’ l \ huas mes fiigy and branded as traitor, and tbe next, / a e ma n i s suffered, . mem ly t“ Me. art, UI ibwig and uuwhipt, .rom tr •.r city, ~fer ve odin/abolition publi ■4 ; t I . |H ‘ r (!trut, 3 outrage sin.ul, , . ! i,. eqout, ‘ sent along in the. .ike t ftnr cklantl, f6r . . *tiev are “bone of his ; bone, and flesh of bi fl es h,” —Advertiser | C rdzettc *