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Cjre Empire State* GRIFFIN, • GEORGIA, / Wednesday Sept. 17, lSa6. , FOR PRESIDENT : JAMES BUCHANAN.; *■ • 1 OF PENNSYLVANIA. f FOR VICE PRESIDENT : J. C. BRECKENRIDGE. OP KENTUCKY Democratic Electoral Ticket. FOR THE STATE AT LARGE. ELECTORS. ALTERNATES. WM. H. STILES. Henry G. Lamar. IVERSON L. HARRLS. A. R.Wkight. ELECTORS. ALTERNATES. Ist Dist. Thomas M. Foreman W M Nichols. ld'.“ Samuel Hall, J A Tucker. 3,1 “ J N Ramsey, E J McGehke. 4th “ L J Gartrell, J F Johnson. sth *• John W Lewis, L W Crook. 6th “ J P Simmons .'. R McMillan. 7th “TP Saffold, J S Hook. Bth “ T W Thomas, A C Walker. p . ■ ~ - - ■— . . ---- - G BYARS is our authorized Agent for the county ©fßuttf. Letter from Hon. Charles J. Jenkins. Lexington, Ga., August 12, 185 G. Hon. Charles J. Jenkins— sociated with you politically, and always enter taining a high respect for your opinions upon all subjects of public policy, you will pardon me, I hope, for taking the liberty of asking you to give me your opinion in writing upon the claims of the candidates now before the country for the Presidency, with the privilege ofaJjigit as I may wish. As an Old Line \\ hig, I feel that duty and patriotism require that I support James Buchanan in the present contest. Very respectfully, Willis Willingham. Augusta, Ga., August 28, 1856. My Dear Sir : Your letter requesting my ‘‘opinion in writing upon the claims of the can didates now before the country for the Presi dency, with the privilege of using it as you may wish,” is before me, and although with drawn from the political arena, I cannot de cline compliance with your request. These claims must be considered relatively, in reterence to the state of the country, and the political circumstances surrounding the candidates severally. It is proper to begin with a survey of the ! field of American politics, as at this moment presented. There is but a single exciting question now before the American people, viz: a proposition to repeal that feature ot the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Ne braska, which expressly abrogates the Missou ri restriction, and to restore that restriction. This is the pending issue, though there can be •io doubt that success in it, would encourage its authors to inti oduce other measures of re peal un’il all advantage resulting to the South from the Compromise of 1850, shall have been swept away. The absence from the contest of other questions, makes it distinctly sectional, aud fearfully perilous to the Union. Now for the array of parties, and I remark, that you are invited to make this survey from a point entirely without the lines of any and of all of them ; certainly not, for that reason, ineligible. First, then, we see a party prostituting the time-honored uame “Republican,” banded to gether lu one section of the country, for the avowed purpose of crusading against the rights and institutions of another section, holding the affirmative of the above stated issue ; a party equally sectional in its aims and its organiza tion ; emplo.ing for the purpose of agitation, thecombined agencies of the r ustings, the press and the pulpit, all sustained by the corrupting influence of money, drawn without stint, from the well filled and open coffers of tributary millionaires. It presents as its candidate Mr Fremont, famous on'y fur bold adventures in exploration ot our Western wilds and snowy j mountains —a fit instrument in the hands ofj the desperate faction who have committed their black banner to his firm grasp. I cannot en large upon the demerits of this party, or of its candidate, nor indeed, in this latitude cau it be necessary. I will only add that it is formi dable, as well in its strength as in its desper ate daring. All men here properly estimate its character—few, very few, rightly appreciate its p iwer. Tiie Southern man who thinks it contemptibly weak, and upon that opinion pre dicates his course in this contest, will find, when too late, that he has hugged to his bosom a fatal delusion. If not the first, it will un doubtedly prove itself the second power in the struggle ; whether it shall be first, or second, will icpend mainly upon the South. We turn now to an array iu another part o r the field Tue American Party, somewhat the se nor of the Republican, has been avowedly orga iz*d for the purpose of reforming our nat ural zitiou laws, so as to secure effectually to Americans to rule America. The object is a good one, and when pursued by legitimate me ms, without being made primary to others more important and m<>re exigent, will, I trust, claim the favorable consideration of the whole jieople. Now, however, that que-tion is scarce ly named in the cauvass, and it were well to let this nua-ure of reform rest, until the escape of the R public from its present peril is effect ed. This party, although nt sectional, is certainly of doubtful nationality, for the pur pose of resisting the present aggression upon the rights and interests of the South. The doubt is predicated upon the express repeal by their national council, in February, 1856, of the 12th section of the platform or declaration of principles, made in June, 1855, and which gave to the South an ample guaranty of their co-operation. It is some times said that pa per guarantees arc utterly valueless. Tuey hare certainly proved so in some instances, and for the argument, we may grant them always so ; still it must be couceded that the formal and distinct withdrawal of oue previously gi ven x is significant. This party then with a full knowledge that their national council (whose authority is recognized J had made this with drawal, proceeded, in Convention, on theuext day, in the same city, to nominate their candi date for the Presidency and Vico Presidency, and gave them no position whatever ou this momentous question. In view of all this, to say that this party is of doubtful nationality for defence of the South in this ruthless ag gress>ou upon her constitutional rights, is to use mild terms. Os the patriotism and genu ine national feeling of the Southern wing, no doubt is to be insinuated—they are above sus picion. Their mistake, I think, lies in repos ing unmerited confidence in their northern con federates, upon whose faithful co-operation de- pends the claim of the party to nationality.— Their candidate is Mr. Fillmore, a most wor tby man—an able Statesman, who in the leg islative and executive departments, has done the country good service, and made his name honorable: •• We are pointed by Southern adherents to his administration, and we are told that by his nomination, the party has given the South a higher and better guaranty than their repudi ated 12th section. To a great extent this guaranty is. gbod, and is cordially accepted, but does it go far enough ? OfMr. Fillmore’s loyalty to the Constitution, and to tfhe rights of all people overshadowed by it, as lie inter prets them, there call be no doubt--none at all. But since he went into retirement, there has bben further legislation on the slavery question ; the Kansas and Nebraska‘act, re pealing in express terms, the Missouri restric tion, which had before been virtually abroga ted by the territorial acts of 1850, has been passed. This is the alleged cause of the pre sent agitation in the non-slaveholding States. We of the South maintain that this repealing clause is in strict accordance with the compro mise of 1850, aud we then claimed the remo val of the Missouri restriction, as one of the benefits derived under it. Yet, since his nom ination, Mr. Fillmore has publicly denounc ed this repeal. No v, we cannot afford in kind ness to any man, or set of men, to blink this question, so full of peril to the South and to t lie Union. Whatever may be said of squatter sovereignty, or of sanctioning alien voting, or of other provisions of this Kansas Nebraska act—We cannot surrender the clause which re peals the Missouri restriction. Yield that, andjyou yield /miek that is in the. compromise of 1850, which we are all solemn ly pledged to maintain. Yet again, it is .pre cisely this clause of the act which Mr. Fill more has denounced. It is quite possible that notwithstanding this denunciation upon the ground of expediency, he may, up< il higher considerations, oppose himself to the rest Or a tion of the Missouri restriction I have once been told, when presenting this view, that his nomination by the American Patty of Georgia and their platform, in which high ground is ta ken on this point, had been together laid be fore him, and in his acceptance of the nomina tion, he must and would declare his assent to the platform But has he done po ? You will search for it in vain there He alludes to his candidacy under the Philadelphia nomination, expresses himself gratified that the Georgia Americans have concurred in it, and for his principles refers to his pest, administration. I will say in candor that I have been told also, that there is in existence satisfactory evidence of his concutrencc with our views on this point, but I have not seen it Why not give it to the public ? Why not let every man read aud judge for himself ? No public man, no candi date tor any high office, can rightfully ask the suffrages of the people, save upon the faith of his public acts and declarations, nor has Mr. Fillmore asked them otherwise. Jn the ab sence then of any published evidence on this point, I close the discussion of it with three simple questions, the answers to which may furnish to Southern men a rule of action in this emergency. First, does or does not the emphatic condemnation of a legislative act jus tify the expectation that he who so condemns will concur in und approve its repeal? Secondly, lias or has not Mr. Fillmore publicly aud em phatically condemned the abrogation by act of Congress of the Missouri restriction ? Third ly, if he be content to stand there, before Southern voters, where ought they to stand on the ides of November ? But there is a third contestant in the field, ancient iron-ribbed Democracy. There it stands, armed and equipped cap a pie with im posing mien, but with unnumbered sins upon its hoary head. Prominent among these, in my humble opinion, is that of having brought our present trouble upon us, by inordinate in dulgence of its lust for territorial acquisition, glazed overby the fallacious pretension of “ex tending the area of freedom” —the dema gogue’s hobby and the fillibuster’s apology.— Tuat will be a dark day for the country, when conservative old line Whigs identify them selves with this party. In their palmiest days they could only partially check, not an-est the downward tendency of its misrule. Their mis sion is -till and ever to combat its errors and counteract its objectionable policy. But with all its faults, that party now stands forth, alone in its reliable nationality—alone in its unqualified pledge to maintain the pres ent status of Congressional legisla ion on the slavery question. For the redemption of this pledge their orators at the hustings and their editors through the press a e now laboring.— Exceptions there may be, but in general, even on free soil, they come up manfully to the work. The party is planted on this policy, their committal is complete—with it they must sink or swim. Their candidate, as broadly pledg ed, as deeply committed as themselves, is Mr. Buchanan, the wisest, most conservative, most reliable, democratic aspirant to the Presiden cy. They cull him an old fogy. I have an instinctive leaning to old fogyism, when put in competition with young Americanism. I would take him in preference to the most prom ising sprig of young America that democracy can boast. This is no time to struggle for party ascen dancy. Now we must look to the country— its continuing prosperity nnd greatness in the Union, or its utter ruin out of it. We must have a President who will uphold the Consti tution now, as we interpret it, or all is lost.— Let our inquiry then be, first, who of the can didates will stand firmly by us; and secondly, who of tho-e that will, has the fairest pro>pcct of success. Self preservation demands, that in this crisis, we vote with reference to the great issue, and to the availability of the two candidates in the election. Let us save the Union now, through the instrumentality 0 f the democracy, if need be, and oppose thorn hereafter, when occasion shall require, the same indomitable spirit they have encountered in us heretofore. They who admit the peril and then refuse 1 his sacrifice to avert it, are in and inger ol merging the patriot in the partisan Now, the better to estimate the peril nnd toe chances of averting it, let us consider the pros pects of the several candidates Believing, as I conscientiously do, that should Mr. Fremont succeed, the Union will not survive the admin istration, X assume that it is a cardinal object to secure the election of a safe man by the peo ple. Heaven fnrfeud that the destinies of this great country should be committed to the House of Representatives, as now constituted. Does any Southern min feel differeutly, let iiirn cast his eye upon the speaker’s chair - lei him contemplate the attitude of that body at this moment, and be warned. Does he with all the lights before him. desiie to send the election to that body in the forlon hope of thus securing the election of his party’s candi date, fonAm, I have no argument. “He is joined unto his idols.” To return then. That Mr. Fremont will receive an immense majority of the votes In the non-slaveholding States,is beyond all ques tion—precisely how many no man can foresee. He might loose twenty seven votes and still be elected The entire vote of the South, concen trated upon one candidate would be inade quate to elect him. No reasonable man will deny that, should the vote of the South be divided, Mr Fteraont will receive a suffi cient number of Northern votes to defeat an e!cct : on by the people. The practical question for us is, which of the two, Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Fillmore, has the fairest chance of obtain ing, in the non-slaveholding States, a number of votes as, united with the entire vote of the South, w : ll secure his election by the people. Mr. Fillmore’s hopes, north of* Ma son and Dixson’s line, rest upon New York Be not deceived by the assertions of the parti zan press. He has no foothold elsewhere, in that section. On what foundation do his hopes rest in New York ? Looking to the numerous factions into which the people of that State have of late been divided and sub divided, the notorious loosening of ancient party ties, and their known proclivity to Free soilism, I submit to every cand.d mind the question, is safe, in an issue so import ant and so doubtful, to base a calculation upon her vote ? 1 here is, then, no reliable expectation that th South could obtaiti help enough from the not th to elect Mr. Fillmore. What are Mr. Buchanan’s prospects? It is as far re moved from doubt, as such an event can web be, that the noble old Keystone State will stand by the Union and her illustrious son in this contest. 1 here is good reason to hope that New r Jersey will do likewise These two with the unanimous vote of the South, would r elect Mr- Buchanan. His prospects jm’ those, two States are tar brighter. I think, than Mr F Him ire's in New Yo; k. But again, to bor row a phrase, Mr. Buchanan has in Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Connecticut, a margin Which Mr Fillmore has nowhere. Should the farmer lose New Jersey, there is a hope that out of those four States, the loss would he made good. Ido not mention them in any other connection, because I fear more- than I hope from them. In one word, then, were this a contest be tween Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Buchanan, and were I assured that Mr F llinore would oppose himself to the restoration of the Missouri re striction, I would vote f<>r him with unspeaka ble pleasure. But being satisfied beyond all doubt, that it is in fact a contest between Mr- Buchanan and Mr Fremont; that Mr BuChan an, as Pres dent, will interpose all the power of his administration to preserve, unimpaiied, the Constitutional rights of the South aid the perpetuity of the Union, whilst his real com petitor would unscrupulously trample on the former, with full knowledge that he thereby imperilled the latter, I say let evey southern electoral vote be cast for the democratic nomi nee. Let Georgia do so; laying all party pre judices and affinities, as an offering on the al ter of our common country. To aid in this re sult, no man need sever any existing party ties, nor need he form new ones For myself I disclaim any such purpose I have, my dear sir, been unwilling to ob trude my opinions upon public attention; but I do not see that I can, with propriety, refuse to place in your hands this hasty and imperfect expression of them, leaving to your sound dis cretion the use to be made of them. Respectfully, &e. CHARLES J. JENKINS. Dn W. Willingham. Letter from Judge Neshit. Macon Ga., Sept, 1856. noN. H. G. Lamar: My Dear Sir: —In your letter of 7th July last, you say “repeated inquires have been made of me as to the course you would deem it your duty to pursue in the approaching Presidential contest ?” And you farther say, “Will you favor me by placing it in my power to answer these enquires in the authentic form of a letter from yourself, with the privileges of its publica tion ?” Before the receipt of your letter, I had, in private conversation, announced a purpose to vote for Mr. Buchanan unless it should become manifest that Mr. Fillmore w'ould be more like ly to prevail against Fremont. I have with held my answer until I could determine with reasonable certainty, the probability of Mr. Fillmore’s election. I know 7 that his friends are sanguine in the hope that if not elected’ by the People, yet he may be elected'by thfe House After a careful and anxious survey of the whole ground, I am constrained to believe that there is no hope of his election in any event. Such being my conviction, I feel that it is due to my self and to my friends of the American party —to right, and to my country, to avow 7 public ly my determination to cast my vote for Mr. Buchanan. That this determination will be heard with regret by some and with surprise by others, I suppose may be true; that others still will fail to appreciate my motives and censure my course, I have reason to apprehend. Yet I am satisfied that the larger part of the people of Georgia who know me, w ill give me credit for honest motives and conscietious co nv jetions. The times require sacifices and justify a change of political position. The crisis of the Ameri can Union is now in action aud that is the cri sis of Protestant Christianity and of •civil liber ty. I shall not labor to demonstrate these propositions. To the good aud wise such labor is unnecessury, and to such as are on any ac : count’ indifferent to the perils which environ us, unavailing. It is too late to reason with those who really desire the destruction of the Union—it is with them a fore gone conclusion ; they would • not believe if one should rise from the (lead. Do not the dead speak to them ? Speak in their precepts —their recorded entreaties, and their mighty example? Washington and Clay, Jackson and Webster, and a host of really great men besides, have argued and do now argue this question, with almost super-human power.— They brought to the discussion an order of manliness—a type of patriotism —a sublimity ol moral courage, and an intellectual strength, unknown to the men of this day. I am not ashamed to set at their feet. lam proud that my own pqpp sense of obligation impels me in the line of their illustrious example. Neither my conscience, nor my children, nor my coun try, shall reproach me with having failed to do, what little 1 may do, to perpetuate blessings so in appreciably great as the people of this country now enjoy. Among tliesq blessings, not the least, is the right to freedom of opinion —a right which I exercise in the domrfiunica tion which through you I now make to the public. I have shrunk from this duty with painful sensibility. I meet it simply because under all the circumstances of the case,l believe it to be a duty. You are aware that I have been for many years a whig. The noble old whig party, after years of honorable contestation under the lead of as gallant and able and as pure men, as ever graced the annals of any party, has been dis banded. Whilst there are both at the North and the South thousands who adhere to the principles of that party, yet they are without organization, and without nationality. Asa party, the whigs are impotent to control ’the destinies of the Union, and are intact in the mi nority in almost all the States. Their power to serve the country now lies in the control which they may as individuals or as an organ ized minority, exercise over the action of the dominant party. That is by no means small. Their vocation is still high and holy. When the American party Was organized, find ing many of their principles identical with those which, as a whig, I had long held, and approv ing with unconditional heartiness the doctrines which they avowed as to the natural ization laws, become an American, I can- fore see no event that can force me to repudiate the principles of that party. But scarcely was it organized before at the North it became sub servient to Freesoil policy, and with shameless prostitution gave itself to the embrace of those who are the enemies alike of the institutions of the South, the Constitution of the Union, and the religion of Heaven. That was a declaration of its dissolution. It became at the North a sectional party; at the South it is what it al ways was, true to its section—true to the Con stitution, and true to the great idea of Ameri can nationality- Mr. Fillmore is the candidate of the American party South, and a just and honored and honoring exponent of its principles. I do not suppose that any one .can now ques tion the fact that the American party is with out nationality, Ido not mean to say that its principles are not national—they are national although they are Southern. I mean to say, that it does not pervade the Union—that it is without power to control the States of the North, and I sincerely believe is in the minori ty in all the Southern States. The conclusion therefore is, that it cannot elect its candidate. This I think is true, notwithstanding the sup port which the old line Whigs will carry to Mr Fillmore. That support, although it may be general, will by no means be universal. There are many, very many of the old line whigs, who influenced by considerations above all party ties, will like myself, lend their aid to the election of Mr Buchanan. So much and no more for the extinct parties and my relations i to them. What is now the condition of things ? Dif ferent from what it has ever been, and such as to excite the most serious apprehensions for the safety of the Union. Heretofore, the contests of the Union have been waged between the Whig and democratic parties—both national. Now, the struggle for the government is be tween a purely sectional party and all other parties. Heretofore, both of the great partigs believed that the success of either Would liot involve peril to the Union, because they believ ed that the prevailing party would administer the Government, under the constitution, with a just regard to the interests of all parties of the Union. This is unquestionably true, not withstanding real differences between them up on questions both of domestic and foreign poli cy, and notwithstanding the bitter mutual de nunciations of the party press. Now, without stopping to enqure what the Freesoil Party may believe of us, no man in the Union who is not himself a Freesoiler, can fail to know and believe that if that party should prevail, the Government will be administered in violation of the Constitution, upon principles strictly sectional, and with an already openly avowed purpose to aggrandize the North at the expense of the South. Who can doubt this when abo lition is the cement of its platform and ‘Free dom’ is the cry that stirs the Northern and North-western mind into such prodigious activi ty, and has rallied to its banner the conserva tism that has so long resisted its treasonable and infidel policy. Who can doubt when hold ing power in one branch of the National Leg islature, the Freesoil party to inaugurate the reign of ‘Freedom’ have perpetrated revolution by withholding supplies. Is this the beginning of the end ? Heretofore both parties have be lieved that the President elect, clothed with the executive powers of a great people, sworn to maintain the Constitution, influenced by moral considerations of almost overwhelming magnitude, and stimulated by motives grand enough to create and ennoble capacity, would be the President of the nation. Should Fre mont be elected, his alternative will be to abide the instructions of his constituency and become the tool of a revolutionary faction; or through a national administration reach the distiction of treason to his friends. lie will not hesitate which of the two to choose. With a majority in the House —with the Executive branch of the Go Vermont and all its appliances of influ ence wielded by a willing tool, a few revolving years will enable the Freesoil party to com mand the Senate. When that is attained it is manifest that they will proceed at once to con summate their avowed purposes. If not by some bold and wanton act of aggression upon the Slave States, yet by legislation equally de cisive in its results—for example: the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the abolition of sla very in the District, and the prohibition of slavery in the territories. To such legislation the South will not submit—ought not to sub mit. The election of Fremont will be the first scene iu the drama of disunion; anti-slavery legislation the second; the third and last will be fratricidal war. If our union could be peace ably dissolved, however, deeply to be deplored, the event might be contemplated with some degree of resignation. I confess that I have no idea that a peaceable severance is at all practi cable. Such are my views of the triumph ,of the Freesoil power in the approaching election. That it will triumph, all concede there is immi nent danger. To prevent that triumph is in my judgement, the highest obligation of patri otism. To fulfil that obligation I can perceive no practical way, but to vote for the Democrat ic candidate. If Mr. Buchanan can defeat Fremont and Fillmore cannot and the success of Fremont will be followed by the dissolution of the Union, the case is fully made out with out. farther argumentation. If these statements are true, I do not perceive that for me their re mains any alternative. In a, contest between the Union, and my party principles—l go for the Union. Iu an inevitable struggle between sections, and that appearently a final struggle, my fortunes and my efforts are with my own section. What are my principles worth if I am to lose the Uniou? And what avails my preference of Mr. Fillmore, if he, and I, and the South, are to be sacrificed ? I assume that Mr. Buchanan may be elected and that Mr. Fillmore cannot. I may possibly be mis taken, but such is my opinion, and I must act upon my own judgement, fallible though it. be. It may be said that if Mr. Buchanan can be elected at all he can be elected without your j aid, and why swell the triumph of an ancient.! opponent ? To this, I reply, that it is of vast j moment, not only that Mr. Buchanan should be ; elected and go into office with the moral power ■ of the entire South to sustain him, and wfith the sanction of an overwhelming popular ma jority. Farther, it is not certain that he can ! be elected without my aid—without ray single sufferance, and I am determined that so far as my vote is potential, he shall not be subjected to the remotest chance of a defeat. Too much is at stake to rely upon coutingences. Again it is said, that the people will fail to elect and in the House Mr. Fillmore can be elected. The devolving of the election upon the House is an event to be deprecated. I look upon it as a calamity only less than the inauguration of Mr Fremont. At any time it would be unfortunate—now’ it would be disas trous. The passions, prejudices and rivalries of the Union are there concentrated. Section alism is more incoutrolable in the House than among the people. A single man there casts the vote of a State, and that State as potent in the Choice of President as York, corruption’s fairest, field. Violence, if not mild ness, would rule the hour, Disruption would ,be the probable consumation, and if that should not ensue, the foundations of the government would be shaken in the fierceness of the strug gle. But there we encounter the same danger of the success of Mr. Fremont that we now meet before the people. Let it be conceded, however, that he could not be eleete 1 by the House, what the.i wiil be Mr. Fillmore’s posi tion? Suppose that Mr. Fillmore goes into the House with the support of four States and Mr. Buchanan twelve, and this is a supposition most favorable to Mr. Fillmore—ls it to be ex pected that the twelve would yield to the four? The reasonable conclusion is that the four would yield to the twelve and Mr. Buchanan be elected; and thus would be effected through the dangers of the House, w'uat may be affect ed peaceably, through the Electoral Colleges. Is it claimed that the Free States will go for Fillmore when all hope of electing their man is lost ? The claim is unfounded, they will stand upon their candidate. Upon the hypothesis that they will choose between Mr Buchanan and Mr. Fillmore. I see no reason for believing that they will prefer the latter to the former. Upon their principles Mr. Fillmore is quite as obnoxious to them as Mr. Buchanan. But yield the point that Mr. Fillmore can be elect ed by Free States in the House, then I say that it is not desirable. In that event he will go into the office by the suffrage of the Freesoil power. As the friend of Mr. Fillmore I would not subject him to a position of such paiuful responsibility. Ido verily believe that he would meet it firmly, wisely and justly. Yet, elected by the North, it is clear that he would encounter their imperious exactions, and on the part of t.he South jealousy and distrust. In any event his election under sucli circum stances would perpetuate the distressing agita tions of the country. You perceive that the principles upon which ; I base my course do not require me either to j disclaim or affirm the Platform of the Demo ! cratic party. I have a thorough disregard for platforms. They are redeemless humbugs. I do not therefore judge of a party by its plat forms, but by its action when in power, and its relations to the country. The democratic par ty is the only national party which the trou bles of the times have left to honest men. If it be -a sectional party, it is the party of my I own section- I will not disguise the fact, that Mr. Buchanan commends himself to me as the exponent of the most conservative part of the democratic party —as an able and experienced Statesman, and as a gentleman of unimpeacha ble private character. He and his party are fully with us on the great slavery issues of the day. My hope—nay, my belief is, that if elec j ed, he will administer the government upon Constitutional principles—that being raised to : power mainly by Southern suffrage, and indor sing as he has done, Southern views, he will protect Southern rights—that during his term of office the conservative elements of the na tion will have time to come into legitimate ac tion—that the storm of fanaticism and section al folly will subside, and the Federal Uniou be preserved. Respectfully Your friend, E. A. NISBET. [For the Empire State.] A Trip to the Lookout Mountain. Mr. Editor :—lt may be interesting to some of your numerous readers, and serve as a res pite from the political excitement of the times, as well as add a little variety to your columns, to give a brief account of some observations made on a recent visit to that sublime height —the Lookout Mountain. This Mountain rises within three miles of the city of Chattanooga, and is said to be 65 miles in length* and from 2 to 20 miles in breadth, and its altitude 2600 feet above the level of the Tennessee river that flows at its base. In ascending to its apex, you travel about 2 \ inilss over a turnpike road made at considerable ex-’ pense, but it is a road for all time to come.— When you arive at the summit of this grand observatory, there are several stand-points from which, it lius been said, you have the grandest view to be found in the United States. On the plain of its summit, there is a good deal of very productive land, but nothing to compare with the land in the vallies below. It is a re markable fact, that when you strike the blue limestone, say at Cartersville, there is nothing in the way of rocks but limestone to Chatta nooga. But the moment you arrive at the foot of the Lookout Mountain, you leave the lime stone and you see nothing then but the “old sandstone” till you return from your wanderings to the valley again. This mountain affords a delightful Summer retreat for many of the citizens of Chattanoo ga, and other places, who have their Summer residences there, and some spend both Summer and Winter there ; and from the pleasure 1 felt during three nights I spent there, I would say no place affords a more delightful retreat. I was informed there were about 20 families who spent their Summers there. For the in formation of those who may wish to visit the Mountaiu, let me say that there is at this time a large Hotel for the accommodation of visi tors, and a second one going up which is to be very commodious, and which will accommodate several hundred persons. This is to be com pleted by the next Summer. But I ought to i add as a further information, that if you visit that place you should fill your purse well with the sine, qua non , for between the tole-gates, the hacks and the tavern keepers, you will re quire a good supply to answer your purposes. ISow, Mr. Editor, lest I should weary vour readers, let this suffice \for a general outline, and by your permission, I will, in the future, notice some of the particular locations and points of observation. A SOJOURNER. Griffin, Sept., 1856. one of our Alississippi exchanges, in untieing the proceedings of a democratic meeting in that State, notices the fact that a distinguished mem ber of the American party gave in his experi ence and took his seat with the mourners. He said he had got off the platform of the American party, but he didn’t jump off, nor didn’t fall off. He was standing erect, with head lifted, and suddenly he dropped through. Somebody pulled out the twelth section plank on which he was standing, aud he fell through the hole in it—that’s Fillmore’s Philadelphia platform.— Constitutionalist , Mr. Fillmore’s Abolition Yates. The Journals of Congress show that Mr. Fill more supported by his vote , petitions— 1. To declare slaves free who had gone to sea with the consent of their masters, and to protect them in their freedom. 2. To repeal all laws and constitutional provis ions by which the Federal Government is bound to protect the institution of slavery. 3. Against the admission of any new State into the Union, whose Constitution at all tolerates sla very. 4. Against the annexation of Texas, solely on the ground that slavery existed there. 5. To abolish slavery in the District of. Colum bia, though the whole people of the- District cher ished the institution, aud never petitioned for its abolition- G. Tb prohibit the buying and sell life of slaves in the District, and other Territories of the Un ion - 7. He supported, by his vote, petitions to Con gress to repeal the act of the Territory of Florida, to prevent migration of free negroes to the Territo rv. 8. He voted In favor of petitions to naturalize and make American citizens of Negroes from every quarter of the earth 9. He voted in favor of a petition to receive ne gro ambassadors from the Black Republic of iluyti. Mr. Buchanan’s Be curd on the Slave ry Question. The Richmond Enquirer closes, an able aud interesting review of Mr. Buchanan’s record on the slavery question with the following recap itulation and comments: 1. In 1836 Mr. Buchanan supported a bilP to prohibit the circulation of Abolition papers through the mails. 2. In the same year he proposed aud voted v for the admission of Arkansas. 3. In 1836-’7 he denounced and voted to reject petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 4. In 1837 he voted for Mr. Calhoun’s fa mous resolutions defining the rights of the - States aud the limits of the federal authority,, and affirming it to be the duty of the govern ment to protect and uphold the institutions of the South. 5. In 1838-9 and ’4O he invariably voted with the southern Senators against the consid eration of anti-slavery petitions. 6. In 1844-’5 he advocated and voted for the annexation of Texas. 7. In 1847 he sustained the Clayton Com promise. 8. In 1850 he proposed and urged the exten sion of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific ocean. 9. But he promptly acquiesced iu the Com promise of 1850, and employed all his influence in favor of the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law. 10. In 1851 he remonstrated against an en actment. of the Pennsylvania Legislature for obstructing the arrest and return of fugitive slaves. 11. In 1854 he negotiated for the acquisi tion of Cuba. 12. In 1866 he approves the repeal of the Missouri restriction, aud supports the princi ples of the Kansas Nebraska act. 13. lie never gave a vote against the inter ests of slavery, and never uttered a word which could pain the most sensitive southern heart. The prominent facts of Mr. Buchanan’s re cord touching slavery, are thus grouped into* a single view; so that the'person of the least patience in research may ascertain at a glance how the Democratic candidate stands in re spect to the great issue of the canvass. In this succint statement, we give not detached pas sages and isolated acts; but webring the whole history of a long life to bear upon the popular mind with the irresistible force of truth. This rapid retrospect discloses a consistency and an efficiency of service to the South, which flatte ry can claim for no other living man. Mr- Buchanan is not only vindicated from calumny p he is not simply shown to be exempt from just reproach and w orthy of confidence; he is promo ted to his proper position, in advance of any and every statesman of the North in the confi dence and affection of the people ©ff the South. He demands not a mere recognition of his at tachment to the Constitution,, but unbounded applause for suck service in the interest of the South as no other man can boast. Against the captious criticism of a desperate adversary,, refining upon technical distinctions and skulk ing among quibbles, the democracy oppose this iucontestablc attestation of their candidate’s fidelity. A Mammoth Printing Press. —A Neif York correspondent of the New Orleans Pic ayune, in a recent letter writes us follows: Perhaps when the London I imea ordered a ten cylinder press frem the Mes-ers. Hoe., it imagined it was leaving the most enterpriseing of the American Journals in the back ground, but it will soon find cot its mistake, for I now learn tout the circulation of the Philadelphia Ledger (imining well en to one luiudre& thousand sheets daily \) has compelled the enterprising proprietors of that paper, Messrs.. Swan & Abed to order from the manufactures two twelve e. Under presses, at aaest of S7O 000 1 I o accomodate these gigantic pieces of worfcr tnauship the Ledger folks have bci-w obliged! topnrehase two adjoining buildings, at jvbeavy. outlay, and in which the press's ato be placed. When these are introduced, tfie-- Ledgor will be able t > print sixty thousand’ sheets an hour or equal to one t 1 oit sand sheet* per minute. One of our sick compositors has recovered, and our tnends who have job work &c., on hand for us to do, may now rely on having it attended to at once. He says that— Jle took the ague badly, And it shook him—shook him sorely, Shook his boots off and his toe-nails, Shook his teeth out and his hair off, Shook his coat all into tatters, And his shirt all into ribbons; Shiftless, coatless, hairless, toothless, Minns boots and minus toe-nails; Still it shook him ’till it Made him yellow, gu.int and bony. But he has shaken so much that he has got the hang ot it, and his last act was to shake the chills clean off; an.l he is now up aud kick ing again. —Puducha Sentinel. Tit for Tat.—A ‘Live Yankee’ being awakened by the captain of a steamboat with the announcment that he “musen’t occupy his. berth with his boots on,” replied:—“Oh! the> bugs won’t hurt ‘em much 1 guess—they’re an old pair; let ‘em rip!” A Curious Incident. —Aine brothers, living’ in different localities over a region of country 2,000 miles in extent, recently met in Chicago to proceed to St Lawrence county, JL Y., to. visit au aged mother. BRASS and Mazlin Preserve Kettles ; French Pots,Tea Kettles, Sauce Paus, Rollers, Pot Covers, Waffle and Wafer Irons, and all other necessary adjuncts for pood cooking, at JOHNSON AMANGHAMo. July 2, 1856 10....