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% fowling, £dftct. Vol. 2. THE EMPIRE STATE IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY, By A A. QauldLlna. Yltctfs: TWO DOLLARS IN ADVANCE, OB THRSK DOL LARS AFTER SIX MONTHS, PER ANNUM. fcarOffiee up-stairs over W. R. Phillips k Co.-@t Adrertisemeuts are inserted at One Dollar per square for he tirst insertion, aud Fifty Cents per square for each in •rtion thereafter. ▲ reasonable deduction will be made to those who adver tise by the year. All Advertuemtntt not otherwiee ordered will be continu ed till forbid. Sales of Lands by Administrators, Executors or Guar dians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House, in the county in which the Land is situated. Notice of these sales must be given iu a public Gazette forty days previous to the day of •ale. Sales of Negroes must be made at public auction on the first Tuesday of the mouth, between the usual hoius of sale, ■t the place of public sales in the county where the Letters Testamentary, or Administration, or Guardianship may have been granted—first giving forty days notice thereof in ene of the public Gazettes of the State, and at the Court House where such sale is to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner, forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Or- Jinaryfor leave to sell Land, must be published for two months. Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published two onths before any order absolute shall be made thereon by he Court. Citations for Letters of Administration fhust l publish ed thirty days ; for Dismission from Administration, month Iy six months; for Dismission from Guardianship, forty •ays. Notice for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be publish ed monthly for four months ; for publishing Lost Pa pers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling ti las from Executors and Administrators, where a bond has teen given by the deceased, for the space of three months DANIEL & DISMUKeT Attorneys at Law, Will practice in the District Court of the United States at Marietta. UrlUin, Georgia. L. R. DANIEL, F. . PISMUXI. Mays, 1855. ts I YV. POPE JORDAN, Attorney at Law, Kcbuloti, Georgia. WILL practice in all the counties of the Flint Circuit. May 3,1855. ts J. H. MANGHAM, Attorney at Xjaw, GRIFFIN, GEOIIGIA. May S, 1855-ly 1 YVM. 11. F. HALL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, ZEBULON GEORGIA. Jmly 4, 1555. 9-ts J. A. B. WXUXAXKS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA. WILT, practice in the Counties composing the Flint Circuit. By permission, refers to Hon. Hiram War er. Greenville ; Levi M. Adams, Greenville ; Hon. G. J Green, Griffin : Hon. James H. Stark, Griffin ; Rev. Will iam Moseley, Griffin. June 2nd, 1856 6 ly. JOSEPH A. THRASHER, JAMES M. HAMBKICK TURASHEII k HAM BRICK, ATTORNEYS A T L A W McDonough, Georgia. April 30, 1856 1....1y F. W. A. DOYLK, *. *• EANSONK. DOYLE k RAN SON E, ATTORNEYS A T LAW, Griffin, ■ Georgia. April 16, 1856 60 3m lr T. DOYAL, 0. M. NOLAN. DOYAL & NOLAN, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, McDonough Georgia., WILL practice in the counties of Henry, Fulton, Fay ette, Coweta, Spalding, Butts, Monroe and Newton 43-Ukference— Theueive*,-S April 2, 1856 48....1y _ ’ Q . C . G R ICE, attorney at law, FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA. May 15, 1856 3 ts. ’ JAMES H. STARK, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Grl An, Georgia., WILL practice in the Courts of the Flint Circuit, and in the Supreme Court at Atlanta and Macon. Feb. 13, 1856... .41... .ly JAREDIRWIN WHITAKER, ATTORNEY AT LAW , Office front Rooms, over John R. Wallace & Bros., corner of White Hall and Alabama streets, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. January 30,1856 ts W. L. GORDON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA January 30, 1856 39 ly HENRY HENDRICK, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Jackson, Butts County, Georgia May , 1855. t( A. D. NUNNALLY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA. June, 27,1855. ly- UNDERWOOD, HAMMOND l SON, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. WILL give personal attentionto all business entrusted to their management, and attend the Sixth Circuit Courtof the United States, at Marietta, the Supreme Court at Macon and Decatur, and the Superior Courts in Cobb, Morgan, Newton, DeKalb, Fulton, Fayette, Spalding, I ike, Cass, Monroe, Upson, Bibb, Campbell, Coweta, Troup, Whitfield and Gordon, in Georgia, and Hamilton county, (Chattanooga,) in Tennessee. May 3,1855. tt W. L. GRICE, WM. 8 ’ ‘WALLACE. GRICE & WALLACE, ATTORNEYS AT L AW, BUTLER, GEORGIA. PERSONS intrusting business to them may rely on their fidelity, promptness and care. Dec. 10, ’55-33-ly. GAIITRELL & GLENN, attorneys at law, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. 11 TILL attend the Courts in the Counties of Fulton, Dc- VV Kalb, Fayette, Campbell, Meriwether, Coweta, Car- Henry, Troup, Heard, Cobb, and Spalding. Lcchts J. Gartrell, I Luther J. Glenn, Formerly of Washington,Ga. | FormerlyofMoßoncugh.Ga. May 16, 1855. • 3tf WHITE LEAD! KEGS No. I, Extra and Pure White Lead, just re 100 wired and for sale by HILL & SMITH. Griffin, Sept 19, ’ ( fmsixt mi §§ xio i n *l l For the Empire State. Mr. Editor : As every opposition press throughout the United States has brought the charge against Buchanan that he is in favor of squatter sovereignty, I desire through the co lumns of your excellent paper, to present a few practical, common sense views on this sub ject. I hold that there can be but one interpreta tion fairly given to Buchanan’s letter of accep tance, and t at inter} retation will be found on examination, to be liberal and just. The lan guage is plain, and “he that runs may read,” and none but those whose vision are dimmed by party prejudice, can possibly mistake its mean ing. Buchanan in his letter of acceptance, de clares that “the people of a Territory like those of a State, shall decide for themselves wheth er slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits.” In the same letter he declares, “in accepting the nomination, I need scarcely say that I accept in the same spirit the resolutions constituting the platform of principles erected by the Convention.” In order to determine with a greater degree of certainty, the exact position of Mr. Buch anan in the premises, it will be necessary to refer to the resolutions of the Convention which nominated him, and also the provisions of the Kansas and Nebraska Act. The resolutions of the Convention in regard to Territories, is in the following langnage : “That we recog nize the right of the peop e of nil the Territo ries, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally expressed will of a majori ty of actual residents , and whenever the num ber of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a Constitution with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with other States,” The provision of the Kansas and Nebraska Act is, “that when admitted as a State or States, the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received with or without slavery as their Constitution may prescribe, at the time of their admission .” The same act that declares that the legisla tive power of the Territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with the Constitution and the provisions of this act. Thus much premised, and it appears to me that we have the position of Buchanan, and the Democratic Party marked in such plain lines, that there can be no mistaking their po sition Buchanan’s letter of acceptance declares, as we have seen, that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for them selves the question of slavery. At what time shall they decide this question ? The resolu tions ot the Convention, and the provisions of the Kansas and Nebraska Bill, furnish the so lution of this question. At the time the\ have the requisite number of inhabitants to form a Constitution preparatory to their admission in to the Union as a State. Could language be more explicit ? And could any but those who are wilfully misled, be mistaken in this aspect ? vVe think not. It is an admitted fact by all candid and sen sible men, that when the happening of a cer tain thing depends upon some certain contin gency, that the thing that is to take place, cannot be effected previous to the happening of the contingency. Now to apply this axiom to the question undi r consideration, and we see that the time the people of the Territories shall settle the question of slavery, is when the contingency mentioned in the bill shall take place, and the irresistable conclusion is, not till then. I is also well known to all, at least to those who make any pretensions to legal knowledge, that where there is a plain and unambiguous declnrati n in a legislative act, that a future declaration in the same act, does not, nor can not destroy the force of the first declaration, but that we must in the construction of all statutes, look to the entire act, and where such thing is possible, make the entire act harmonize with the first provision of the act. Now to apply this construction. The act declares in the first section, that when the peo ple of the Territories have the requisite num ber of inhabitants to form a Constitution pre paratory to their admission into the Union, that they shall settle the question of slavery. Now to say that the 6th section of the act tives them the power to settle this question, previous to the forming a Constitution prepar atory to their admission, would in effect nullify the first provis on of the act, and as we have already shown, this cannot be done. To construe the act by rule we have laid down, and it harmonizes ; to give any other construction, destroys the plain provisions of the act, and therefore any other construction is wrong. But there is still another thing to te borne in mind. The 6th section declares that the legislative power of said Territories shall extend to all rightful subjects of legisla tion consistent with the Constitution and the provisions of this act. Now what are the provisions of the act, and what act is it that the Territorial Legislature, previous to the formation of a Constitution preparatory to their admission into the Union, cannot pass ? Why they cannot pass an un constitutional act, nor an act in contravention of the territorial law organizing them into a Territorial Government ; and it is perfectly plaiu to every one, that if the Territorial Leg islature were to declare whether they would or would not have slavery in said Territories pre vious to their forming a Constitution, that they would thereby pass a law contrary to the provisions of this act, which the act itself de clares shall not be done. 1 o sum up the whole matter, we discover that Mr. Buchanan holds the doctrine that the people of a Territory at the time they form a Constitution, have the right to decide the question of slavery for themselves, and not till We have shown in the second place, that any other construction of the Kansas and Ne braska Act than the one we have giveu it, would cause a subsequent provision to destroy the first provision of the act, which according to legal construction, cannot be done. We hara shown in the third place, that tho Territorial Legislature cannot pass any law “Ho (iei)i i|[>ll)lo3 coi|ll"3ds oi|l- fjotoei-s—Jl) cstfok bot|i)sle?s Goifteri) is 0i)l~S.” GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 24, 1858. contrary to the act establishing a Territorial Government, aud to declare whether they would or would not tolerate slavery previous to the forming a Constitution, would be in vi olation of the territorial law, and therefore cannot be passed previous to the time specified. We believe this to be the position of Buch anan, and the Democratic Party generally. JONATHAN. — For the Empire State. Columbia, S. C. Mr. Editor: As it is necessary to the body politic, ns far as it regards the stirring events of the times, to keep fully posted up in all mat ters pertaining to us as a people, I thought it would not prove uninteresting to your readers, to give them an idea of things in general as they exist in the ‘Palmetto State. The most in teresting event of the week has been connect ed with the reception of the Hon Preston S. Brooks, wliose notoriety consists, in having made to yield under the correcting inflnance of Gutta Percha, the raw material which com posed the body of the Hon. Senator from Massachusetts, Charles Sumner On the arrival of Col. Brooks, he was com plimentary met by a committee of gentlemen and escorted to his quarters, where he remain ed until the next day. when a committee wait ed upon him and expressed the wish, that he would renm n until that evening, so that the citizens of Carolina might show their appreci ation of his recent act by presenting to him some testimonial of their regard. The evening was ushered in by bon fires and a display of fireworks associated with mu sic by one of the bands ot the city, and as the hour approached for the ceremonies to take place in regard to the man whom South Car olina delighted to honor, a living mass of peo ple began to assemble around the Court Honse awaiting with anxiety the moment of presen tation. When the hour arrived, the Mayor, E. J. Arthur, on behalf of the citizens of Columbia made a few pertinent remarks, expressing the satisfaction that had been evinced by the peo ple whom he represented, at the gallant con duct of their Representative who unmindful of all danger courageously threw himself forward and smote the slanderer of one of South Caro lina’s venerable sous, and resented the unjust accusations which had been hurled against the home of his birth, and in token of tier esteem he would present to him the following articles A silver pitcher, Goblet and a handsome gold headed cane. In response, the Hon P. S Brooks said that, that moment was the happi est he had ever experienced during life, p’aced in a peculiar position where he wouh* be oblig ed to State facts as connected with himself, he hoped the charge egotism would not be made. In the course of his remarks he stated, that he had been made the object upon which Black Republicanism was endeavoring to build future success in the coming Presidential election, that he believed true valor existed at the North as well as at the South, and in the endorse ment of his conduct he felt that it was not the deed he had perpetrated, but the principle in volved in defending the pure character of the South and his native State from unjust asper sion that had given him the unqualified appro bation of every patriot. The speaker went on to say that he had done more to unite the South than any other man, and in regard to the action upon his case in the House, the South unanimously sustained him, with the ex’ ceplion of one or two cases and in view of past and pr< sent associations he was a disunioirst, and if his vote could produce an immediate dissolution of the Union he would give it. He extended his remarks by saying that he was in favor of the election of James Buchanan, as it was the best that could be done under present circumstances, that his election alone could give peace an<i perpetuity to the Union, and accord to the South her just rights, but if he necessity of disunion should ever arrive, he would have the people of the South well esti mate the cost connected with a disolution, as for himself he had long counted the cost and by his past acts proved himself a co-operation disunionist. He continued his remarks by stating that when he expressed himself in his speech of resignation, that one blow from him would create a revolution, he felt, bad he ad vanced and slapped the face of some, Northern member (I give his own language) the floor of the House would have been covered w'ith the blood of the representatives of the two sections so bitter was the feeling engendered towards him in the minds of northern members. He expresed himself that as he did not be lieve in perfoiming an evil act that good might come, for that reason he voted for the army appropriation bill, at the time feeling that it would be best for the interests of the South should it fail as the North was entirely bene fitted in the results accruing from the sustain ance of the army, in argument to the assertion advanced, he stated that nine tenths of the soldiers were enlisted at the North, that all the clothing manufactured for the troops was made in Philadelphia and that Springfield ar mory contained among its workmen some 700 voters who invariably voted for Black Repub licanism, but in case of the failure to pass the army bill, those w'orkmen being thrown out of employment, would readily perceive in what channel their best interests ran, and would ac cordingly vote for James Buchanan, and last ly, upou the failure of the bill the army would be removed from Kansas, and then the gal lant Missourians could meet without enterfer ence. Lane and his abolition cohorts, deciding at the point of the sword the cherished rights of the South. In passing he would pay tri bute to as gallant a son as the Union ever produced, Franklin Pierce, the patriot of no section, but awarding to wadi their just rights, and in order to show the purity of heart of one who is indeed a model President, he would state a circumstance that happened under his immediate notice. At the time ot the adjourn ment of Congress upon the suggestion of the President to call an extra session in order, if possible to pass the army bill, the intention of the Executive was opposed by Southern mem bers united with the democrats of the North and by one member of the Cabinet, Jefferson Davis of Missisippi, in replying to the objec tions made against the course that he felt lie ought td pursue in calling an extra session of. Congress. He said gentlemen, were Ito dis- band the army for want of an appropriation, thereby leaving the frontiers open to the ruth less invasion of Indian tribes, without doing all in my power to avert so deplorable a catastro phe, the blood of the women and children, would, I feel be on my hands, making my slum bers uneasy. Asa concluding remark, he would utter the words of one of South Coroli na’s favorite sous, “'I hro’ good and evil report for weal or for woe, South Carolina, right or wrong.” After the honorable gentleman had conclud ed he was escorted to his room, the rest of the evening, until a late hour, being appropriated to his benefit by a farther display of fireworks and serenade by the band Yours &e. W. K. P. [For tlje Empire State. - ! Mr. Editor : It is proper in considering of the dangers and difficulties which now darken our politican horizon, to propound the ques tion, ougut .Jr. Fillmore to be supported by Southern men ? In other words, who ought the South unanimously to support in the pre sent crisis ? Mr. Fillmore says that the repeal of the Mis souri Compromise Line by the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, “seems to be a Pandora’s box from which have sprung all our troubles, and that Northern Democrats arc to blame for its repeal.” Now if he were President, entertaining such sentiments, and Congress should pass an act restoring that line of prohibition, would he ve to the act ? Is it not probable that he would sanction the restoration ? Does any of his sup porters believe that under such circumstances, he would veto such an act ? And if he would not, is he the man for the South ? Sir, I hold that whoever occupies the respon sible position of being President of these Unit ed States, for the next term, will have to be a man of sufficient nerve to confront the enemies of onr rights upon these questions ; it will be no time for mincing matters. Our section has been restored to its equality of rights in the organization of these Territories, and because Abolitionists are trying by force of arms to deprive us of the enjoyment of that equality, it is said that the act admitting us to such equal ity, is a “Pandora’s box from which these evils have sprung.” It appears that Mr. Fillmore desires us to occupy the humiliating position of being excluded from the Territories ; forsooth Abolitionists will fight if we are allowed to go there ! Sir, I also hold that a craven heart who can willingly yield his political and civil rights, simply because bad men may endeavor to pre vent his enjoyment of them, such a heart should not be found in the breast of any Southerner. I doubt not that Mr. Fillmore, knowing that Abolitionists are disposed to accomplish by force'and fraud what they cannot do legally, prefers that we should not have an equal show ing in the Territories. This is offering us peace, but such a peace as we do not admire—a peace of dishonor and degradation 1 Is he my friend who desires me to yield my rights for the sake of peace, because someone -will oppose the en joyment of them ? I would scorn and disdain such friendship in the common affairs of life, and I consider such friendships equally despica ble in a political sense. Look at the meaning of Mr. Fillmore’s language. O Southern peo ple, do not insist upon your equality and your rights—you will make the Abolitionists mad and get up a difficulty. Bear with them, they are fiery, furious and dangerous, and if you claim your rights, you will have bad times ! We must have equality ; no good can come of yielding. Why -ir, Abolitionism will find a thousand fields to make battle upon. Would a wise people wait for an invading army to march into the centre of their country before making resistance ? I tell you nay ; we must meet them at the threshold. Peace should not have such charms for us as to be purchased at the price of ruin. My hand is to meet argument with argument, blow with blow, and blade with blade 1 Crouching will do no good—the shrinking policy has been sufficiently tried.— And Mr. Fillmore is not the man to meet the crisis ; he has not got the nerve, if he had the desire, and his proclivities are too much to wards freesoilism to feel the inclination. At the time he was in office, his timidity probably had much to do in preventing disunion, but that was the only time in the history of our country when timidity would have accomplish ed any thing. The compromise measures of 1850, had just been passed, the South was in convultions, and the North in a high state of excitement ; Mr. Fillmore was afraid to take strong ground in any direction. He feared to do any thing to displease the South, because the South had already borne till forbearance had ceased to be a virtue, and disunion starred him in the face ; he therefore sacrificed his in clination to bear dow T n upon the South upon the altar of his fears ; he would not do any thing to displease the North, because all his prejudices, proclivities and antecedents were with that section. The country, it is true, was in commotion, but that commotion subsided na turally and of itself, as the Ocean subsides af ter the storm. Any strong move either way, might at that time have produced a dissolution, but Mr. Fillmore is not entitled to the credit, unless his fears are to be considered a virtue. His first move was to threaten the State of Texas with the Army, the Navy, aud the Mi litia, by which he aroused the entire South—he trembled and tried such experiments no more 1 Like the sick man w r ho could not get out of the ship in time of a storm, w'hen all on board de serted her, and who afterwards, upon the ship’s safe arrival at land, without his assistance, claimed by the law of the seas, that he was en | titled to the entire cargo, (but which he did I not get ;) so Mr. Fillmore’s Southern support ers claim for him all the glory of saving the Union, and giving peace to the country. The Union like the ship, landed itself, and Mr. Fill more and the sick man are not entitled to the glory of the one or the booty of the other. EQUAL RIGHTS. fgyDown in Maine they turn members out of Church because they vote the Democratic ticket. The Beltfast Free Press published the affidavits of several Church members confirming this charge. One man was ejected for going the straight Whig ticket, with tbe Union Se nators. extract from a Letter To the Editor of this paper, the writer of which was a short time since a resident of Grif fin, dated Lexeington, Mo., Sep. 5, 1856. * * * As it may be interesting to you to hear something originally from Kansas, I undertake to send you a few lines on that subject. The troubles there are great. Gen. Lane is in the Territory with 2,500 Abolition ists and robbers; who are driving out every pro-slavery man they can come acress. They are at Lawrence, which place they have well fortified. The Missouriaus are raising men, and are trying to keep them straight. On the 27th of August they fought a battle at Oswa ttome. There were about 200 men under the command of Capt. Reid ; and the Abolition ists numbered about the 300 men under the command of the notorious Brown : but thank God they were whipped ! The pro-slavery men had none killed, and only four slightly wounded, while they killed 61 Abolitionists and took 8 prisoners. They burnt the city, and the best of all was, they killed the leader, Brown, and his son. The people here are now moving towards the Territory, and ere this reaches you, I hope they will have whipped out every Abolitionist. Missouri is doing a great deal for the South, and the South should try to help her. Yours truly, G. E. N. B. News just received by Express, state that the Abolitionists have taken Lecompton, and a train from the Plains worth $45,000. — This is the report, and we have no right to doubt it. Yours, G. E. For the Empire State. Crankum’s Dream. “♦**** We know From Job, that Satan hath the power to pay A heavenly visit thrice a year or so.” Byron's Vision of Judgement. [The following is from an unpublished frag ment. The scene from which it is extracted, is laid in a student’s room at Brownwood, Ga. Cranknm was a green, don’t-care sort of a fel low, from the back woods, who had about as much fondness for books as “Rip Van Winkle - ’ had for his own business ; but as for things that boot naught, he was ‘tw,” and excelsior --taken upon his “treasured tales,” the re source was ad ivfmilim] The room being in the humor of listening, and giving their attention, Cranknm ..related at follows : “My daddy had a large herd of sheep a few years ago, and during the winter season, it. was necessary to attend to them, as there was noth ing in the woods to subsist upon My old dad thought as much of his sheep as he did of the offspring of his own loins ; hence he must have a very reliable hand to attend to them. He made choice of me, (he had no other boy child ) having more confidence in me than any of the negroes, which is a natural consequence, to fill the office of a shepherd during the dearth with the improvident beasts. About two acres were enclosed in a flat in the pincy woods, half a mile from the house, in which the drove were nightly penned A large gate permitted entrance into the fold Evening and morning I visited the pen with provender for the sheep, and loosing and confining them. The path leading thither conducts you through an umbrageous grove of evergreens. It was on a still February night, the moon shining bril liantly, that I walked out to the pen to see if my wards were all at their places. Going on, the thought of death struck me, which must have been suggested by the loveliness of the wood through which I was passing. It was something for I hardly ever grow sb phi losophic in my housings “all alone,” as to al low myself led by thought into dealings with that profound and mystical sleep which knows no waking ; yet I often dream of death, and dealings with Pluto. I continued on, and en tered the fold, and found all thy Wards pre sent. They all knew me, arid w T ould gather around me on entering, licking my hands, &c. I took a seat on a stump in the pen, and sur veyed the heavens that presented one sideral mass—the Queen of Night w r aded among the host in her grandest attire, and occasionally the wandering meteor would sweep athwart the heavens in his trajectory path. I had now indeed become philosophic as the Chaldeon, and almost fit to play the Psalmist. A serene feeling passed over me—many scenes floated athwart my vision—l was dead 1 What strange sights appeared to my view as I seem ed to move upon the wind over a heaving, mingling abyss. Said Ito myself, quite differ ent is the valley of the shadow of death to what I supposed it while mortal, and also these supermundane realms 1 “ A slight change came over the aspect of things. I was in the midst of an umbrageous glade ot cypress, and passing through it, I discovered it a place of sorrow and tribulation, for I re marked at a shoft distance from me, a host of beings in, and assuming all attitudes of genu flection before a hideous monster, more terri ble than I had ever fancied Pluto. Observing me, he approached me. I was now at the gate of the most passing beautiful garden my eyes had ever beheld, or heard conceived.— The palisade or paling, wasof pales of brilliant granite, and a cerulean vault hung over the region, spotted with dazzling suns. Pluto, as I conceived him to be, undid the portal, and I entered. There was indeed an angelic band They clustered around me chanting pcans, and casting upon me looks and smiles of welcome. I turned to see what had gone with the turnkey, my new guest, and lo 1 he had Proteus-like, - ssutned the exterior of an angel, a dangerous, as I thought, incog. I remarked to a beauti ful creature near me, whom 1 supposed to have once been a woman, (T had not yet learned whether there was gender in that country,) that it was very strange the key of heaven should be entrusted to such a monster, and that he should be permitted to enter among angels in a guise so tempting and so Well cal culated to aid and facilitate his plans of de ception and enticemcut. She answered sweet ly that the period of recreation given him had not yet expired, and as soon gs it was, he w ould be again confined, and only permitted to enter at the trial of souls, hating a part to 1 perfOVm, in that judicatory. Wbfit part is that 1 I enquired. Sweetly strd said, only testing the faith ; ydnrs, I ween, is fixed. $2,00, fa fidtynce. Moving at a little distance, I was seated, and the snow-white angels kissed my hands, and by other acts manifested great familiarity. Now the ordeal was to take place which was different from any thing of the kind I had ever heard or read of on earth. I had to receive a blow on my breast, and if I shrunk from it, or exhibited symptoms of pain on receiving it; I was determined an iinfit subject for heaven —I hadn’t faith ; if 1 was received without exhi bitions of regard, I was to be liberated to walk and cliant anthems about the golden walks of Eden To administer this ordeal, was the office of Pluto, I remarked to him, in the guise he had assumed on entering befOro me ; He approached slowly in front of me, and arriving near, he inclined backward; arid thrusting, gave me a tremendous blow on the breast. I found myself instautly precipitated from the blissful regions of Paradise, sprawling! upon my back beside the stump on w'hich I had seated myself on entering the sheep pen, rising slowly, for I was ip a monstrous state of bewilderment at so sudden and extraordinary a down-hill transition. I discovered Oft. the opposite side of the stump, the old rain, shak ing his head occasionally in exultation. ] rose and thought if I didn’t.say, that I’ll sleep no moie. This, boys, broke up my connection With dad’s sheep once aud forever.” * Fillmore in Ohio. We are gratified to see that the friends! of Mr.- Fillmore in Ohio have held a convention and put in nomination a ticket for State offi cers, pledged to his support. It is true tliO President of the Convention, ‘pitched into thfe democratic party rough-shod, denouncing the Kansas Nebraska Bill as tlie cause of the pres ent political hurricane.’ It is furthermore trtt?; that the Convention exhibited a detestably proscriptive spirit. For example, on the first ballot for Board of public works, the highest vote was given to Alexander Mclntosh. The ‘Mc‘ sounded altogether, too Scotch. There upon, the question arose, is he of native birth? The best that his friends could say, Was that he had been a resident of Ohio for twenty eight years. But let us quote from the pro ceedings: But the name was that which suggested a foreign origin, and inquiries w’tre made to as certain whether he was an A merican by birth. Mr. May, of Cleveland, responded that ho was not; that he was born in Scotland, blit had lived in Cleveland the last txcenty-eight years; that he was agentleman eminently qual ified for the position; a member of the Ameti; can Order and a staunch friend of Fillmore and Donelson. Several delegates spoke out simultaneous ly, ‘we Can’t vote for him if he is riot an Amer ican by birth. Col. Chambers thought the mere fact of tiisi hating been bdrii on foreign soil, if he were an American in sentiment and otherwise qualified for the office, should not debut him from the nomination. He was inclined to be tolerant towards foreigners already hefe, brit was ‘op-’ posed to the futhre manufacture of American citizens except oh the horizontal principle.’ J. j. Dennis; Esq of Hamilton county, said that, as he understood American principles, no member of the order could consistently vote for a foreigner. Os course Mr Mclntosh, was dropt ‘like a hot potato. But notwithstanding all this, we rejoice that the indications are, that the Fillmore men will run a ticket, and obtain for it a Considerable vote in Ohio. For whatever votes are given to Fillmore will bfe taken from Fremont. It is not difficult to gee; that hedrtily as the Ameri cans abuse Buchanan, the Organs of the latter are wonderously well pleased to see a Fillmore ticket in the field. The Cincinnatti Enquirer* (Dem.) says with evident satisfaction: Besides their full State arid electoral ticket* they are generally making Congressional and courity nominations.— Sav. Journal From the Baltimore Sun, Sep. 13. Terrible Riot—One Man killed, and Twenty Wounded; A most terrible riot took place yesterday af ternoon about 6 o’clock, on Light street, in the vicinity of Warren street, which resulted in the instantly killing of one man, and the wounding of some 20 others, a number of whom are sup-’ posed to be mortally injured. The particulars of this sad affair, so far as we could ascertain them amid the attendant excitement, from the statements of parties living upon the street, and at the spot where the riot occurred, was that about 4 o’clock in the afternoon, as the American Clubs, known as the Rip Raps and Wampanoags, were passing the corner of Hen rietta and Light streets, some boys on the cor ner had some words with them, when one in the line struck one and knocked him down, up on which another of the party threw” a brick into the line; A number of them here left the line in pursuit of this boy, who took refuge in the Itth ward, house of James Clark, On the corner of Light and Little Church streets, and upon the pursuers entering, a fight took place between them and some parties in the bar room, which resulted in the party iu pursuit of the boy being driven off, when the w r hole pro cession moved on. At about 6 o’clock they again returned, when the riot, which resulted so seriously, took place, the statements as to‘ who made the attack being so contradictory* that we could not reliably learn from w hence it proceeded. In an instant thereafter a rapid discharge of fire-arms took place from both parties, and was continued some 10 or lfjgnin* utes. The person killed wAs named Ilare. Os the wounded, the follow ing comprises ths names of all we cbuld ascertain last night, the’ there were a number of others who were sbbU to fall, and were carried away before thOir names could be ascertained : , James Cork and wife, John Seward, a boy, Thomas Micon, a young than aged about, 20, John Jones, a young man aged about 21, G. Brannan, ZachariUs Gould- J6bn Hartlove, J. Carter, Edwaf’d CrottOh, a lad, S. E. Gano, from Cincinnati, D. Spedden, Frederick Ham mond, Michael Marshall, and a young man namr ed Culley. A majority of those wounded were not par ticipating in the affray, but were attracted to the vicinity of the melee by the firing. No. 22.