Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

s|. Siting, £uiior. Vol. 2. THE EMPIRE STATE IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY, By A A. G-auldlnfe. TERMS: TWO DOLLARS IN ADVANCE, OR THREE DOL LARS AFTER SIX MONTHS, PER ANNUM. •SrGlfice ap-stairs over W. R. Phillips & Co.@a Adrcrtisem(;nts are inserted at One Dollar per quarc for he first insertion, aud Fifty Cents per square foteachin ertion thereafter. A reasonable deduction will be made to those who adver tise by the year. All Advertisements not otherwise Ordered will be cwn*m r ed till forbid. Sales of LaA'ds by Administrators, Executors or Guar dians, arc required by *A\V to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and 3 in tlie afternoon, at the Court House, in the cObnty in whicli the Land is situated. Notice of these sales must be giVen in a public Gazette forty days previous to the day of ■ale. Sales of Negroes must be made at public auction on the .'first Tuesday of the month, between the usual tamua of sale, ‘,at tlie place of public sales in the county where the Letters ’ .Testamentary, or Administration, or Guardianship may have been granted—first giving forty days notice thereof in ‘.one of the public Gazettes of tlie State, and at the Court J Huse where such sale is to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner, forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of uu Estate, must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Or dinary for leave to sell Land, must be publ.sfied for two months. *■•■•■ Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published two onths before any order absolute shall be made thereon by ho Court. Citations for Letters of Administration must l publish ed thirty days ; for Dismission from Administration, month ly six months; for Dismission from Guardianship, forty dttVH. Notice for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be publish ed monthly for four months ; for publishing Lost Pa- j pers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling ti- Us from Executors and Administrators, where a bond nas keen given by the deceased, for the space of three months DANIEL &, DISMUKE, Attorneys at Law, Will practice in the District Court of the United States sat Marietta. tirUfiii, fcUorgln. 1.. K. DANIXL, F. D. DISMUKK; May 3, 1655. ts ” \V. POPE JORDAN, Attorney at Law, -Scfeulon, Geoi-gl si. WILL practice in all the counties of the Flint Circuit. May 3,1855. ts J. 11. MANGHAM, Attorney a t Xj aw, GKIFFIN, GKOliOilA. May 3, 1855-ly 1 WM. 11. F. HALL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, ZEBULOX GEORGIA. July 4, 1855. _ 0-ts J. A. B. ■WXI.xSaWs, ATTORNEY AT LAW, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA. WILL practice in the Counties composing the Flint Circuit. By permission, refers to Hon. Hiram War taer, Greenville ; Levi M. Adams, Greenville ; Hon. G. J •Green, Griffin ; Hon. James 11. Stark, Griffin ; Rev. Will iam Moseley, Griffin. June 2ad, 1856 C..... .ly. JOSKril A. TIIRABHKR,. . , JAMES M. HAMBRICK THRASHER <fc HA.MBRICK, ATTORNEYS A T L A W MeDonougli, Georgia. April 30, 185 G 1... .ly V. W. A. DOYLE, *• K - KAN'SON'E. DOYLE & RAN SON E, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Griffin Georgia. April 16, 1856 50....3m J,. T. DOYAL, G. M. NOLAN. DOYAL & NOLAN, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, McDonough, Georgia., WILL practice in the counties of Henry, Fulton, Fay ette, Coweta, Spalding, Butts, Monroe and Newton #yßfiFKßKNCK~Them*clvc.s,^&3 April 2, 1856.,,,, .48.,. .ly ’ Q . C . GRICE, ATTORNEY AT LAW ; FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA. May 15,1856 3......tf. *“ “ JAMES H. STARK, attorney A T L A W, Grtffln,. .....Georgia., WILL practice in the Courts of the Flint Circuit* and in the Supreme Court at Atlanta and Macon. Fab. 13, 1856 ...41....1y ~ JARED IRWIN WHITAKER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, •fflee front Rooms, over John R. Wallace & Bros., corner of White Hall and Alabama streets, ATLANTA GEORGIA. January 30,1856... .ts ~ ~ w. L GORDON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, GEORGIA January 30, 1856..... .39 ly “ HENRY HENDRICK, ATTORNEY AT LAW , Jackson, Baits County, Gtotgia May 3, 1855. “ * A. D. NUNNALLY, AT T O R.N E Y AT LAW, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA. June, 27,1865. Uj UNDERWOOD, HAMMOND & SON, attorneys at law, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. WILL give personal attention to all business entrusted to their management, and attend the Sixth Circuit •Courtof the United States, at Marietta, the Supreme Court at Macon and Decatur, and the Superior Courts m Cobb, Morgan, Newton, PeKalb, Fulton, Fayette, Spalding, Pike, Cass, Monroe, Upson, Bibb, Campbell, Coweta, Troup, Whitfield and Gordon, in Georgia, and Hamilton county, t(Ghattanooga,) in Tennessee. May 3,1855. tt MV. L. GRICE, WM. s. WALLACE. GRICE & WALLACE, ATTORNEYS A T L A W , BUTLER, GEORGIA. PERSONS intrusting business to them may rely on their •fidelity, promptness and care. Dec. 10, ’65-33-ly. GARTIIELL & GLENN, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. . WILL attend the Courts in the Counties of Fnlton, De- Kalb, Fayette, Campbell, Meriwether, Coweta, Car-’ fail, Henry, Troup, Heard, Cobb, and Spalding. Lucius J. Gartrkll, I Luther J. Gunn, formerly of Washington, Ga. | Formerly of McDonr ugh, Ga.‘ May 16, 1855. 3tf WHITE LEADf ■|AA KEGS No. 1, Extra and Pure White Lead, just re Mi eeived and for sale by HILL k SMITH. Stiffin-, Sc'pt ID, ’55 ts (Emprr lili §>tat t. From the Baltimore Republican, Sep. 15. Speech of Gov. 11. V. Johnson, at the Great Democratic Mass Meeting in Baltimore, Sep. 12th. Fellow-citircns of Baltimore and of Alary land : To-night, as I understand closes the anni versary “of a day full of pibffid recollections to your noble city It is not for me to eulogize the deeds of tlie 12th of September, 1814. That task has already been performed by your distinguished fellow-citizen who has just taten his seat. But allow me It) say that the glo ries of this anniversary belong not alone to the people of Baltimore. Ever, mmi w T ho has a true American heart throbbing within his bo som, claims a part in that proud heritage.— ( Applause.) It is not my purpose on thisoc easion to consume any of the time in dwelling upon the rich recollections which are awaken ed by the event to whi< h I have alluded. We have assembled here foroth r purposes, for the contemplation of other themes, “e have to do with the present, and, as far as may be, to throw our minds forward into the fn tore, and enquire what is the destiny that pro bably awaits us as a free people. So far as the surface of affairs presents itself to the con templative mind, all for the present is calm and beautiful as the silver lake that slumbers beneath the moonbeams. The past is full of glorious rem niscences. And it is only when vou go down beneath the surface and look in to the true state of affairs, and consider the great questions which agitate the popular mind fr>.m one extreme of this broad Republic to the other, that we can appreciate properly the perilous position in which we stand at the pre sent hour, and in the present political cam paign. Above me spans a beautiful arch of thirty-one sovereign States, emblamatic of pn= litical fraternity, of political brotherhood, of the Union as a motiumetit of the wisdom and the patriotism of the past, if it may not, like a beacon-light, point to glorious trophies of the future. (Applause.) You have been told to-night that the great question involved in the pending Presidential canvass, is as to the existence of the Confede racy of sovereign States. Shall it be perpetu al ? Are We to remain together as a united people as we have been in time post, of are we to witness tlie sad and doleful spectacle of one star after another plucked from our National Banner, until each one ‘diali assume ihe ] osi -1 ion of an independent, separate State ? (Cries of‘no/ ‘no ’) Yon answer “no,” and from rny heart of hearts I pray Almighty God that your answer may prove true : But in or der to make it so, in order to make your nega tive response become the verification of the future, I tell you that the patriotism of this land, North, South, East, and West, must tal ly to the support of the Constitution. There are questions involved in the pending canvass, upon the decision of which, is suspended the destinies of this great Republic. Neither my time nor your patience will justify an elabo rate discussion of all these questions in their various aspects. But I. cannot acquit myself upon this occa sion without respectfully inviting your consid eration to one point which seems to me to stand out boldly and prominently as the great idea of this canvass I refer to the political equal ity of the States of this Confederacy. Let the proposition be established by the popular will at the ballot box that one-half of the States of this Union are to be degraded from thei posi tion of equality, and if you preserve the Union in the name, still it will be destroyed in fact, the bond of brotherhood will have been sever ed ; there can be no more harmony, no more political prosperity. Are the States of this Union political equals ? When the colonies of 1776 declared their in dependence of the mother country, they were then equals. When they united in that declar ation, they united as equals. They were equals under the articles of confederation, and when the Constitution, under which we now live, was formed, they ratifi and that Constitution by States, as equal. Each State was equal to every other State before we came into tlie Union j each State surrendered to the Gene ral Government precisely the same privihge* and powers. And it you take equals from equals the remainders must be equal. There fore when this Confederacy Wav formed by the adoption Ot the Constitution, t’ e States equals before, remained equals afterwards. I assert therefore that the equality of the States is an idea which pervades the whole Constitution of our country Without that equality being fully recognised and affirmed by the Constitu tion, this Union fie'er could have been formed. Destroy that equality now. and you strike down the main pillar of constitutional liberty Then, if the States of this Union are equal, I hi Id that every col lateral proposition, every corollary that springs from that, must partake of that idea of equality ; that i* to say, if equals in whole, they must be equal.’ in all the parts ; if equals in general, equals in every particular. For instance, the Mates are bound to share in equal proportion to population hi the burdens of the Government in taxation, and in war, if we be as-ailed by a foreign foe, and if they mnst participate equally in the burdens of Government, they have a right to participate in like manner in its immunities, its privileges and its blessings. ( ‘pplause ) Therefore to come down to a specific illustra tion : if the States in their collective capacity of sovereigns, own a common and joint proper ty, upon the principle I have announced, each is entitled to a just participation in its fruition. Destroy th s equality, and you destroy the Con federacy. Again, I assert another proposition. This principle of the political co-equality of the States of this Union, is a national princip e, u is a principle which as I have stated pervades tlie Constitution. And whatever is there to be found, I take it as national. Now it that proposition be admitted, you mnst also admit to be true, all the corollaries which sprang from it. If it be true that this principle of po litical equality is a national principle, then all the rights of the sovereign States which are Covered by and irtvolvcd in this general propo sition, partake of the same character of Nn tXdhality. Therefore, when the States own Territory, the general principle of equality which entitles each to a just participation therein, is national, and those who maintain that proposition, are not advocating scctional “ tfo psof i|p tyliq copffycfc oiilr —Jhe toltelsJ>oiindless 3 01(1*3.” GKIFFIX, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 8, 1856. ism ; they &re D’aintaining a national right ; they afe bn thb affirmative sMe of a great na tional question. Now I beg you to bear in mind tne impositions ; first, of the equaiity of the States ; second, the nationality of the equality cf the States ; and thirdly, the corol lary springing from it, that every right which is sheltered by that general proposition, is a national right. (Applause.) How then stands tl-e question of slavery up on this view of the subject ? They tell us in the North that we arc waging a sectional fight —that we are extremists —that slavery is a lo cal, geographical, sectional question. I deny that. I affirm, upon the propositions which I have already submitted, slavery in the United States, in all its forms, is a national question. I admit to vou that tlie interest of the owners in slave property, is a local interest ; but the right to its being protected, Is h Rational right (Applause ) Then away with this everlasting cant that the Southern States are waging a mere local, sectional contest in the pending Presidential canvass. We claim the protec tion of slavery under the Constitution as a na tional right. But 1 maintain that slavery does not depend for its nationality alone upon the general principle I have asserted. It is na tionalized in tlie Constitution itself in express terms. How? That instrument declares that three-fifths of the slave population shall be re presented in Congress ; that Constitution de clares that if a slave escapes from Maryland Into Pennsylvania, or any other free State, it shall be recovered and brought back ; that Constitution further declares that in case of domestic insurrection, the entire military of the Union is put in the hands of the President for the purpose of its snppre-sion, And what does ‘ domestic insurrection’ 5 meati, unless it has reference to the insurrection of out slave population, as well as to other kinds of insur rection ? I tell you therefore, that slavery in the Uni ted States is a great national institution. We are told that it is confined to the f-outh that it is merely local But it is nationalized by the fact that it. is protected under the broad principles that I have announced, and by tlie fact that it i- fully recognized by the Constitu tion of the United States itself. (Applause.) Now, that being irue, where is the sectional ism of the South ? Where is the man who loves the Constitution of the country, and who has the moral honesty to admit the force of its plain and undet/able pi ovi.-ions, that can stand up iu face of day and say that slavery, as it exists in the South, is merely a local, ge<> graphical and sectional in crest ? Bin that is not all 1 will show you that it is national in another point of view. Do you remember that when the Constitution of the United States was adopted, every State eicept one was a slaveholding State? Twelve out of the original th fteeit States, had slaves on the ve ry day of the adoption of the Federal Consti tution I suppose it could not have been called a sectional instkii'iou tiicn, beffitiiftfi it pefvrtdtld the entire geography of (he Confederacy ; and if it was not sectional then, it >3 not sectional now. It was not sectional then because it was recognized by the Constitution of tlie Uni ted States. It is not sectional now, because the same Constitution recognizes! it to, its ful lest extent It is unchanged—its abolition bv a part of the original thirteen had not altered a word of the < onstitution. Then my South ern brethren be bold ; stand up firmly in the face of impudent Abolitionism, and wtienthey •aunt yon with advocating sectional rights and sectional interest*, hurl the Constitution in their teeth, and ask them if the Constitution is sectional And if the Constitution is not sec tional, then slavery is not sectional. (Ap plause.^ Fellow-citizens, I feel that I stand upon a rock hi reference to these questions ; an earth quake cannot shake me from it. And I would go to the North ; to Boston to-morrow, or any other day, and meet any Abolitionist in that oodly city upon this question, and would prove to any twelve honest, men, sworn to ren der a truthful verdict, that slavery is not sec tional, bttt as national and broad as the Con stitut ; on itself. That is where we stand. As a Southern man I dare utter it here, or any where else, and defy successful contradiction. It goes with our flag upon land and upon sea, and is as much entitled to its protection in the Territories as in the States, froth the assaults < f Abolitionists abroad or at home. Having presented this view of the equality of the States to your minds, and having, as I trust, made myself understood in r-ference to the great corollaries which grow out of it, I am prepared to approach another view of the canvass, and that is tlie enquiry which party n presents these gfctlt .Rational propositions which I have announced. In my hutiibleopin ion, the National Democratic Party is the only party now in existence that represents these great national ideas. Aud it is not necessary to dwell long in elaborating this assertion. A reference to a very few points will sati-fy eve ry unprejudiced mind of its justness and pro priety. , ui the One hand fellow-citizens, the demo cratic Party maintain affirmatively the equality of the States ; the right of Southern States to an equal participation in the common Territo ry of the Union, and the right to have this species of property, if not positively protect ed, certainly unassailed by the action of the Federal Government. These are doctrines of the Democratic Party. On the other hand it is very easy to perceive that neither the Black Republican nor the Know Nothing Party ad mits these propositions ; but, on the contrary, they deny them all, both by their policy and their contemptible platforms. You remember that iti the year 1850 a i-e ----ries of measures were adopted by Congress called the •‘cornpro uise measures.” We had acquired an extensive territo r y upon the Paci fic coast as the result of our war with Mexico In that contest, the South lmd participated far beyond her quota of men and money. When victory was achieved, and the treaty iat Bed, the South felt that they had a right to an equal, just aud fair participation in that com moti Territory thus acquired But how were the South treated there, and how nobly and h6w patriotically did the Southern States, for the sake of the Union, acquiesce in the adjust ment which was proposed to her as the final settlement of the slavery agi ation ? Califor nia, a large Territory, capable of me king, per haps, ten States as large as Maryland, was brought into the Union as a free State. The fugitive slave law was passed. Territorial Go vernments for Utah and New Mexico were or ganized with the expressed and avowed under standing on all i and*, that thereafter Territo ries asking admission into the Union as States, should come in either with or without, slavery, as their people might determine. That was the proposition propounded to 11s, and as we loved the Union, we agreed to submit to it.— What did we get ? The recognition of the popular right of the people of the Territoiies to form their own State Constitutions, and adopt such domestic institutions as they might deem proper ; and also the passage of a law for the rendition of fugitive slaves. The South has performed her dirty in refer ence to that, legislation I defy any Aboli tionist, or any Freesoiler, within the wide li mits of this Republic, to put Ills linger upon a single instance in which the Southern States, either individually or collectively, in Congress or out of Congress, have ever done one solita ry act in derogation of the compromise of 1850. And remember that it was promised from Maine to the far off shore of the Pacific, that that -hould be a final and conclusive adjust ment of the slavery agitation ; and that thence forever we were to have brotherly peace smi ling upon our broad land. Who violated that Compromise ? We re member that a few brief months ago Kansas and Nebra-ka were erected into Territoral governments, and in the bill passed for that purpose, this principle of the compromise meas ures of 1850 was not only distinctly recogniz ed, but practically applied. And how? It not only declared that tlie people of the Terri tory, when they should come into the tjiiiofi, should come either with or without slavery, as they might determine, but that the Missouri restriction of 1820 was not to be so construed as to defeat or to limit this great popular prin ciple In terms, that restriction was repeal ed and practical vitality given to the princi ple in the Kansas Nebraska act. I ask you fellow-citizens, did the South on that occasion violate the Compromise of 1850, or ask the violation ? Was the repeal of the Cornpro inise restriction a proposit.cn corning from a Southern man ? No. Ab the South then asked was what she always asked, and always implored at the hands of Congress, to be let alone; hands off, non-intervention; let the peo ple settle this question for themselves; and let us remove it forever from the council- of the Federal Legislature. And in a spirit of fideli ty and of devotion to principle and ediisioten Cv, the noble hearted Douglas, of Illinois, (cheering and applause,) when he introduced the bill, fdt himself bound, as an honest man, to declare that even the Missouri restriction of 1820 was not to be permitted to defeat the great popular principle which lay at the foun dation of t he ( omnromise measures of 1850. Aiid yet lio sooner was that bill passed thro’ Congress than a perfect iiofid Was raised in the dens of Abolitionism of violated pledges; of broken compacts: of bad faith, and repeal, re peal; restoration, restoration of the Missouri Compromise, rang from one end of the North t$ the other Restore a restriction which the North always repudiated except when it inur ed to their benefit. Now, what would be the effect of its res toration ? Why, it v ould be to replant upon the brow of the Southefr! Stats that brand of inequality which was put there in 1820—to distroy the great principle of equality which I have announced to you, as indespjmsibie to the perpituity ot the Union. Now, I ask you who are the representatives of that side of the is sue ? Who are the parties that are urg ing the restoration of the Missouri restriction, and thus the restoration of the brand of degra dation upon the South ? It is the miserable Black Republican party, and the scarcely less odious organization mis-called American party (Applause ) Who, on the other hand, are urging acquiescence in things as they are—who say let us stand by the Kansas Nebraska bill; let us stand by the principle of the Compromise of 1850—who announces to the country that the people of the territories in forming their State constitutions, shall determine, without any intervention by Congress, the question of slavery for themselves ? Thank God, it is the great Democratic party of this country. (An- I lause ) You have on the one hand the Black- Republican and American parties assailing this great, doctrine of Mate equality, seeking to brand the South and place her in a position of degradation On the other hand, the na tional Democratic party, contending for the equality of the States and the constitutional rights of the South. Now, fellow-citizens of Maryland, where should you stand in a contest like this ? But why ask that question ? I have felt from the day of the nomination of Buchanan and Breck inridge that these Was absolutely a want of material from which a southern man could make a speech. To prove that a Southern man, in this crisis, ought to co-operate with the Democratic phrtv is like proving that two and two make four, lixe entering into an eab erate argument to demonstrate the plainest axiom in mathamatical science; and therefore wheti caflfe'd upon to address a Southern audi ence I have felt that I did not know how to begin; that it would be an insult to the under standing of Southern men to attempt to make the path of duty plainer. I believe that so far as the State Cf Mary land is concerned there are but few men who in their hetrts desire that Fremont should be elected. I believe their are but few men, from Maryland to the far off borders of Tex >s who desire the success of the Black Republicans ; and I believe there are fewer still who, if they de-ire it, can bTook the stern rebuke of their neighbors by making the avmvaf. But tliero are those in the Southern States —a small band of men, perhaps in Maryland a strong and for midable party—who believe that Fillmore ought t6‘be elected President of the United States. Now I ask you here, just to pause for a moment To Fillmcre men I make the appeal.’ I a-k them to consider what is the ground upon which, as friends of the South, they advocate his election. Remember that in former times other questions mingled’ in the Presidential compaign besides that of slavery; that as Whigs and Democrats, we were divid ed upon the questions of the tariff, the bank, internal improvements, others of like charac ter; and, therefore, whilst that of slavery may have been an important feature, it never until now has been the same issue, the overshadowing the all controlling, the all sobering question of the campeign. I ask you then where is the excuse to vote for Millard Fillmore? Ilou say you do not like Fremont. Why? Because yon say, he is opposed to the extension of sla very into the territories of the United States; you cannot vote for Fremont because be be lieves it to be the duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in the territories of the United States; you refuse to vote for Mr. Fremont because lie and his party avow that there is to be no more extension of slave territory, no more ad mission of slave States into the Union; you refuse to vote for Fremont because he declares that he is opposed to the Kansas Nebraska bill and is in favor of the restoration bf the Mis souri Compromise. Well, these are all valid and sufficient rea sons why Voii shbiTd oppose the election of Mr Fremont; thev are reasons Which operate po tentially upon my own mind and the militia of Southern riieti generally But I would ask you to point me to some testimony that Mr Fillmore occupies a different position upon all the questions from that occupied by Mr Fre mont. Is Fillmore in fsitbr of extend ing slavery into Kansas ? Is Fillmore oppos ed to the restoration of the Missouri Coriipro mise ? Is Fillmore opposed to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ? Is Fill more opposed to the prohibition of slavery in the territoiies ? If lie be, where is the evi dence of it ? Now, My Fillmore friends, if the Slavery question was not the great question, and in fact the only question of the canvass, if there were other issues that came in as principals and the slavery question wa3 collateral and secondary in importance, then I coulcl under statd why, as old line whigs, you could vote for Fillmore. But when it is so palpable that the ;latei*y issue is the great question ot the canvass, and profess before your neighbors and fellow citizens to be southern men with southern sentiments, identified with southern institutions, I do not see how you can vote for Fillmore when, so far as his record is concern ed he occupies the Same position in relation to to the questions touching slavery as is occu pied bv Fremont. Who can say that Fremont would sanction ai y bill that Fillmore would ve to ? I therefore say to you, fellow-citizens, one and all, if yon believe in the co-eqnality of the States, and that the Southern States are en titled to an equal participation in the territo ries of the Un ted States, if you believe that the Kansas Nebaaska bill passed in pursuance cf the principles of the compromise measures of 1850, is right; if you believe that the re peal of the Missouri restriction was right, then there is not an inch of ground for you to plant your self upon outside of the democratic party; for the representative of both the other fac tions, the Fillmore party, and the Fremont party, maintain the negative of all these ques tions, white Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvanift, is the personification of their affirmative. Then I ask you, not ns matte? of local prejudice, not as sectionalists, not even as democrats, (for before Gtod lliis great question infinitely tran scends every consideration of a mere party character,) but I ask you as Southern men, devoted to the Constitution, devoted to the Union, devoted to your firesides and your do mestic altarS, to, rdlly under the banner of Buchanan and Breckinridge. (Applause.) Citizens of Maryland, I waiit tb know if yoni’ noble State is to be an exception, isolat ed frbifi the great Southern phalanx ? You have heard the voice of Kentucky, a State that was confidently claimed for Mr Fillmore up to the very hour,of the late election, a States that has never swerved frotn the Old Whig creed, a State that litis never disobeyed .the eloquent voice of the immortal Clay. Sou have heard from Kentucky, and she has de termine 1 that in this crisis she will not stop to enquire which is whig and which is democratic to look at this question, that or the other, but only her duty as a slave holding, a South ern State Kentucky in the face of all her ancient whig history, has boldly announced to the Union that she is for Buchanan and Breck inredge (Applause.) Yon have heard from old North Carolina, sometimes on tlie one side and sometimes on the other; old North Caiolina, that is called the Rip Van Winkle of-the South. She has awakened from her long leaden slumber, and has proclaimed herse fin favor of the election of Buchanan and Breckinridge. (Applause.) And I am here to night to tell you that lain fresh from mingling with the people of the State of Georgia* She in times past has some times veered first from the Whig side and then to the democratic side. But I tell yon when Know; Notiiingism was sprung upon us, and *he great question of civil and religious liber ty was invol ved,by ten thousand votes she took her position side by side with Virginia. (Long and continued cheering.) And ;ts a Georgian I am here to night, familiar tvft.li the sentiirientS Os my people, with their devotion to the Uni on, with their devotion to the interest and rights ot the J'ontli—l am here to night to proclaim to old Maryland that Georgia will stand by Buchanan and Breckinridge with a majority of fifteen thousaud next November I want you, Marylanders,’ to tell me where is the sodthern State that will not be found rallying to the time honored banner of Democracy in this contest ? Is it Maryland? (Cries of ‘no’ ‘no.’) Will Maryland forget her Southern 9isters and leave them in this hour of peril ? Let lief bear it in miiul that all the other Southern States have token their position definitely, so that, there can be no doubt about the result, and are now looking with intense, nntitterable interest to the declaration you will make at the ballot box. One other vietv 1 wish to present to you and I have done. I have shown you that slave ry is not a sectional question, and that rq far as State rights are concerned, all the rights of the South involved in the contest are great national rights, because they are sheltered by the bryad agis Os the Constitution of the’ coun try But who, fellow citiaens, are battling Jeirhf)^ — % fttoyiea. for us in the Northern States. Can yon point to a single Fremont man or a single Fillmore man who is friendly to the South, and willing to stand by the constitutional rights of the Southern people ? Is there a solitary Fill more or Fremont man theta who voted for the. Kansas Nebraska bill, and is haw in favor of it ? Where is he ?—who )e he ? (A voice— ‘can’t find him,’) No; and you may take a search warrant and the best constable in your midst and search till doomsday, and you can not find him-. Wbb are the gallant men prepared to stand bj the South in this issue, and rally around the stars hndstripeß of this glorious confedera cy? Who are they. Go to Maine, go to Vermont; tb NeW .Hampshire; Counetticut; to Rhode Islahd; to New York; to New Jersey; to Pennsylvania; to all the non-slaveholdfng States; who are they in those States—troddeu down it may be, by a heartless and unpatriot ic majority—who are they, that in the hour of peril, when the Unioh is threatened and the Constitution is spit upon, when they have to breast public sentiment and misguided philan thropy, domestic prejudice and sympathies that are yet prepared to stand by the South in this great trial and in this mighty crisis ? Fellow-citizens of Maryland, they are the lion hearted and iron ribbed Democracy of the free States (Long and ethusiastic cheering and applause.) And I ask you will you for sake them wheti they are prepared to peril all for you ? Who ate they that have been stricken down in the Congress ot the United States and the places filled by the vilest and most foul mouthed Abolitionists that ever dis graced the human form ? The Black Repub licans, and odious Abolitionist and Free-soilers occupy the seats of noble democrats who stood by you in the last Congress, who voted for the Kansas Nebraska bill, who voted to sustain the compromise of 1850, and to preserve the consti tutional rights of the South and of the Union. They have been stricken down by the over powering influence of fanaticism in the free States. But prostrate though they, tony be, it is but a temporary fall. They are engaged in a pow ful struggle for the Constitution and the Uni on; and they are pledged to patriotic fidelity to the great principle cf State equality, ko deaf to the South. Shall the south forsake them ? Will you not stand by them when they are encountering the perils of political martyrdom for you ? (Cheers of ‘yes, yes’ and applause-) Remember that the South unaided is in a hopeless minority iu the federal legislature.’ It is only bv the cordial sup port of the true toen of North that we can maintain onr rights in the Union. Let us cherish their friendship; for with it the star of hope still gilds the horizon, but without it we must meet either degrading submission to ag gression or the deplorable alternative of disso lution. Fillmore and i’remont Coalition- Startling Declaration. The American Sentinel a Fillmore paper of Westminister,, Carr oil County, Maryland, con tains -the following bold and startling advocacy Os a fusion of the Know Nothing party in Mary land with the Black Republicans. Southern Fillmori men concentrating with the Fremont party, and denouheibg all w r ho object ! We have all along alleged ajid now maintain, that the t Northern Fillmore and Fremont party were both equally hostile to the South—but we w*ere not prepared to find sncli. an atrocious conspira cy published in a slaveholding State, as the fol lowing extract shows: —[Ex. ‘ There is nothing in the i cay at present to prevent an eiitiH Unity ‘of action. between the friends of Mr Fillmore and Mr Fremont, and uo man who is really not for Buchanan, will at tempt to prevent the concert of action. If any of those wlro pretended to the leadership among the Fremdftt men should show a disposition to defeat a utiidii, they should at once beset down as at heart for Buchanan; and if any of the Fillmore men should do the same thing, they should be placed in the same position.— tilios. - Small punctilios ! 1 A betrayal of country and section; a small punctilio. The foul and treacherous bargain of Benedict Arnold a small punctilio ! Were ever such dangerous doc trines permitted in the South ? Suppose a Georgia paper were to invite the Fillmore men in Georgia to make an arrangement with Fre mont, whilt would our people do and say ? Southern men, whatever be your party affili ations is.|[ not time that shaking off the shack les of party tha* surround you, you should arouse yourselves to a full conception of the perils that beset your section, your rights and your prosperity; The danger is approaching nwuffcr and nearer, and you will soon b,e sold by some Judas like brother into the hands of* the enemy. As has often been remarked a foe in the camps is worse than a thousand in the ranks of the belligerents. Let ns rebuke, the abandonment of our cause as southern, and visit upon those who would sell us for a few of fices, that merited punishment which this trea son so justly deserves— lntelligencer . —. . _ Will Yk. Bcchanan WitfiPiuw-,- r F l or & satisfactory reply to this oft-reiterated inter rogatory, the pious editor of the Evening Bul letin , for some days past has evidently been on the “anions bench.” Again arid,. again is the question asked, and answer derated.— If it be any relief to the editor of thatjo'urflal, we will state that we are authorized to reply to his question in the affirmative. Mr. Buch anan dose iutehd to “withdraw ” In obedience to the call of the American people, on the 4th day of march; in the year of Lord 185 TANARUS, it is his purpbsfe to “withdraw” from his calm and peaceful retreat at Wheatland, to take possesion of tho White House, at Washington, in the capacity of President of tho United States'. This is the only witlnlrawl, however, that Mr. Buchanan has in contemplation. Ia the editor of the Bulletin satisfied, or dose he repeat the silly question Jw his prater ?—Pen nsylvania n. The Virginia and Tennessco Railroad will be completed to thy Tennesse line by the Ist of October. Tho event will be a uotable one for Virginia—it will be the consumaon of one of her greatest No. 24.