Georgia Historic Newspapers

    it, speak* in authoritative, positive and de
termined language to the North and tells
it, “we are entitled to this right—we
must hare it —if w'e cannot get in the
t'nion, wc will seek it oot of the Union.”
If the South ever brings its united mind
and heart up t o that point, then her Con
stitutional rights will be respected and
coneeeded by the Federal Government;
bet without such a bold, manly and de
cided course, what are we to expect from
the Northern States,or from Federal Leg
islation? Look at the present condition
and future prospects of public senti
ment in the free States—at the present
and'future state of political parties in
Congress. There are a few sound and
true Northern men still lingering in the
Senate, neatly every vestige of sound
Northern conservatism in the other
house has already been extinguished—
four years m re will give to the aboli
tionists the control of the Senate—lß6l
will witness the inauguration of a free !
soil President, and then, with both
branches of Congress, and an abolition
President, the Supreme Court, the last
barrier to fanatical encroachment, will j
soon give way. Vacancies upon that !
bench of stern old men will occur by na- j
tore, or be made by Congressional leg
islation, to be filled by the creatures of
party dictation, until that august Tribu
nal will bow its neck to the yoke of un
relenting fanaticism, and then the nets
of an abolition Congress, sanctioned by
an abolition President, will be upheld
by the decrees of an abolition Court and
enforced if necessary by the bayonets of
an abolition army. The great high
Priest of the abolition Church, Win. 11.
Seward, has already declared in bold
and vaunting terms in the Senate of the
United States, that “the Supreme Court
must recede, or the Supreme Court must
be reformed/ and he has more power and
influence over the Black Republican
party of the North, than the Pope of
R nne has over the Catholic world. It is
in vain to hope that a reaction will take !
place in the Northern mind and that a !
sound conservatism will ever again rule
the Northern heart. We have heard that j
cry an l that hope repeated again and !
again, for more tha ; twenty years, and j
yet the spirit and power of abolition j
have continued to spread, increase and
‘strengthen, until now, they control the
political action of nearly every free
State in this Union, and openly pro
claims the intention of wiping out slave
ry in all the American States. The bold
and daring declaration of the great lea
der of the Republican party in his
Speech at Rochester, lust fall, that free
dom and >lavery cannot ex st together in
the same Government and that one or the
other must fall, was but the echo of the
popular sentiment all over the free
States. It has been repeated on the
floor of the National Congress; it has
filled the public press; it has been re
echoed from the hustings of many popu
lar assemblies and will be the great skih
olelk in the campaign of 1860. The
Northern clans are to be mustered to
tire war cry us “ down with Slavery,”
and the black fling of “universal eman
cipation” will be raised aloft, never again
to bo furled until it shall waive in tri
umph over a disgraced, degraded and
dost-oyed South, or met at the threshold
by a randy spirit of Southern resistance,
be driven back to its native regions to
lead on the dark destiny and fortunes of
a separate Northern Government. May
sach be its fate—and such will be its
fa'e and i's only nvssion, if the South
ern people are only true to themselves,
true to their rights, their interests and
their honor—trim to that spirit of inde
pendence, and those sacred princinles of
civil amt religious liberty which animated
their immortal sires in the st aggies of
the Revolution
I know not how others may look upon
the triumph of the abolitionists in the Pres
idin'ial election of 18301 but 1 do not hesi
tate to declare for myself, that I should con
sider it as a declaration of war against the
institution of slavery in the Union, and a
foreshadowing of a settled policy to break
it down by the influence, power and action |
of the Federal Government. I cannot stop
to enlarge upon the process by which such ;
* result would bo reached. With every
branch of the government in the hands of j
a party steeped in the gall and wormwood, i
£f anti-slavery hostility, ambitious of sue-J
cess, and maddened by opp sit ion, no stone !
would be left unturned, no means neglected j
no effort untried to accomplish its diuboli j
ca! purposes. In the Union, its powers would j
be oninipitaxt. The rejection of slavej
States and admission of free Slates, would j
soon swell their majority in both Houses
of CJongres to an overpowering and irrests- !
table number, against which the feeblel
voice of the South would be raised in vain, j
Tire reversal of the I >reel Scott decision—j
the exclusion ol slavery from the territories I
bv Congressional enactment, the repeal of i
the fugitive slave law, the abolition ol j
slavery in the District of Columbia, the I
imposition of high protective tariffs to bur
then and cripple slave labor in the Soilta.
iu short, the exercise of every power, for
which an excuse may be found or invented,
calculated to weaken the institution and
finally destroy Jt, would be the first and
early fruits of their during and malignant
experiments. Jftfcedoutn submits to one,
ehe will submit to another, and of;
tiiesc- abominable and damnable aggressions, j
until slie will find herself both unable and j
unwiiling to resist a decree of universal ;
emancipation. In my opinion, the true j
safety of the South, as well as her true lion- j
or, dictates a firm an 1 manly resistance to !
the first success oi uio abolition party, which |
shall be founded upon opposition to slavery j
and looks to its overthrow in the Union.—
If, therefore, the Republican paity of the j
free States, which is only another name for •
the abolition party, shall present sectional |
Noithera candidal s in 1830 —shall run
them as sectional candidates, anl upon a
sectional platform of opposition to Southern
slavery, aod shall elect them by a sectional
Northern vote, it would, in my opinion, be
sufficient came an 1 ample time for separa
tion. I care not in what specious form of
words, an eh a sectional plai form may be
made; if the spirit of anti-slavery shall be
its soul and its animating element—il hatred
tp slavery and those wno uphold, ami defend
it, shall be tbo controling power over the
Northern mfeses, and shall carry them to j
the pails to vote for their abolition eaaT-
dales and llms the true,so and, conservative
men of the North and South shad be borne
dawn and defeated, it will be tint j for the
Southern people to look to the safety of
their “institution,” and to seek it, if need
be, in the formation of a Southern Confed
eracy.
Auii now you will ask me how is that
to be done—by what steps and through
what process is such an object to be ac
epmpiished? Fellow-Citizens, I am but an
iju i,ble man, with little pride of opinion,
and no great confidence in my ability to
suggest or advise a plan for tbe attain
ment of so important a result,. It is in
deed a momentous subject. No question
which has occnred since the times when
our fathers commenced the revolutionary
struggle and declared their independence
of the British crown, has arisen or could
arise to half its importance—none would
deserve a more serious consideration, or
would demand the exercise of greater
wisdom, and patriotism. If,
however, the Southern people were con
vinced of the necessity and propriety of
such a movement —if .they were satisfied
that their safety required it, that their
honor demanded it, that their interests
called for it and were united, there would
be no lack of able and patriotic states
men, to devise the steps, form the plan,
perfect the structure and iuaugcratc a
Government, which would be the “won
der, the glory and pride of the world.”
With an experience of moi e than three
quarters of a century in Republican'Go
vernment, with the defects of our present
system seen, felt and understood, with
the lights of ..the past, the intelligence
jof tlie present and the inspirations of
I the future, we should be able to form a
! Government more perfect and more sta
ble than any upon which the world ever i
looked. Dbubtless, the most proper, 1
ready and certain mode of forming a i
Southern Confederacy, if the Southern j
people were united in the wish to do it, j
would be to hold a Convention of ail the !
slave States, declare their independence j
of and separation from the North, form j
a Government and put it into immediate I
operation. Then would follow as a mat-1
ter of e< urse, an amicable adjustment be-i
tween the two Governments, Nort ernj
and Southern, of all questions arising !
out of their former association—a just j
and honorable division of the public pro-!
perty and the public debt of the old Go-!
vernrnent, and a friendly arrangement j
of all future relations, interests and j
intercourse. I know that many entertain
the opinion that a separation could not i
take place without bloodshed and civil
war. There would'not, in my opinion, .
be the least danger of such a result.—
What mo'ive would impel the Northern
States to make war upon the Southern
Confederacy ? Nations do not uo to
war, except to resent an insult or injury,
to-gain an advantage or accomplish some
important and attainably object. What
object could be hoped to.be accomplished’
by a hostile demonstration on the part
of the States from which we may have
separated? Would it be to force
ns back into a Union with them ? Tain,
foolish, impotent thought ! No man of
common sense in all the North—-no states
man v-oi. ld ever entertain it for a mo
ment. To invade and conquer the South
ern States and force them back as re
voked and subjected colonics into a fra
ternal embrace with their imperious
masters ! never—never. The sagacious
statesmen who would guide the councils
of the Northern people would know too
well that such an effort would be fruit-;
less —nay, worse than fruitless —it would !
be wicked and suicidal. The Southern
States contain a white population of
eight millions and could in such a con
test ruLe and maintain an army of a
half million of men, equal lo any troops j
in the world ; and lighting oa tpeir own \
soil, in defence of their country, their i
rights, their honor, their altars and their
firesides, would be invincible. Defend
themselves against, the North! they could
stand against the world in arms. There j
are bus two instances in modern times,
in which a nation united, though weak,
has ever been invaded and conquered by
a foreign foe. Mexico was overcome by
the arms of the United States; but Mex
icans are a feeble race,, anil no match for
the courage, skill and physical prowess
of the Anglo Americans. Hungary, with I
less than eight millions of pco, le, was!
conquered by Austria, but it required
the aid of the colossal power of Russia,
and the t reachery of her own sons, to bow
her neck to the yoke of the oppressor.—
Talk of driving the South buck into the
j Union when once she cuts loose from it ! j
j The thought is preposterous, ridiculous j
i and foolish. No. sirs, no attempt would j
| ever be made to jurce a re-union of these |
| dismembered States. The North might I
j humble lieself at our feet and beseech us!
to try once more, the pleasures of her
fraternal embrace ; and if the terms of
the proposed copartnership suited us
if sufficient guarantees could be presented !
; and agreed upon for the future preserva
tion of our rights in another Union—if
; we could be impressed with sufficient faith
i in their fidelity and honesty, we might
| again form, with our old triends, a bond
i of Union, and try our fortunes once more
|in an American Confeder ,cy; but not
i otherwise. * It has been suggested that
I trouble would grow out of a division of
the public do miin, and ot her property of
the United States—the army, the navy
and materials of’ war. It is a mistaken
apprehension—no difficulty, whatever,
emild or would arise from that source.—
If no arrangement could bo made, each
government would most naturally and
properly be allowed to retain tire public
lands within its b >uudaries. The largest
share in quantity might fall to the North,
but. the South would care little for that
--retaining those within her own limits,
she would willingly surrender all claim
to the mountain peaks and sterile plains
of the Northern provinces. The army
and its materiel are nothing, in case of
! separation, its present elements would
| soon dissolve and be merged with the
I masses of its own respective section. We
could so m reconstruct an army of any
size, which the exigencies of our country
would justify or demand. The fortifica
tions and armaments pai l for out of
a common fund, would belong to the
party, on whose soil they were found at
the time of separation. The ships of war i
lying in Southern ports, or commanded
at sea by Southern officers, and brought
into Southern ports, would fall to us, and
tve should want no more—if we did, we
•could build them. The public buddings
■it Washington City, costing over twenty
millioos of dollars, being on Southern
soil, and in the Southern Confederacy,
would belong to us; and they are worth ;
more than all the public buildings iu all
the free States Iu this way, if uo agree
ment could be effected, a satisfactory di
virion would be made of all the public
property, of any value o-r importance.—
But the South would hold a sword over
tho Northern States which would compel
a fair and, amicable settlement of all such
matters. The National debt, in case of
a separation, would fall upon the old
Government—certainly we would be
bound in good faith and honor, to pay
our proportion of it, and so we would, if
the North gave us justice in other mat
ters; but whether we should pay at all,
how much we should pay, and when or
-or how, would be questions for ns to de
cide. The settlement of this one ques
tion of the public debt, now amounting
to nearly one hand red millions of dollar?,
and not likjy to to be diminished,.wquick
draw after it, and as a necessary incident I
to it,- an amicable and” just arrangement!
and settlement of all other questions— ;
negotiation and treaty—would soon j
close the door against all disputes or ,
difficulties on these points.
No, fellow-citizens, there would be no i
earthly difficulty in the wav, ol a peace-!
able separation. If the Southern people :
were United and determined, to take the
step, the way would be easy and plain.
No war would ensue, not a gun would
be fired, except in joy *at our deliver-/
at ice ; not a drop of blood would be shed i
—no quarral would arise between the j
two sections, over the spoils or trophies !
of our former association. The mutual j
interests of the two Governments and
people, ami more especially the superior
interests of the Northern section, would
produce treaties of friendship, of com
mercial and personal intercourse which
would secure peace and make us more
observant of the r gilts cf each other,
than we are nowin the present “glorious
union.” These would be the immediate,
necessary and certain results of a sepa
ration willed 1 by a united South. But I
admit ti nt the prospect, of a harmonious
union of all the slave States, in a great
movement like this, would be dull and j
doubtful under any, except extreme eir- \
cumstanees. Circumstances might arise:
which would unite them all, and bring I
about prompt, decided and successful 1
action Any act. of the Federal Gcv- j
eminent in the hands of a dominant ab- j
olition party, looking to the general I
emancipation of the slaves of the South-!
.ern States, would, I have to doubt, a
rouse a universal spirit of resistance at j
the South, and lead to immediate disn-1
nion. But for any cause loss powerful j
than some wanton aggression upon ‘
Southern rights, it would be scarcely pas- j
sible to unite the Southern States in a
spontaneous and general revohnionu'y
moment. ihe border States, lying con
tiguous to tl>c North dread the effects
of separation, upon the safety of their
slave property. Forgetting, or closing
their eyes to the fact that both the mo
tive to abduct their negroes, and the op
portunity to the negr > for escape, are a
thousand times stronger and greater in !
tlm, Union, than they could possibly be
in separate Governments, they urge this
as a great bug-bear in the way of any
movement tending to separation, or even
the manly assertion of our rights in the
Union. Why, sirs, what guards or guar
antees now exist against the wholesale
abduction of the slaves of the border
States, or their escape into the free
States? none, save the domestic ties
and fidelity of the slaves themselves and
the watchful vigilence of the owners.—
The Northern people are allowed by our
Constitution and laws, as well as by so
cial courtesy, ta eome ns ;>t
pleasure, they travel with impunity iu
every State, county and neighborhood,
and have abundant opportunity to incul
cate insurbordination and seduce our
black population from their allegiance.
The facilities for escape now, are quke
as great, if not greater, than they would
be if we were separated by a national
divid ng line, whilst the outside pressure
upon the slave towards escape and free
dom, and his security .from tvelammation,
are far more powerful and effective than
they ever could be in the other condition.
Now, under the Constitutional guaran
tees, we cannot exclude the Northern Pi
rate from our soi;—in a seperate Govern
meal he would be an alien and a stranger,
without the right ever to enter, except
by legal permi.-sion. Now, all the laws
which Congress has passed for the cap
ture and rendition of fugitive slaves,
stand as a dead letter upon the statute
book. What are they worth to the
Southern people ? Not the value of the
paper and ink with which they have been
recorded. In a separated State and in
dependent Government, the abduction
and detention of our slaves from the ser
v.ceof their owners,* would be cause of
war, or of retaliating measures of resent
ment and redress —and the overruling
cupidity and comrac eial necessities of
the Northern people—tbe paramount
importance to them of peaceful relations
with us, and of enjoying the benefits of
our trade and social intercourse, would
impel them into treaties with us, which
would afford infinitely better guarantees
against the abduction of our slaves, and
for the retain of those who might volun
tarily escape. Give me the power over
tlie commercial relations between the
North and the South, and the foot prints
of Southern slaves North of Mason &
Dixon’s line would be “like angels’ visits,
few and far between.” If a stray negro
should now and then escape and flee into
that far and free country, he would be
caught and sent back to his owner in
less time than he occupied in his vain
race for freedom. The Northern people
viay be controlcd by their interest—they
never have been governed by constitu
tional obligations, and never will be
when there is a negro slave in t he case.
But whilst l ain satisfied that the people
of the, border States are mistaken in their
opinions and fears in this matter, still it fs a
powerful, perhaps a controlling objection in
their minds to the formation of a separate
confederacy of the slave Slates. Those and
other considerations, both local and general,
would in all probability, prevent a common
concurrence of all the Southern States in a
movement towards separation, even for cau
ses which might be held sufficient by a ma
jority of them, and I doubt whether a gen
eral Convention could be obtained to cpii
snlt upon the common saU ty and to .consider
and decide the question of disunion ; or, if
such a convention was assembled, whether
anything like unanimity would prevail iu its
counsels. How then, shall those Statet loss
than the whole, or even less than a majority,
! satisfied of the necessity, policy and sacred
duty of some action looking to their securi
ty out of the Union —how shall they pro
ceed towards the accomplishment of that
object if
Fellow citizens, the action of a single
State, except under circumstances enlisting
the strong sympathies of her contiguous
sisters, might lead to defeat and disaster.
If South Carolina had resolved herself out
of the Union in 1832 on account of the dl
ledged oppresses operations of an odious
protective Tariff’ which at one time was
said to have jieofc seriously considered and
contemplated, sfie could not have resisted
the combined opposition of all her sister
States, and the power of the Federal Go-
upheld as it was by the appro
virtg voice of the country. The gallantry
of her sons would have maintained a hard
struggle against Fetkral'coercion, either in
the form of Federal .laws or Federal bayo
nets ; but they would have been forced to
yield at last, ail resume their former posi-
I tioii. jus. a S tuJU|ffon. Whatever,
| therefore, migjt; soy. < [onyictions of the I
unconstitutional and dangerous aggressions
; of the Northern S tales’a nfdfhe necessity and
j propriety of a Southern Confederacy to sc
| cure the-rights, interests and honor “of the
! South, I should be slow to recommend or
i approve the-secession of a single State, with-
I out the probable co operation of her coter
minous ousters, and still less against their
expressed will and wish. But whenever
a respectable number of the Southern States
convinced of the necessity or policy of seek,
iiig their safety oHiapniness in anew Go
vernment. shail determine upon such a sfep
! they can accomplish that object, if not with
, out difficulty, at least.without bloodshed or
I civil w'ar. Let the States of South Caroli
na, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, be
come animated by a common spirit of Re
sistance to Northern aggressions—let them
become convinced that their safety, their
inteiests or their honor demands a separa
tion from the North and the formation of
an independent Government [or themselves
and their posterity, and a.concerted and de
termined movement by them would draw
every other slave Ttate into their policy
iqiifci iiinjiPi •iTTij’jfjninmi In ior later
Southern Coufefemcy.'’ Unless conciliateu!
and reoonoiiedlto their former associates |
and the Union, by the concession of ad-j
dititional and satisfactory Constitutional j
guaranties, those four States could in t welve i
months break the bonds of this Union so
far asunder that ao power on earth could
ever re-unite them, Let any one of them,
through a Convention called by authority
of its Legislature,.solemnly resolve that the j
true policy of the South was to form a sep-!
arate Government and express a willingness i
and readiness to Jain any of her sister South-!
ern States in the. formation and maintain-!
ance of such a Government. Let her invite j
in an imposing and solemn form all others
agreeing with her ‘in opinion and object, to j
appoint Delegates to a Convention to be j
heid at a time and place designated, for the !
purpose of decht.nag their independence and !
setting up a'* Government for themselves, j
Let such Convention of the States sugges- j
ted or others meet and in obedience to the!
■will and wish of their constituents, declare !
their independence e£ the present Federal
Governfhoiil j ftw.jfP'-u ‘■Constitution and j
form of proclaim them-!
selves to the world.*.!; free and independent !
nation* Would any effort be made to force ;
them back into the Union? How aridity!
whom ? Could the Federal laws of the old
Government -be enforced over sovereign
States thus united and determined to be,
free? Federal laws and Federal officers;
would be alike powerless and impob ut.— ;
Would ships of war be sent to blockade!
onr ports to enforce the collection of Fede
ral revenues, to cripple or destroy our trade
and break up our-intercourse with Foreign
nations? Vain attempt! The million and a
half of cotton bales produced by these four
States, to say nothing of other articles of
export, would burst asunder every barrier
which Federal power could throw around
them. Prohibited by oijr own laws from
passing into and through the adjoining
States of the old Government,, these immense
objects of commerce and wealth would find
their way to the ocean and over it to alt
| other countries in spite of Federal Jaws or
■ Irish” “ 1 -fo-slmt jj ut
such a supply IrOiu mu cotton looms of the
old world, would set all Europe in a blaze
and bring to oar aid the liberating navies
of every commercial nation. Would an at
tempt bo made to. invade and conquer ns as
rebels with Federal arms and Federal ar
mies? Tlie first Regiment that crossed
Mason and Dixons’ line on such an errand,
would be the signal for live i Ring up of thou
sands es stout hearts ami stalwart arms,
even in those Southern States that had not
joined us, to drive the abolition invaders
back to their delis. Who can for a moment i
suppose that the other Slave States would :
either stand indifferently by, or join in a!
movement of the Federal Government, usur
ped, or controlled by Northern abolition-j
ists. to strike down the spirit of Southern
resistance and coerce’their kin’red and
friends info -degrading submission? No;
sirs, the very first attempt at Federal legis
lation looking to coerciou—the very first;
i military niovomtut towards our coaqurat •
would arouse, the Sympathies of ail our sis
ter drive them out of,
the old and wft If hasty steps into ;
the.open and inviting arms of the new Re- j
public. Such would, be tlie inevitable cf j
lect ol any hostile demonstration against
the new Confederacy, and no such demon-’
stratiori would be made. Nor would it!
nmttee.whether any effort were made or not,;
to coerce the secret ing States into their for-;
mer position in the Union. Anew Govern- j
meet once formed and put into operation \
would attract all the other slave States to j
it—no human power could hold them off. |
The attractions of a common interest and
a common sympathy—of a common race, I
language and religion—of common danger, |
insult and injury--of kindred associations i
and kindred in.-titu .ions—of similar pursuits J
and rimilar objects—of a like origin and a ;
like destiny, would be as potent as the all j
powerful and all-pervading natural laws of!
attraction and gravitation, to unite, fasten
and bind them together by a bond too strong
to-be broken by the combined efforts of all
the nations of t}tc garth. No, fellow-eiti- j
zens. let a Southern Confederacy be once !
formed by e-* i: slave States, j
and all the lavs which control human ac- j
tion would stamp their impress upon every ;
Southern State of this Union and be irre- i
sistable.
And now, for wlial cause, and on what
occasion shall such a movement be made by
any of the Southern States? This ques
tion is already answered, to a certain extent,
by the solemn declaration of our own
State, enunciated at Milledgeville in the
Contention of December, 185 U. Thai Con
vention was not oi.e formed by voluntary
primary meetings of the people assembled
in small numbers, and as usual in such eases,
controled by a few leading and ambitious
men — it was a Convention called by the
Governor under the authority and instruc
tion of the Legislature—the Delegates
were elected by the people of the several
Counties under the usual rules and regula
tions of law--they were chosen after a pro
tracted and heated contest, in which all the
objects and bearings iff the proposed Con
vention were fully dssousmLuud considered ;
hy the people^ik^was?;ail authoritative and
imposing Conytattwl,;yomposed of some of
the ablest and best, men of both political
parties iu the .State —it spoke the voice of
the people so unmistakable language, and
although there was a large and respectable
party in tlie State, which did not think that
the Convention vent far enough, yet they
acquiesced in its fjual action and its solemn
resolutions. .Qf resistance in the future. 1
may safely say that if the people of Geor
gia were never before, or are not now, uni
ted upon any other political subject, they
are united upon the Platform framed by
that Convention. 3’he 4th Resolution of
that Platform declare* , *‘Tbut the State of
Georgia, in tlie judgment:this Oodvou-
tion, will and ought to resist, even (ns a
last resort) to a disruption of every tie
which binds her to the Union, any action of
Congress upon the subject of slavery in the
District of Columbia, or in places subject
to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompati
ble with the safety, domestic tranquility,
the rights and honor of the slaveholding
States; or any act suppressing the slave
trade between the slaveholding States; or
any refusal to admit as a State any Terri
tory hereafter applying because of the exis
tence’ of slavery therein ; or any act pro
hibiting the introduction of slaves into the
Territories of Utah, or New Mexico; or
any act repeaMng or materially modifying)
the laws now in force for the recovery of j
fugitive slaves.”
Since the adoption of that Plaiform the j
unmistakable voice of most of the Southern !
States, has applauded and approved it, and |
expressed their determination to stand by j
Georgia in its maintenance, “even to the i
disruption of all the ties that bind them to j
the Union.” Now, let any one of the pro-j
visions of that Platform be violated by an j
abolition Congress, and the Union would!
be dissolved in less time than it took to ,
form it. It would not, in my opinion, live
another year. So far so good —come what
may, the true-hearted Southern man. who!
is ready and willing to risk the alledged ;
and apprehended dangers of seperation and )
a Southern Confederacy, has the consolation
to know that Congress can do neither of
the acts embraced and prohibited in that
bold and defiant declaiation without produ
cing disunion and bringing about the ulti
mate and permanent protection of our in- |
stitutions in another and better Govern
ment. Let. the abolitionists of the North
ptake the Federal Government, if they can,
and put our pluck to the test by violating;
any portion of the Georgia Platform.—
Lei them do it if they con—Jet them do it if
they null — 'et them do it if they dare. But
is there no other cause, no other action of
the free States which would justify- sepera
tion and probably produce it ?
Fellow-citizens, I have said elsewhere,
“The election of a Northern President, up
j on a sectional and anti-slavery issue, will be
; considered cause enough to justify seces-1
| sion. Let the Senator from New York,
| [Mr. Seward.] or any other man avowing
! the sentiments and policy enunciated by
him in his Rochester speech, be elected
| President of the United States, and. in my
i opinion, there are more than one of the
j Southern States that would take immediate
[steps towards separation. And, sir, lam
! free to declare, here in the Senate, that
! whenever such an event shall occur, for one,
[ I shall be for disunion, and shall, if alive,
1 exert all the powers I may have in urging
upon the people of my State the necessity
. and propriety of an immediate separation.”
: Th's I deliberately said on the floor of
I the Senate in the face of our enemies—this
I ‘deliberately say bore to-day in the pres
! once of friends and neighbors. 1 should
consider such an event fraught with the
greatest danger to Southern institutions,
and I would not wait for the developement
!of its results. I would nip the danger in
| the bud. and take immediate steps to unite
i the South in a movement which should end,
’ either in safety within the Union, or safety
’ out of it. A movement towards separation
even by a single State, would bring the
i Northern people to their senses if any thing
; could open their cars and hearts to the
voice of reason and justice. The North
i does not believe that the South will dissolve
the Union for any cause, ar.cl that they may
push their fanatical schemes upon us with
i impunity. Convince them that the South
I is in earnest, by an imposing step towards
; separation, ami even fanaticism will pause
, and “look before it leaps.” The Union is
i far more necessary, useful and important to
them than to us, and they know it. They
. wouklTYot probably drive us to the alterna
tive of separation, if they were advised amt
i believed that such would be the result of
’ their hostile demonstrations against slavery
i and the rights of the Southern people. In
1850, when a movement towards secession
j was made in Georgia, and a few of the
I neighboring States, and there seemed to be
isome danger of extreme measures, the
| Northern mind began to recoil—the Nortli
i ern papers, for the first, time since the Un
ion was formed, began to calculate its value
i and to urge the danger and impolicy of
[ driving the South to extremities. Meetings
j of the people were held and safety com mi t-
I tees were formed to rebuke anti-slavery ag- ;
itat ion and suppress the power of the abol
: itionists. and if the South had acted with
; spirit and manliness then, the whole subject
would have been settled at once and forever, ]
! by such Constitutional guarantees as would j
, have placed our rights and our safety upon
| a sure and lasting basis. But unfortunately
for the South, we had then, and I fear we j
ever shall have, too many ambitious public j
* ipen, who were looking to National honors, :
I and who from interests or fear, were wdling ‘
Ito sacrifice our rights,“to preserve a Union,” j
j from which they expected so many personal ]
| blessings.
j Fellow-citizens, if the people of the South j
I would preserve their rights in the Union, or
i obtain their independence out of it, they ;
| must take the subject into their own hands— i
! Speak out their sentiments with a boldness j
| that becomes freemen and teach politicians <
i the salutary lesson, that “lie who dallies isa !
| dastard, and he who doubts is damned.” j
i Whether the election of a Biack Republi- j
I can President upon a sectional anti-slavery !
i Platform, and by a sectional abolition Par- j
! ty, shall be considered a sufficient cause for j
j alarm and separation by a majority of any ■
| one or more of the Southern States, re-!
’ mains to be seen. Ido not hesitate here, as j
; I have e sew here and every where, to ex- [
I press my own opinion, that it ought to be j
; so considered, and if the time shall ever ar- \
; rive, and the event ever happen, come what ;
! may, in office or out of office, if alive and j
able, I shall raise my voice, in vindication
of the sincerity with which I have uttered
the sentiment.
Fellow-citizens, let no man suppose or ,
infer from what I have said here, or else- :
where, that I am in favor ot dissolving this
Union as a matter of choice. It is true,
that much of my confidence in it has been ■
shaken—much of my respect for it lessened
—much of my love for it weakened, by the
events of recent years. It cannot be denied, 1
that m icspect to some of the most impor- j
tant elements with which it was intended to |
be invested, and many of the objects ot its i
creation it. lias proved a failure. It was in- j
tended as a Government of defined and lim
ited powers—it has become one of con-j
struclive and almost unlimited, consolida
ted powers. It was intended to be a crea- 1
turc—it. lias grown to be a Lord and Mas
ter. From its formation to the present ‘■
time its powers have been gradually en i
larged r whilst the powers of the States have
been diminished until the latter have scarce- 5
jy any left that are worth preserving, and
Ul9. lormer scarcely any wanting necessary j
to absolute dominion. Th© States, their !
offices—their honors—their interests, and |
their powers are all overshadowed by the j
more dazzbng and seductive attractions ot J
Federal honors —Federal offices -Federal .
interests, and Federal powers. Constitu-!
tional barriers are broken down with impu- j
nity—Constitutional rights are trampled j
under foot without, remorse, regret, or re
dress. Sectioual interests, sectional piejn
dices, and sectional power, if they have not
already, soon will control all the operations
of the Federal Government and make it
little less than a despotism, subject only to
the capricious will of a numerical majority.
Not content to exercise the powers granted
in the Constitution, this majority, composed
of the bitter enemies of the Southern people !
do not scruple to usurp powers not grant-;
ed whenever their interests or prejudices
dictate the assumption.
Heretofore, a national parry organized up
on the basis of State equality and State sov
ereignty—of equal rights.equal privileges!
and equal burthens to all and upon all sec
tions of the Union, has to some extent with
stood the encroachments of this irresponsi
ble majority and preserved the Union from
destruction. But that pirtv is fast melting
I away before the repeated and vigerous as-
I saults of our Northern foes, and the discor
dant character of its present elements af
! fords little hope or prospect of its future
| ability to preserve the constitutional rights
! of the weaker section.
►Such fellow-citizens, are the present con
! dftion and future prospects of the American
j Union, presenting but a fait hope to the
I Patriot or the Statesman of the permanence
i of that true Republican Constitutional Gov
[ eminent upon which our rights alone depend.
Still, “habit is a second nature” and early
1 affections—ancient association- and habitu
i al love and reverence for institutions, fovind
;ed by our fathers and cemented by their
blood, appeal with a power difficult to re
! sist to nil the feelings of the American heart.
; They affect me—they affect yon, and 1
} doubt not affect every son of the South. I
| would surrender this Union q;i!v when con
[ vinced that it had failed of the great objects
! ofits creation, that its powers were perver
ted to unholy ends and that instead approv
ing a blessing, ii had become a curse to the
j Southern people—a Union administered for
the equal benefit of all—respecting the Sov
i ereigu rights of the States and the rights
and interest of the people of all sections -a
; Union which confines the governing power
• to the limits of the Constitution, and care
fully guards, observes and protects that sa- 1
cred instrument, would have my love, my j
reverence and support, to the latest hour of!
my existence. But when X see and feel that j
the great, paramount objects ot its creation
have beer, or are about to be debated and i
, prostituted to uphold the power., promote i
the interests and pander to the prejudices!
ol one section —to exalt one and oppress an- j
other of its equal and constituent parts- j
to bring blessings upon one and curses upon
: another portion of its wide domain, I am
ready to surrender if, at any and all haz
ards, and to try another experiment for the
preservation ol those rights which are dear
er to you and to me than the existence of any !
Government nr Union on earth. If this be )
treason, let those who call it so, make the :
most of it. 1 will not take-back one jot or
tittle of the declaration. Nor do I consul-:
er it absolutely essential to the prosperity
and happiness of the Southern States that
they should remain in the present Union
They have the abundant elements ot both
within their own borders, and they would
possess and enjoy in a confederated Govern- j
merit, ol their own, sources of wealth, pros
perity, progress and power, unsurpassed by
any nation on the face of the earth. In
wiiat single respect would a Southern Con
federacy be wanting in all that is necessary
to make a nation great and a people happy?
In agricultural wealth and plenty, we sur
pass the world. In ail the varieties ol soil
and climate, we are richly blessed. We
can raise breadstuff's and all the necessaries
of life in sufficient quantities to supply the in
creasing population ot centuries. In Geo
graphical area, we have even now, length
and breadth enough to sustain a. hundred
motions of people, without being as closely
packed as England or France. Florida
Lonisina and Texas can supply all our de
mands for sugar. The Caro.inas and Geor
gia can give us rice. Maryland and Vir
ginia can administer to our taste for Tobac
co. Kentucky and Missouri can make the
Hemp to cover onr co'ton bales. The At
lantic and Gulf States, c m furnish the world
with Timber and Naval .Stores, and the
cotton crops of the planting States are at
this time worth annually two hundred mil
lions of dollars. We have navigable rivers
running almost by the very doors of our
whole people, and where nature is deficient,
artificial high-ways afford facilities for the
transportation of all our products to cheap !
; and re <ly markets. We have outlets to,
the ocean and to other countries in Harbors
of unlimited capacity along a line of coast
over two thousand miles in extent. The
bowels of the earth contain inexhaustibly
mines of mineral wealth. We have iron,
; copper, lead, saltpetre, gold and silver in
quantities equal to any region in the world.
Our streams alford facilities for the abundant
manufacture of cloth to cover our people
i and administer to their comfurts. convenien
! cog and luxury. We have a population,
1 healthy, hardy and industrious—a people,
‘native and to the manner born,’ homogene
ous in race and language, habits and laws
j —in pursuits and interests, in politics and
! religion—in all that bind liicn together and
j make them patriotic and powerful. In the
i language of Lewis Napoleon, our Govern
[ meat “would be peace.” Our agricultural
i products would attract the commerce of the
j world aud keep ail nations at peace with
; us-whilst other Rowers might depend upon
the sine a sos war. ours would wield the ele
j met its of peace aud would command it with
| the civilized world, and no nation on oa’ til
i would be so much interested and so anxious |
(to preserve friendly relations with us as our
j quondam Northern bretheren. So deeply
i concerned, would they be for our lavor, our j
j commercial friendship and our social inter-j
I course-—that they would ever be to us what j
[ France is to Sardinia, an ally ready and wil- j
i ling to drive every invader from our soil,
i With ad these elements of wealth, prosperi
ty and happiness increasing, expanding and
j developing themselves as population thick
|ened and consumption required, what iiin
: it would there be to our prog ress, our power
land our glory? But \ve should not stop
; here. Our expanding policy would stretch
far beyond our present limits. Cuba, cow
witiield from us by the voice and votes ol
our abolition enemies, would soon be ours.
j She could not be held by Spain a year alter
I our Government was formed. N 0 neutrality
i laws would restrain our udventuous sons,
and Spain would feel the necessity of her
| situation ard the certainty of its loss, and
would soon transfer it to the Southern lic
! public. And Central America, so rich in
tropical products, essential to the wants
and luxuries of mankind. Sugar. Coffee, Co
coa and every variety of delicious fruits —a
land abounding in licit soil and covered
with dense forests of valuable woods—a
country highly adapted to slave labor, mid
requiring only the superior genius and enter- j
i prise, of the angle American race to make!
it “bloom and blossom like the rose.” Cen
tral America would at an early day fall un
der the vigorous influence of our enterpris
ing people and join their destiny to ours.—•
Mow, the saint; fueling of anti-slavery jealou
sy and hatred which keeps Cuba from our
j grasp, suppresses every attempt to revolu
; lionize Central America and make it w ltat
I nature intended it to be part and parcel ol
Ia great slaveholding Confederacy.
| Separated from the North and united together as
! an independent power, we should take all Central
i America within our sisterhood of States and soon
i settle it with a thriving, prosperous and growing
population of Southern people, with language, re
j ligion, tastes, habits, interests,pursuits and objects
I similar to our own. With uo abolition emigrating
j aid societies to impede our m troll or interfere with
our legitimite and natural expansion, we should
stretch our arms all along the line of Northern
Mexico t; the Pacific ocean, and soon have aVhain
oi slave States from that Sea to the Oulph of Mex
ico ; and t.ien with our Central American popula
tion on ouc side pressing upwards, and our south
western population on the other side pressing
dowuwards, all Mexico would fall by degrees into
our possession, and become Americanized aud
transformed into slave States. As our slave popu
lation by it* rap id increase would fill up the Atlan-
! tie States and the valle)’ of the Mississippi, and le*
! cotne too dense within present limits for our safety
or profit, it would gradually and naturally, over
l flow across the lineinto tnat vast region of inviting
[ climate and soil and here and there under the do
: minion of life white man, live and flourish for age*
to come. And thus, with a Republic larger in ex
tent than all Europe, united under a Government
more perfect than was ever formed by the wisdom
and patriotism of man—with fundamentaljlaws to
preserve our institutions from decay for all time to
come, homo geneous in every thing, we should ex
hibit to the world an example of greatness, pros
perity and power, which nothing but the hand of
God could ever weaken or destroy.
Proceedings of the Democratic
Congressional Convention of
the Third District.
Macon, July 12, 1859.
The Democratic Convention for the
Third Congressional district of Georgia,
met at the City of Macon, July 12 1856,
for the purpose of nominating a candi
date fur Congress.
On motion of Hon J. J. Gresham of
Bibb, J. M. Giles, Esq. wa3 called to
the chair and
On motion of Major Steele, of Spald
ing, Messrs. B. M. Folhill and J. H. Au
drews, of Bibb, were requested to act
as Secretaries.
The Chairman briefly explained the
object of the Convention After the
calling of die roll of delegates—
Dr. Roddy of Monroe, offered the fol
lowing resolution, which was adopted.
Resolved, That two-thirds of the votes
cast shall be necessary to a nomination.
Col. Pringle of Houston, offered the
following which was also adopted;
licsoh ed, That each county entitled
to two m.-mbers ofr.be House of Repre
j sentatives in the State Legislature be
allowed live votes in this Convention,
and those entitled to one member shall
be allowed three votes.
The Convention then proceeded to
ballot, but owing to informality, the first
ballot was ca>.t out and Dr. Roddy of
fered the following resolutions which was
carried.
Resolved, That one delegate be select
ed by each county to cast the vote of
the county, and the name of the county
be endorsed on the vote.
; Toe Convention resumed ballotting
witli the following result.
[Note--It is due to Col Lochranp
and Mr. Tracy, to state that the friends
of the respective gentlemen were ex
pressly instructed not to use their names.
—consequently the votes received by
them are not counted in this report.]
Bali.otings:
Speer 17 17 14£ 14£
McGehce, 10 13 12£ 5$
Brown, 0 7 5 6
Mobly, t> 6 6
After the fifth ballot all the other gen
tlemen being withdrawn, Col. Speer of
Bibb county was on motion, unamimous
ly nominated.
Hu. Ki iig, Esq. then moved the ap
pointment of a committee of three to in
lorm ( 01. Speer of his nomination, and
request Ins acceptance.
The chairman appointed said commit
tee a- follows:
Hugh U. King of Harris, W. J.
Green of Houston, Dr. R. L. Roddy of
Mon r oe.
The meeting was then addressed by
Mr. King of Harris, suggesting the pro
priety of having a general meeting of
members o” the party at some early
time to consult and adopt plans in which
tin-canvass may be conduct, and in the
most energetic manner, upon which Col.
’ Pringle moved the appointment of an
Executive Committee to consist, of one
member sum each delegation composing
i the Convention. The Chair, on the mo
tion being carried, appointed the follow
: ing to compose said
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
Hugh King, of Harris;
J. H. Mecie, of Spalding;
G. A. McCrary, of Talbot;
J. M. Smith, of Up.-on;
S. Hunter, of Bibb;
J. J. May, of Taylor;
; John P. Banks, of Pike;
C. D. Anderson, of Houston.
R. D. Roddy, of Monroe;
Tiios. Andrews, of Crawford;
James R. Lyon, of Butts.
Col. Crawford, of Spalding, moved
that the above named Committee be
permanent and empowered to appoint a
time and place for the meeting of the
m-x-t convention, and to protect and pro
mote the interests of the party in this
District.
Maj. Steele of Spalding, moved to in
vite Col. Speer, our noiuiuee, to n eet
us at 5 o’clock ihis afternoon to respond
to the nomination of the Convention,
which was unanimously carried.
A motian was adopted to request the
the IK-mocratie papers in this district,
to publish these proceedings.
The Convention then adjourned to ;>
oVlot k V. M.
J. M. GILES, Pres’t.
B. M. Pol hill, 0
in > Secretaries.
J. li. Andrews, |
Special Kctices.
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lake the best of all Purgatives, and Scrofula, In
digestion, Weakness, Headache, Backache, J&un
i dice, Rheumatism, derangements of the Liver, Kid
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j which a purgative nmedy can reach, fly before
the Sun. .
Reader, if you are suffering from any of the
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the remedy has been provided for you, aud it f*
criminal to neglect it.
That Ayers Cherry Pectoral, is the best medi
cine bra Cmtgh, is known to the whole world, and
that Ayer's Pitts are the best of a.l Pills, fs known
to 1 hose who have used them.
Prepared by Dr. J. C. AYER, Lowell, Mass.,and
sold by Druggist everywhere.
-5 • i—-a fe
lll SP LPS IA CV n ED.
The mass of testimony in favor of the greats
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Boston, July 1.1555.
.Messrs. S. IV. Fotele 4* Cos.: Gentlemen: —l
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and have derived great benefit from their use. t
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some, and stabborn complaint.
Yours truly,
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Os the “Student and Schoolmate.*