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it, speak* in authoritative, positive and de termined language to the North and tells it, “we are entitled to this right—we must hare it —if w'e cannot get in the t'nion, wc will seek it oot of the Union.” If the South ever brings its united mind and heart up t o that point, then her Con stitutional rights will be respected and coneeeded by the Federal Government; bet without such a bold, manly and de cided course, what are we to expect from the Northern States,or from Federal Leg islation? Look at the present condition and future prospects of public senti ment in the free States—at the present and'future state of political parties in Congress. There are a few sound and true Northern men still lingering in the Senate, neatly every vestige of sound Northern conservatism in the other house has already been extinguished— four years m re will give to the aboli tionists the control of the Senate—lß6l will witness the inauguration of a free ! soil President, and then, with both branches of Congress, and an abolition President, the Supreme Court, the last barrier to fanatical encroachment, will j soon give way. Vacancies upon that ! bench of stern old men will occur by na- j tore, or be made by Congressional leg islation, to be filled by the creatures of party dictation, until that august Tribu nal will bow its neck to the yoke of un relenting fanaticism, and then the nets of an abolition Congress, sanctioned by an abolition President, will be upheld by the decrees of an abolition Court and enforced if necessary by the bayonets of an abolition army. The great high Priest of the abolition Church, Win. 11. Seward, has already declared in bold and vaunting terms in the Senate of the United States, that “the Supreme Court must recede, or the Supreme Court must be reformed/ and he has more power and influence over the Black Republican party of the North, than the Pope of R nne has over the Catholic world. It is in vain to hope that a reaction will take ! place in the Northern mind and that a ! sound conservatism will ever again rule the Northern heart. We have heard that j cry an l that hope repeated again and ! again, for more tha ; twenty years, and j yet the spirit and power of abolition j have continued to spread, increase and ‘strengthen, until now, they control the political action of nearly every free State in this Union, and openly pro claims the intention of wiping out slave ry in all the American States. The bold and daring declaration of the great lea der of the Republican party in his Speech at Rochester, lust fall, that free dom and >lavery cannot ex st together in the same Government and that one or the other must fall, was but the echo of the popular sentiment all over the free States. It has been repeated on the floor of the National Congress; it has filled the public press; it has been re echoed from the hustings of many popu lar assemblies and will be the great skih olelk in the campaign of 1860. The Northern clans are to be mustered to tire war cry us “ down with Slavery,” and the black fling of “universal eman cipation” will be raised aloft, never again to bo furled until it shall waive in tri umph over a disgraced, degraded and dost-oyed South, or met at the threshold by a randy spirit of Southern resistance, be driven back to its native regions to lead on the dark destiny and fortunes of a separate Northern Government. May sach be its fate—and such will be its fa'e and i's only nvssion, if the South ern people are only true to themselves, true to their rights, their interests and their honor—trim to that spirit of inde pendence, and those sacred princinles of civil amt religious liberty which animated their immortal sires in the st aggies of the Revolution I know not how others may look upon the triumph of the abolitionists in the Pres idin'ial election of 18301 but 1 do not hesi tate to declare for myself, that I should con sider it as a declaration of war against the institution of slavery in the Union, and a foreshadowing of a settled policy to break it down by the influence, power and action | of the Federal Government. I cannot stop to enlarge upon the process by which such ; * result would bo reached. With every branch of the government in the hands of j a party steeped in the gall and wormwood, i £f anti-slavery hostility, ambitious of sue-J cess, and maddened by opp sit ion, no stone ! would be left unturned, no means neglected j no effort untried to accomplish its diuboli j ca! purposes. In the Union, its powers would j be oninipitaxt. The rejection of slavej States and admission of free Slates, would j soon swell their majority in both Houses of CJongres to an overpowering and irrests- ! table number, against which the feeblel voice of the South would be raised in vain, j Tire reversal of the I >reel Scott decision—j the exclusion ol slavery from the territories I bv Congressional enactment, the repeal of i the fugitive slave law, the abolition ol j slavery in the District of Columbia, the I imposition of high protective tariffs to bur then and cripple slave labor in the Soilta. iu short, the exercise of every power, for which an excuse may be found or invented, calculated to weaken the institution and finally destroy Jt, would be the first and early fruits of their during and malignant experiments. Jftfcedoutn submits to one, ehe will submit to another, and of; tiiesc- abominable and damnable aggressions, j until slie will find herself both unable and j unwiiling to resist a decree of universal ; emancipation. In my opinion, the true j safety of the South, as well as her true lion- j or, dictates a firm an 1 manly resistance to ! the first success oi uio abolition party, which | shall be founded upon opposition to slavery j and looks to its overthrow in the Union.— If, therefore, the Republican paity of the j free States, which is only another name for • the abolition party, shall present sectional | Noithera candidal s in 1830 —shall run them as sectional candidates, anl upon a sectional platform of opposition to Southern slavery, aod shall elect them by a sectional Northern vote, it would, in my opinion, be sufficient came an 1 ample time for separa tion. I care not in what specious form of words, an eh a sectional plai form may be made; if the spirit of anti-slavery shall be its soul and its animating element—il hatred tp slavery and those wno uphold, ami defend it, shall be tbo controling power over the Northern mfeses, and shall carry them to j the pails to vote for their abolition eaaT- dales and llms the true,so and, conservative men of the North and South shad be borne dawn and defeated, it will be tint j for the Southern people to look to the safety of their “institution,” and to seek it, if need be, in the formation of a Southern Confed eracy. Auii now you will ask me how is that to be done—by what steps and through what process is such an object to be ac epmpiished? Fellow-Citizens, I am but an iju i,ble man, with little pride of opinion, and no great confidence in my ability to suggest or advise a plan for tbe attain ment of so important a result,. It is in deed a momentous subject. No question which has occnred since the times when our fathers commenced the revolutionary struggle and declared their independence of the British crown, has arisen or could arise to half its importance—none would deserve a more serious consideration, or would demand the exercise of greater wisdom, and patriotism. If, however, the Southern people were con vinced of the necessity and propriety of such a movement —if .they were satisfied that their safety required it, that their honor demanded it, that their interests called for it and were united, there would be no lack of able and patriotic states men, to devise the steps, form the plan, perfect the structure and iuaugcratc a Government, which would be the “won der, the glory and pride of the world.” With an experience of moi e than three quarters of a century in Republican'Go vernment, with the defects of our present system seen, felt and understood, with the lights of ..the past, the intelligence jof tlie present and the inspirations of I the future, we should be able to form a ! Government more perfect and more sta ble than any upon which the world ever i looked. Dbubtless, the most proper, 1 ready and certain mode of forming a i Southern Confederacy, if the Southern j people were united in the wish to do it, j would be to hold a Convention of ail the ! slave States, declare their independence j of and separation from the North, form j a Government and put it into immediate I operation. Then would follow as a mat-1 ter of e< urse, an amicable adjustment be-i tween the two Governments, Nort ernj and Southern, of all questions arising ! out of their former association—a just j and honorable division of the public pro-! perty and the public debt of the old Go-! vernrnent, and a friendly arrangement j of all future relations, interests and j intercourse. I know that many entertain the opinion that a separation could not i take place without bloodshed and civil war. There would'not, in my opinion, . be the least danger of such a result.— What mo'ive would impel the Northern States to make war upon the Southern Confederacy ? Nations do not uo to war, except to resent an insult or injury, to-gain an advantage or accomplish some important and attainably object. What object could be hoped to.be accomplished’ by a hostile demonstration on the part of the States from which we may have separated? Would it be to force ns back into a Union with them ? Tain, foolish, impotent thought ! No man of common sense in all the North—-no states man v-oi. ld ever entertain it for a mo ment. To invade and conquer the South ern States and force them back as re voked and subjected colonics into a fra ternal embrace with their imperious masters ! never—never. The sagacious statesmen who would guide the councils of the Northern people would know too well that such an effort would be fruit-; less —nay, worse than fruitless —it would ! be wicked and suicidal. The Southern States contain a white population of eight millions and could in such a con test ruLe and maintain an army of a half million of men, equal lo any troops j in the world ; and lighting oa tpeir own \ soil, in defence of their country, their i rights, their honor, their altars and their firesides, would be invincible. Defend themselves against, the North! they could stand against the world in arms. There j are bus two instances in modern times, in which a nation united, though weak, has ever been invaded and conquered by a foreign foe. Mexico was overcome by the arms of the United States; but Mex icans are a feeble race,, anil no match for the courage, skill and physical prowess of the Anglo Americans. Hungary, with I less than eight millions of pco, le, was! conquered by Austria, but it required the aid of the colossal power of Russia, and the t reachery of her own sons, to bow her neck to the yoke of the oppressor.— Talk of driving the South buck into the j Union when once she cuts loose from it ! j j The thought is preposterous, ridiculous j i and foolish. No. sirs, no attempt would j | ever be made to jurce a re-union of these | | dismembered States. The North might I j humble lieself at our feet and beseech us! to try once more, the pleasures of her fraternal embrace ; and if the terms of the proposed copartnership suited us if sufficient guarantees could be presented ! ; and agreed upon for the future preserva tion of our rights in another Union—if ; we could be impressed with sufficient faith i in their fidelity and honesty, we might | again form, with our old triends, a bond i of Union, and try our fortunes once more |in an American Confeder ,cy; but not i otherwise. * It has been suggested that I trouble would grow out of a division of the public do miin, and ot her property of the United States—the army, the navy and materials of’ war. It is a mistaken apprehension—no difficulty, whatever, emild or would arise from that source.— If no arrangement could bo made, each government would most naturally and properly be allowed to retain tire public lands within its b >uudaries. The largest share in quantity might fall to the North, but. the South would care little for that --retaining those within her own limits, she would willingly surrender all claim to the mountain peaks and sterile plains of the Northern provinces. The army and its materiel are nothing, in case of ! separation, its present elements would | soon dissolve and be merged with the I masses of its own respective section. We could so m reconstruct an army of any size, which the exigencies of our country would justify or demand. The fortifica tions and armaments pai l for out of a common fund, would belong to the party, on whose soil they were found at the time of separation. The ships of war i lying in Southern ports, or commanded at sea by Southern officers, and brought into Southern ports, would fall to us, and tve should want no more—if we did, we •could build them. The public buddings ■it Washington City, costing over twenty millioos of dollars, being on Southern soil, and in the Southern Confederacy, would belong to us; and they are worth ; more than all the public buildings iu all the free States Iu this way, if uo agree ment could be effected, a satisfactory di virion would be made of all the public property, of any value o-r importance.— But the South would hold a sword over tho Northern States which would compel a fair and, amicable settlement of all such matters. The National debt, in case of a separation, would fall upon the old Government—certainly we would be bound in good faith and honor, to pay our proportion of it, and so we would, if the North gave us justice in other mat ters; but whether we should pay at all, how much we should pay, and when or -or how, would be questions for ns to de cide. The settlement of this one ques tion of the public debt, now amounting to nearly one hand red millions of dollar?, and not likjy to to be diminished,.wquick draw after it, and as a necessary incident I to it,- an amicable and” just arrangement! and settlement of all other questions— ; negotiation and treaty—would soon j close the door against all disputes or , difficulties on these points. No, fellow-citizens, there would be no i earthly difficulty in the wav, ol a peace-! able separation. If the Southern people : were United and determined, to take the step, the way would be easy and plain. No war would ensue, not a gun would be fired, except in joy *at our deliver-/ at ice ; not a drop of blood would be shed i —no quarral would arise between the j two sections, over the spoils or trophies ! of our former association. The mutual j interests of the two Governments and people, ami more especially the superior interests of the Northern section, would produce treaties of friendship, of com mercial and personal intercourse which would secure peace and make us more observant of the r gilts cf each other, than we are nowin the present “glorious union.” These would be the immediate, necessary and certain results of a sepa ration willed 1 by a united South. But I admit ti nt the prospect, of a harmonious union of all the slave States, in a great movement like this, would be dull and j doubtful under any, except extreme eir- \ cumstanees. Circumstances might arise: which would unite them all, and bring I about prompt, decided and successful 1 action Any act. of the Federal Gcv- j eminent in the hands of a dominant ab- j olition party, looking to the general I emancipation of the slaves of the South-! .ern States, would, I have to doubt, a rouse a universal spirit of resistance at j the South, and lead to immediate disn-1 nion. But for any cause loss powerful j than some wanton aggression upon ‘ Southern rights, it would be scarcely pas- j sible to unite the Southern States in a spontaneous and general revohnionu'y moment. ihe border States, lying con tiguous to tl>c North dread the effects of separation, upon the safety of their slave property. Forgetting, or closing their eyes to the fact that both the mo tive to abduct their negroes, and the op portunity to the negr > for escape, are a thousand times stronger and greater in ! tlm, Union, than they could possibly be in separate Governments, they urge this as a great bug-bear in the way of any movement tending to separation, or even the manly assertion of our rights in the Union. Why, sirs, what guards or guar antees now exist against the wholesale abduction of the slaves of the border States, or their escape into the free States? none, save the domestic ties and fidelity of the slaves themselves and the watchful vigilence of the owners.— The Northern people are allowed by our Constitution and laws, as well as by so cial courtesy, ta eome ns ;>t pleasure, they travel with impunity iu every State, county and neighborhood, and have abundant opportunity to incul cate insurbordination and seduce our black population from their allegiance. The facilities for escape now, are quke as great, if not greater, than they would be if we were separated by a national divid ng line, whilst the outside pressure upon the slave towards escape and free dom, and his security .from tvelammation, are far more powerful and effective than they ever could be in the other condition. Now, under the Constitutional guaran tees, we cannot exclude the Northern Pi rate from our soi;—in a seperate Govern meal he would be an alien and a stranger, without the right ever to enter, except by legal permi.-sion. Now, all the laws which Congress has passed for the cap ture and rendition of fugitive slaves, stand as a dead letter upon the statute book. What are they worth to the Southern people ? Not the value of the paper and ink with which they have been recorded. In a separated State and in dependent Government, the abduction and detention of our slaves from the ser v.ceof their owners,* would be cause of war, or of retaliating measures of resent ment and redress —and the overruling cupidity and comrac eial necessities of the Northern people—tbe paramount importance to them of peaceful relations with us, and of enjoying the benefits of our trade and social intercourse, would impel them into treaties with us, which would afford infinitely better guarantees against the abduction of our slaves, and for the retain of those who might volun tarily escape. Give me the power over tlie commercial relations between the North and the South, and the foot prints of Southern slaves North of Mason & Dixon’s line would be “like angels’ visits, few and far between.” If a stray negro should now and then escape and flee into that far and free country, he would be caught and sent back to his owner in less time than he occupied in his vain race for freedom. The Northern people viay be controlcd by their interest—they never have been governed by constitu tional obligations, and never will be when there is a negro slave in t he case. But whilst l ain satisfied that the people of the, border States are mistaken in their opinions and fears in this matter, still it fs a powerful, perhaps a controlling objection in their minds to the formation of a separate confederacy of the slave Slates. Those and other considerations, both local and general, would in all probability, prevent a common concurrence of all the Southern States in a movement towards separation, even for cau ses which might be held sufficient by a ma jority of them, and I doubt whether a gen eral Convention could be obtained to cpii snlt upon the common saU ty and to .consider and decide the question of disunion ; or, if such a convention was assembled, whether anything like unanimity would prevail iu its counsels. How then, shall those Statet loss than the whole, or even less than a majority, ! satisfied of the necessity, policy and sacred duty of some action looking to their securi ty out of the Union —how shall they pro ceed towards the accomplishment of that object if Fellow citizens, the action of a single State, except under circumstances enlisting the strong sympathies of her contiguous sisters, might lead to defeat and disaster. If South Carolina had resolved herself out of the Union in 1832 on account of the dl ledged oppresses operations of an odious protective Tariff’ which at one time was said to have jieofc seriously considered and contemplated, sfie could not have resisted the combined opposition of all her sister States, and the power of the Federal Go- upheld as it was by the appro virtg voice of the country. The gallantry of her sons would have maintained a hard struggle against Fetkral'coercion, either in the form of Federal .laws or Federal bayo nets ; but they would have been forced to yield at last, ail resume their former posi- I tioii. jus. a S tuJU|ffon. Whatever, | therefore, migjt; soy. < [onyictions of the I unconstitutional and dangerous aggressions ; of the Northern S tales’a nfdfhe necessity and j propriety of a Southern Confederacy to sc | cure the-rights, interests and honor “of the ! South, I should be slow to recommend or i approve the-secession of a single State, with- I out the probable co operation of her coter minous ousters, and still less against their expressed will and wish. But whenever a respectable number of the Southern States convinced of the necessity or policy of seek, iiig their safety oHiapniness in anew Go vernment. shail determine upon such a sfep ! they can accomplish that object, if not with , out difficulty, at least.without bloodshed or I civil w'ar. Let the States of South Caroli na, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, be come animated by a common spirit of Re sistance to Northern aggressions—let them become convinced that their safety, their inteiests or their honor demands a separa tion from the North and the formation of an independent Government [or themselves and their posterity, and a.concerted and de termined movement by them would draw every other slave Ttate into their policy iqiifci iiinjiPi •iTTij’jfjninmi In ior later Southern Coufefemcy.'’ Unless conciliateu! and reoonoiiedlto their former associates | and the Union, by the concession of ad-j dititional and satisfactory Constitutional j guaranties, those four States could in t welve i months break the bonds of this Union so far asunder that ao power on earth could ever re-unite them, Let any one of them, through a Convention called by authority of its Legislature,.solemnly resolve that the j true policy of the South was to form a sep-! arate Government and express a willingness i and readiness to Jain any of her sister South-! ern States in the. formation and maintain-! ance of such a Government. Let her invite j in an imposing and solemn form all others agreeing with her ‘in opinion and object, to j appoint Delegates to a Convention to be j heid at a time and place designated, for the ! purpose of decht.nag their independence and ! setting up a'* Government for themselves, j Let such Convention of the States sugges- j ted or others meet and in obedience to the! ■will and wish of their constituents, declare ! their independence e£ the present Federal Governfhoiil j ftw.jfP'-u ‘■Constitution and j form of proclaim them-! selves to the world.*.!; free and independent ! nation* Would any effort be made to force ; them back into the Union? How aridity! whom ? Could the Federal laws of the old Government -be enforced over sovereign States thus united and determined to be, free? Federal laws and Federal officers; would be alike powerless and impob ut.— ; Would ships of war be sent to blockade! onr ports to enforce the collection of Fede ral revenues, to cripple or destroy our trade and break up our-intercourse with Foreign nations? Vain attempt! The million and a half of cotton bales produced by these four States, to say nothing of other articles of export, would burst asunder every barrier which Federal power could throw around them. Prohibited by oijr own laws from passing into and through the adjoining States of the old Government,, these immense objects of commerce and wealth would find their way to the ocean and over it to alt | other countries in spite of Federal Jaws or ■ Irish” “ 1 -fo-slmt jj ut such a supply IrOiu mu cotton looms of the old world, would set all Europe in a blaze and bring to oar aid the liberating navies of every commercial nation. Would an at tempt bo made to. invade and conquer ns as rebels with Federal arms and Federal ar mies? Tlie first Regiment that crossed Mason and Dixons’ line on such an errand, would be the signal for live i Ring up of thou sands es stout hearts ami stalwart arms, even in those Southern States that had not joined us, to drive the abolition invaders back to their delis. Who can for a moment i suppose that the other Slave States would : either stand indifferently by, or join in a! movement of the Federal Government, usur ped, or controlled by Northern abolition-j ists. to strike down the spirit of Southern resistance and coerce’their kin’red and friends info -degrading submission? No; sirs, the very first attempt at Federal legis lation looking to coerciou—the very first; i military niovomtut towards our coaqurat • would arouse, the Sympathies of ail our sis ter drive them out of, the old and wft If hasty steps into ; the.open and inviting arms of the new Re- j public. Such would, be tlie inevitable cf j lect ol any hostile demonstration against the new Confederacy, and no such demon-’ stratiori would be made. Nor would it! nmttee.whether any effort were made or not,; to coerce the secret ing States into their for-; mer position in the Union. Anew Govern- j meet once formed and put into operation \ would attract all the other slave States to j it—no human power could hold them off. | The attractions of a common interest and a common sympathy—of a common race, I language and religion—of common danger, | insult and injury--of kindred associations i and kindred in.-titu .ions—of similar pursuits J and rimilar objects—of a like origin and a ; like destiny, would be as potent as the all j powerful and all-pervading natural laws of! attraction and gravitation, to unite, fasten and bind them together by a bond too strong to-be broken by the combined efforts of all the nations of t}tc garth. No, fellow-eiti- j zens. let a Southern Confederacy be once ! formed by e-* i: slave States, j and all the lavs which control human ac- j tion would stamp their impress upon every ; Southern State of this Union and be irre- i sistable. And now, for wlial cause, and on what occasion shall such a movement be made by any of the Southern States? This ques tion is already answered, to a certain extent, by the solemn declaration of our own State, enunciated at Milledgeville in the Contention of December, 185 U. Thai Con vention was not oi.e formed by voluntary primary meetings of the people assembled in small numbers, and as usual in such eases, controled by a few leading and ambitious men — it was a Convention called by the Governor under the authority and instruc tion of the Legislature—the Delegates were elected by the people of the several Counties under the usual rules and regula tions of law--they were chosen after a pro tracted and heated contest, in which all the objects and bearings iff the proposed Con vention were fully dssousmLuud considered ; hy the people^ik^was?;ail authoritative and imposing Conytattwl,;yomposed of some of the ablest and best, men of both political parties iu the .State —it spoke the voice of the people so unmistakable language, and although there was a large and respectable party in tlie State, which did not think that the Convention vent far enough, yet they acquiesced in its fjual action and its solemn resolutions. .Qf resistance in the future. 1 may safely say that if the people of Geor gia were never before, or are not now, uni ted upon any other political subject, they are united upon the Platform framed by that Convention. 3’he 4th Resolution of that Platform declare* , *‘Tbut the State of Georgia, in tlie judgment:this Oodvou- tion, will and ought to resist, even (ns a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to the Union, any action of Congress upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompati ble with the safety, domestic tranquility, the rights and honor of the slaveholding States; or any act suppressing the slave trade between the slaveholding States; or any refusal to admit as a State any Terri tory hereafter applying because of the exis tence’ of slavery therein ; or any act pro hibiting the introduction of slaves into the Territories of Utah, or New Mexico; or any act repeaMng or materially modifying) the laws now in force for the recovery of j fugitive slaves.” Since the adoption of that Plaiform the j unmistakable voice of most of the Southern ! States, has applauded and approved it, and | expressed their determination to stand by j Georgia in its maintenance, “even to the i disruption of all the ties that bind them to j the Union.” Now, let any one of the pro-j visions of that Platform be violated by an j abolition Congress, and the Union would! be dissolved in less time than it took to , form it. It would not, in my opinion, live another year. So far so good —come what may, the true-hearted Southern man. who! is ready and willing to risk the alledged ; and apprehended dangers of seperation and ) a Southern Confederacy, has the consolation to know that Congress can do neither of the acts embraced and prohibited in that bold and defiant declaiation without produ cing disunion and bringing about the ulti mate and permanent protection of our in- | stitutions in another and better Govern ment. Let. the abolitionists of the North ptake the Federal Government, if they can, and put our pluck to the test by violating; any portion of the Georgia Platform.— Lei them do it if they con—Jet them do it if they null — 'et them do it if they dare. But is there no other cause, no other action of the free States which would justify- sepera tion and probably produce it ? Fellow-citizens, I have said elsewhere, “The election of a Northern President, up j on a sectional and anti-slavery issue, will be ; considered cause enough to justify seces-1 | sion. Let the Senator from New York, | [Mr. Seward.] or any other man avowing ! the sentiments and policy enunciated by him in his Rochester speech, be elected | President of the United States, and. in my i opinion, there are more than one of the j Southern States that would take immediate [steps towards separation. And, sir, lam ! free to declare, here in the Senate, that ! whenever such an event shall occur, for one, [ I shall be for disunion, and shall, if alive, 1 exert all the powers I may have in urging upon the people of my State the necessity . and propriety of an immediate separation.” : Th's I deliberately said on the floor of I the Senate in the face of our enemies—this I ‘deliberately say bore to-day in the pres ! once of friends and neighbors. 1 should consider such an event fraught with the greatest danger to Southern institutions, and I would not wait for the developement !of its results. I would nip the danger in | the bud. and take immediate steps to unite i the South in a movement which should end, ’ either in safety within the Union, or safety ’ out of it. A movement towards separation even by a single State, would bring the i Northern people to their senses if any thing ; could open their cars and hearts to the voice of reason and justice. The North i does not believe that the South will dissolve the Union for any cause, ar.cl that they may push their fanatical schemes upon us with i impunity. Convince them that the South I is in earnest, by an imposing step towards ; separation, ami even fanaticism will pause , and “look before it leaps.” The Union is i far more necessary, useful and important to them than to us, and they know it. They . wouklTYot probably drive us to the alterna tive of separation, if they were advised amt i believed that such would be the result of ’ their hostile demonstrations against slavery i and the rights of the Southern people. In 1850, when a movement towards secession j was made in Georgia, and a few of the I neighboring States, and there seemed to be isome danger of extreme measures, the | Northern mind began to recoil—the Nortli i ern papers, for the first, time since the Un ion was formed, began to calculate its value i and to urge the danger and impolicy of [ driving the South to extremities. Meetings j of the people were held and safety com mi t- I tees were formed to rebuke anti-slavery ag- ; itat ion and suppress the power of the abol : itionists. and if the South had acted with ; spirit and manliness then, the whole subject would have been settled at once and forever, ] ! by such Constitutional guarantees as would j , have placed our rights and our safety upon | a sure and lasting basis. But unfortunately for the South, we had then, and I fear we j ever shall have, too many ambitious public j * ipen, who were looking to National honors, : I and who from interests or fear, were wdling ‘ Ito sacrifice our rights,“to preserve a Union,” j j from which they expected so many personal ] | blessings. j Fellow-citizens, if the people of the South j I would preserve their rights in the Union, or i obtain their independence out of it, they ; | must take the subject into their own hands— i ! Speak out their sentiments with a boldness j | that becomes freemen and teach politicians < i the salutary lesson, that “lie who dallies isa ! | dastard, and he who doubts is damned.” j i Whether the election of a Biack Republi- j I can President upon a sectional anti-slavery ! i Platform, and by a sectional abolition Par- j ! ty, shall be considered a sufficient cause for j j alarm and separation by a majority of any ■ | one or more of the Southern States, re-! ’ mains to be seen. Ido not hesitate here, as j ; I have e sew here and every where, to ex- [ I press my own opinion, that it ought to be j ; so considered, and if the time shall ever ar- \ ; rive, and the event ever happen, come what ; ! may, in office or out of office, if alive and j able, I shall raise my voice, in vindication of the sincerity with which I have uttered the sentiment. Fellow-citizens, let no man suppose or , infer from what I have said here, or else- : where, that I am in favor ot dissolving this Union as a matter of choice. It is true, that much of my confidence in it has been ■ shaken—much of my respect for it lessened —much of my love for it weakened, by the events of recent years. It cannot be denied, 1 that m icspect to some of the most impor- j tant elements with which it was intended to | be invested, and many of the objects ot its i creation it. lias proved a failure. It was in- j tended as a Government of defined and lim ited powers—it has become one of con-j struclive and almost unlimited, consolida ted powers. It was intended to be a crea- 1 turc—it. lias grown to be a Lord and Mas ter. From its formation to the present ‘■ time its powers have been gradually en i larged r whilst the powers of the States have been diminished until the latter have scarce- 5 jy any left that are worth preserving, and Ul9. lormer scarcely any wanting necessary j to absolute dominion. Th© States, their ! offices—their honors—their interests, and | their powers are all overshadowed by the j more dazzbng and seductive attractions ot J Federal honors —Federal offices -Federal . interests, and Federal powers. Constitu-! tional barriers are broken down with impu- j nity—Constitutional rights are trampled j under foot without, remorse, regret, or re dress. Sectioual interests, sectional piejn dices, and sectional power, if they have not already, soon will control all the operations of the Federal Government and make it little less than a despotism, subject only to the capricious will of a numerical majority. Not content to exercise the powers granted in the Constitution, this majority, composed of the bitter enemies of the Southern people ! do not scruple to usurp powers not grant-; ed whenever their interests or prejudices dictate the assumption. Heretofore, a national parry organized up on the basis of State equality and State sov ereignty—of equal rights.equal privileges! and equal burthens to all and upon all sec tions of the Union, has to some extent with stood the encroachments of this irresponsi ble majority and preserved the Union from destruction. But that pirtv is fast melting I away before the repeated and vigerous as- I saults of our Northern foes, and the discor dant character of its present elements af ! fords little hope or prospect of its future | ability to preserve the constitutional rights ! of the weaker section. ►Such fellow-citizens, are the present con ! dftion and future prospects of the American j Union, presenting but a fait hope to the I Patriot or the Statesman of the permanence i of that true Republican Constitutional Gov [ eminent upon which our rights alone depend. Still, “habit is a second nature” and early 1 affections—ancient association- and habitu i al love and reverence for institutions, fovind ;ed by our fathers and cemented by their blood, appeal with a power difficult to re ! sist to nil the feelings of the American heart. ; They affect me—they affect yon, and 1 } doubt not affect every son of the South. I | would surrender this Union q;i!v when con [ vinced that it had failed of the great objects ! ofits creation, that its powers were perver ted to unholy ends and that instead approv ing a blessing, ii had become a curse to the j Southern people—a Union administered for the equal benefit of all—respecting the Sov i ereigu rights of the States and the rights and interest of the people of all sections -a ; Union which confines the governing power • to the limits of the Constitution, and care fully guards, observes and protects that sa- 1 cred instrument, would have my love, my j reverence and support, to the latest hour of! my existence. But when X see and feel that j the great, paramount objects ot its creation have beer, or are about to be debated and i , prostituted to uphold the power., promote i the interests and pander to the prejudices! ol one section —to exalt one and oppress an- j other of its equal and constituent parts- j to bring blessings upon one and curses upon : another portion of its wide domain, I am ready to surrender if, at any and all haz ards, and to try another experiment for the preservation ol those rights which are dear er to you and to me than the existence of any ! Government nr Union on earth. If this be ) treason, let those who call it so, make the : most of it. 1 will not take-back one jot or tittle of the declaration. Nor do I consul-: er it absolutely essential to the prosperity and happiness of the Southern States that they should remain in the present Union They have the abundant elements ot both within their own borders, and they would possess and enjoy in a confederated Govern- j merit, ol their own, sources of wealth, pros perity, progress and power, unsurpassed by any nation on the face of the earth. In wiiat single respect would a Southern Con federacy be wanting in all that is necessary to make a nation great and a people happy? In agricultural wealth and plenty, we sur pass the world. In ail the varieties ol soil and climate, we are richly blessed. We can raise breadstuff's and all the necessaries of life in sufficient quantities to supply the in creasing population ot centuries. In Geo graphical area, we have even now, length and breadth enough to sustain a. hundred motions of people, without being as closely packed as England or France. Florida Lonisina and Texas can supply all our de mands for sugar. The Caro.inas and Geor gia can give us rice. Maryland and Vir ginia can administer to our taste for Tobac co. Kentucky and Missouri can make the Hemp to cover onr co'ton bales. The At lantic and Gulf States, c m furnish the world with Timber and Naval .Stores, and the cotton crops of the planting States are at this time worth annually two hundred mil lions of dollars. We have navigable rivers running almost by the very doors of our whole people, and where nature is deficient, artificial high-ways afford facilities for the transportation of all our products to cheap ! ; and re <ly markets. We have outlets to, the ocean and to other countries in Harbors of unlimited capacity along a line of coast over two thousand miles in extent. The bowels of the earth contain inexhaustibly mines of mineral wealth. We have iron, ; copper, lead, saltpetre, gold and silver in quantities equal to any region in the world. Our streams alford facilities for the abundant manufacture of cloth to cover our people i and administer to their comfurts. convenien ! cog and luxury. We have a population, 1 healthy, hardy and industrious—a people, ‘native and to the manner born,’ homogene ous in race and language, habits and laws j —in pursuits and interests, in politics and ! religion—in all that bind liicn together and j make them patriotic and powerful. In the i language of Lewis Napoleon, our Govern [ meat “would be peace.” Our agricultural i products would attract the commerce of the j world aud keep ail nations at peace with ; us-whilst other Rowers might depend upon the sine a sos war. ours would wield the ele j met its of peace aud would command it with | the civilized world, and no nation on oa’ til i would be so much interested and so anxious | (to preserve friendly relations with us as our j quondam Northern bretheren. So deeply i concerned, would they be for our lavor, our j j commercial friendship and our social inter-j I course-—that they would ever be to us what j [ France is to Sardinia, an ally ready and wil- j i ling to drive every invader from our soil, i With ad these elements of wealth, prosperi ty and happiness increasing, expanding and j developing themselves as population thick |ened and consumption required, what iiin : it would there be to our prog ress, our power land our glory? But \ve should not stop ; here. Our expanding policy would stretch far beyond our present limits. Cuba, cow witiield from us by the voice and votes ol our abolition enemies, would soon be ours. j She could not be held by Spain a year alter I our Government was formed. N 0 neutrality i laws would restrain our udventuous sons, and Spain would feel the necessity of her | situation ard the certainty of its loss, and would soon transfer it to the Southern lic ! public. And Central America, so rich in tropical products, essential to the wants and luxuries of mankind. Sugar. Coffee, Co coa and every variety of delicious fruits —a land abounding in licit soil and covered with dense forests of valuable woods—a country highly adapted to slave labor, mid requiring only the superior genius and enter- j i prise, of the angle American race to make! it “bloom and blossom like the rose.” Cen tral America would at an early day fall un der the vigorous influence of our enterpris ing people and join their destiny to ours.—• Mow, the saint; fueling of anti-slavery jealou sy and hatred which keeps Cuba from our j grasp, suppresses every attempt to revolu ; lionize Central America and make it w ltat I nature intended it to be part and parcel ol Ia great slaveholding Confederacy. | Separated from the North and united together as ! an independent power, we should take all Central i America within our sisterhood of States and soon i settle it with a thriving, prosperous and growing population of Southern people, with language, re j ligion, tastes, habits, interests,pursuits and objects I similar to our own. With uo abolition emigrating j aid societies to impede our m troll or interfere with our legitimite and natural expansion, we should stretch our arms all along the line of Northern Mexico t; the Pacific ocean, and soon have aVhain oi slave States from that Sea to the Oulph of Mex ico ; and t.ien with our Central American popula tion on ouc side pressing upwards, and our south western population on the other side pressing dowuwards, all Mexico would fall by degrees into our possession, and become Americanized aud transformed into slave States. As our slave popu lation by it* rap id increase would fill up the Atlan- ! tie States and the valle)’ of the Mississippi, and le* ! cotne too dense within present limits for our safety or profit, it would gradually and naturally, over l flow across the lineinto tnat vast region of inviting [ climate and soil and here and there under the do : minion of life white man, live and flourish for age* to come. And thus, with a Republic larger in ex tent than all Europe, united under a Government more perfect than was ever formed by the wisdom and patriotism of man—with fundamentaljlaws to preserve our institutions from decay for all time to come, homo geneous in every thing, we should ex hibit to the world an example of greatness, pros perity and power, which nothing but the hand of God could ever weaken or destroy. Proceedings of the Democratic Congressional Convention of the Third District. Macon, July 12, 1859. The Democratic Convention for the Third Congressional district of Georgia, met at the City of Macon, July 12 1856, for the purpose of nominating a candi date fur Congress. On motion of Hon J. J. Gresham of Bibb, J. M. Giles, Esq. wa3 called to the chair and On motion of Major Steele, of Spald ing, Messrs. B. M. Folhill and J. H. Au drews, of Bibb, were requested to act as Secretaries. The Chairman briefly explained the object of the Convention After the calling of die roll of delegates— Dr. Roddy of Monroe, offered the fol lowing resolution, which was adopted. Resolved, That two-thirds of the votes cast shall be necessary to a nomination. Col. Pringle of Houston, offered the following which was also adopted; licsoh ed, That each county entitled to two m.-mbers ofr.be House of Repre j sentatives in the State Legislature be allowed live votes in this Convention, and those entitled to one member shall be allowed three votes. The Convention then proceeded to ballot, but owing to informality, the first ballot was ca>.t out and Dr. Roddy of fered the following resolutions which was carried. Resolved, That one delegate be select ed by each county to cast the vote of the county, and the name of the county be endorsed on the vote. ; Toe Convention resumed ballotting witli the following result. [Note--It is due to Col Lochranp and Mr. Tracy, to state that the friends of the respective gentlemen were ex pressly instructed not to use their names. —consequently the votes received by them are not counted in this report.] Bali.otings: Speer 17 17 14£ 14£ McGehce, 10 13 12£ 5$ Brown, 0 7 5 6 Mobly, t> 6 6 After the fifth ballot all the other gen tlemen being withdrawn, Col. Speer of Bibb county was on motion, unamimous ly nominated. Hu. Ki iig, Esq. then moved the ap pointment of a committee of three to in lorm ( 01. Speer of his nomination, and request Ins acceptance. The chairman appointed said commit tee a- follows: Hugh U. King of Harris, W. J. Green of Houston, Dr. R. L. Roddy of Mon r oe. The meeting was then addressed by Mr. King of Harris, suggesting the pro priety of having a general meeting of members o” the party at some early time to consult and adopt plans in which tin-canvass may be conduct, and in the most energetic manner, upon which Col. ’ Pringle moved the appointment of an Executive Committee to consist, of one member sum each delegation composing i the Convention. The Chair, on the mo tion being carried, appointed the follow : ing to compose said EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE: Hugh King, of Harris; J. H. Mecie, of Spalding; G. A. McCrary, of Talbot; J. M. Smith, of Up.-on; S. Hunter, of Bibb; J. J. May, of Taylor; ; John P. Banks, of Pike; C. D. Anderson, of Houston. R. D. Roddy, of Monroe; Tiios. Andrews, of Crawford; James R. Lyon, of Butts. Col. Crawford, of Spalding, moved that the above named Committee be permanent and empowered to appoint a time and place for the meeting of the m-x-t convention, and to protect and pro mote the interests of the party in this District. Maj. Steele of Spalding, moved to in vite Col. Speer, our noiuiuee, to n eet us at 5 o’clock ihis afternoon to respond to the nomination of the Convention, which was unanimously carried. A motian was adopted to request the the IK-mocratie papers in this district, to publish these proceedings. The Convention then adjourned to ;> oVlot k V. M. J. M. GILES, Pres’t. B. M. Pol hill, 0 in > Secretaries. J. li. Andrews, | Special Kctices. TIIE POETItY OF PHYSIC. AYER’S PILLS, glide sugar-shod over the pa late, but their energy, although wrapped up, i there, and tells with giant, force on the very founda tion of disease. There are thousand* of sufferers who would not wear their distempers if they knew they could be cared for 25 cts. Try Ayer's Pill*, and you will know it. Purity tiie blood and disease will be starved out. Cleanse the system from impurities and yon are cured already. lake the best of all Purgatives, and Scrofula, In digestion, Weakness, Headache, Backache, J&un i dice, Rheumatism, derangements of the Liver, Kid j neys and Bowels, all derangements and all diseases j which a purgative nmedy can reach, fly before the Sun. . Reader, if you are suffering from any of the numerous complaints they cure—suffer no’ more— the remedy has been provided for you, aud it f* criminal to neglect it. That Ayers Cherry Pectoral, is the best medi cine bra Cmtgh, is known to the whole world, and that Ayer's Pitts are the best of a.l Pills, fs known to 1 hose who have used them. Prepared by Dr. J. C. AYER, Lowell, Mass.,and sold by Druggist everywhere. -5 • i—-a fe lll SP LPS IA CV n ED. The mass of testimony in favor of the greats curative properties of tlie Oxygenated Bitten in constantly aecr.mmnlating. Heie is one of tW’ latest, seat in by the Publisher of a vnluabir periodical t Boston, July 1.1555. .Messrs. S. IV. Fotele 4* Cos.: Gentlemen: —l have taken three bottles of Oxygenated Bitters,, and have derived great benefit from their use. t have t een much troubled with Dyspepsia for sever al years and found nothing that afforded me any relief, until I used your Bitters. 1 most cheerfully recommend Oxygenated Bitterr to all who are a filleted with this painful, trouble some, and stabborn complaint. Yours truly, JAMES ROBINSON, Os the “Student and Schoolmate.*