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BY RUGGLES & HOWARD.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 7, 1855.
VOL. VII. NO. 2.
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FRIDAY, JUNE 1.
Hear the Other Hide.
Wo do frankly confess that in the case of
Gov. Reedor we thought there was serious
cause of offence against Gen. Pierce, so far
as his Southern supporters were concerned,
in that functionary's official conduct. We
never believed thatinthemercfactof Reeder’s
appointment as Governor of Kansas vre had
solid ground of objections, but iu his being
allowed to return to the territory after his
clearly expressed partiality for the Freesoil
party there, tve thought we had the grav
est provocation against Gen. Pierce. Our
readers have no doubt seen the flying ru
mors of the newspapers to the effect that
Gov. Reedor had been returned to his post
by tho Pacsident, but after a refusal on the
part of tho Administration to back him
with military support.
We can now stnto upon the highest au
thority—that of a distinguished functionary
of the Government, that Reeder has not
been sent back to his post, as Governor of
Kansas, nor would he be under any circum
stances. This is gratifying intelligence to
us, for we admit, that had Gen. Pierce have
given way in this particular ease, to the
rage of the Abolition party, excited by the
loss of Kansas to the fanatical crew, we
should have lost much of our regard for his
independence, and have had our confidence
in the upwrightness of his purposes, in a
great degree destroyed.
[From the Petersburg Express.]
Mass Meeting of Mr. Wise’s Friends In
Washl ngl on— Shameful Pro ceedlngs
-•-Cat Calls, Hisses, Groans, &c.
A large number of citizens—our despatch
says a tremendous gathering—accompanied
by the Marine Band, assembled in front of
Brown’s Hotel, Washington, about nine
o’clock on Saturday night last, with the
view of exchanging congratulations on the
result of tho recent gubernatorial election
iu Virginia.
Mr. Wise was introduced, and essayed to
speak, but the applause, hoots, yells, and
hisses, wero so continuous, as to prevent
him from being generally heard.
Ho commenced by saying: Fellow citi
zens, 1 never regretted more in my life, that
I have not more physical strength. ’Tis
not generous to trample on prostration, but
if ever a man could be allowed to put his
foot on the neck of a prostrate foe, I might
be pardoned for doing so now. If ever there
was an opponent that was domineering and
tyrannical, ’tis that illiberal party that have
recently assumed to rule America. He has
boasted (meaning Sam) he was invincible
and invisible. 1 have met the Black Knight
with his visor down, and his shield and
spear arc broken, lie crossed the North,
stamping his foot so mightiiy, that the na
tion might feel the shaking of the earth.—
But he traveled in the night with a dark
lantern in his hand, and just before day did
his boasting. Men boenme appalled. The
blood curdled in his veins, and his muscles
clung to bone, and fear came over the minds
of the people. I had proclaimed that he
was easily conquerable. 1 knew that the
rock of defence—Democracy—was indomi
table.
The speaker then briefly related how he
had travelled over the State, endured toils
during the canvass, and said, notwithstand
ing Sain had achieved victories in the
North, he knew he could not meet the mass
es of the people in primary assemblages in
Virginia. Speaker knew Sam could not
stand before the trump of liberty. lie
might live in the land of the secret* ballot,
but he could not survive the viva voce vote
of the people. [Immense cheering, hisses
and groans.]
By that voice, continued Mr. Wise, was
Sam conquered iu the Old Dominion. I
was told by my friends, I now toll you.—
[Great confusion.] I suppose this is a de
monstration of Americans ruling America.
The car of the people is not allowed to lis
ten to the language of liberty. Not only
are these Sams hurraing for the destruction
of religious liberty, but they would trample
on the freedom ol the pen and the press.—
Know Nothings, you have found your mas
ter in a purified majority of the* voters of
Virginia, which consists of the pure, con
scientious, conservative men of both parties.
[A voice—give us some Holy Water.] I
would I were the Lord's annointed, said
Mr. W., to give you some, you need it--you
who are crying for it aro hypocrites. [A
voice—that’s a lie—you don’t mean it-.l
Mr. Wise resumed: You havo joined the
Abolitionists in their war on our institu
tions. Virginians—[Loud interruptions.]
1 thank you, said Mr. Wise, very ironically,
from my heart, for your decent, orderly con
duct and behavior. You have demonstrated
your worthiness to be masters of this coun
try. What laws will guard us, if such as
you rule ? Discussion not tolerated—speech
silenced—and, but my lungs are too weak
to contend with a rabble like you. A Know
Nothing mob has seized the Capitol of the
country. 1 leave it for conservative Whigs
and indomitable Democrats to say whether
this disgrace shall abide here.
Mr. WsO; refused to say any more, his
voice being literally drowned by hooting,
hisses, exclamations, hurras, cat calls, etc’,
lie and his friends then retired, leaving the
Samites in peaceable and undisputed pos
session of the ground.
A rostrum was then erected in the streets,
and several embryo statesman from the
ranks of “Sam,” ma.de sundry endeavors to
be heard, but the noise and confusion was
too great. The crowd, and the yelling,
hooting and huzzaing continued for upwards
of an hour after Mr. Wise retired.
. Thus ended a most disgraceful; proceed-
"Hr
PACIFIC.
COTTON ADVANCED!
GEN. CANROBERT GOING TO QUIT!!
Sebantopol about to be Stormed Thro’
the Window!!!
New York, May 30, M.
The steamer Pacific arrived this morning.
Siege of Sebastopol almost unchanged, up
to May 12th.
An expedition of 15,000 Allies embarked
at Kameieche, and put to sea in the direc
tion of Azof, but returned without landing
—no details known.
i Omar Pacha’s force had returned to Eu-
: patoria. A large reinforcement of the Al-
! lies was expected within 10 days.
Negotions between Austria and the West
ern Powers unchanged, but between Prus
sia and Austria negotiations are more inti
mate.
Ruesia notifies the German Government
that the Czar will only hold to the two first
guaranties upon the condition of the perfect
neutrality of Germany.
France and England have presented an
ultimatum to Sweden, which Sweden is in
clined to reject.
The French Exhibition has opened with
rather dull ceremonies.
Pianori has been executed.
Latest.—Canrobert has resigned, nomi
nally, from ill health, and has bean suceed-
ed by Pelissier.
Liverpool, May 18.—Cotton is buoyant
with a speculative demand, and continues
considerably advanced, rainging from j) to
$. The market closed with an active de
mand. Week’s sales are 112.000 bales, in
cluding 49,000 on speculation, and 5,000
for export. Quotations: Fair Orleans 6J.
Middling 5$. Breadstuff’s unchanged—
closed dull. Growing crops favorable.—
Provisions slightly advanced and closed
firm.
London, May 18.—Tho money market is
easier. Consols have advanced to 89$.—
American Stocks—prices unchanged.
Baring Bros. & Co. quote the London
market steady; Sugar advanced; Coffee
steady; Welsh bar iron and rails firm;
Scotch pig quoted at 67J. The Pacific
brings 135 passengers, amongst whom is the
Hon. R. M. McLane, U. S. Commissioner
at China.
The latest dates from Sebastopol are by
mail to the 30th, and by telegraph to the
12th.
Canrobert reviewed the entire French ar
my, and assured them that they would soon
enter Sebastopol, either by the door or win
dow.
A combat occurred on the night of the
24th, between the Russians and the French;
it was a desperate affair. The Russians at
tempted to dig new rifle pits, but the French
partially prevented them ; 200 French wero
put hors du combat.
A despatch dated May 1, says the advan
ces are approaching surely though slowly.
Raglan’s despatch of the same date says tho
Russians have constructed a new battery to
the left of Mamelon.
There is every appearance of the estab
lishment of a very large camp on the plateau
above Belbec on tho North side. The Rus
sians made a sortie on the night of the 11th
upon the advanced works of the left. The
attack was amediately repulsed with con
siderable loss.
A new maifesty of the Czar orders anoth
er levy of twelve men out of every thousand
in seventeen Western Provinces, to be com
plete by the end of July.
There aro indications of a more intimate
relationship between Austria and Prussia.
It is apparent that an armed neutrality is
becoming more and more probable. There
was an important conference between the
Representatives of the Two Powers.
Sweden it is said has ordered an imme
diate enrollment of militia.
The French Baltic Squadron arrived.
The Allied Fleet is pushing forward.
A dispatch from Canrobert, dated the
16th says:—
We continue our works before the place.
Various attempts wero made to smoke out
the enemy by stink pots, which pcrfectly
succecded.
The troops are in excellent spirits and
full of ardor and confident of success.
Vienna, Friday Evoning.—Thiugs havo under
gone a change. A now Austrian proposition was
forwarded yesterday to London und Paris. It is
said that Austria will give material support to
the Western Powers should she accept and Rus
sia reject tho proposition
The Paris papers assume a lone of outspoken
hostilities towards Austria
Tho King of Sardanin, it is rumored, is nego
tiating for the marriage of Queen Victoria’s eld
est daughter
Additional Ijy the Pacific.
England.—A bill to abolish church rates
had been carried in the House of Commons,
against the government by 28 majority.
Mr. Roebuck had submitted a repoit from
his committee of enquiry.
Notice had been given of an enquiry
whether Russia and the United States enjoy
an exclusive privilege to trade with Japan.
Lord Ellenborough offered a motion ex
pressing a want of confidence in the minis
try. It wns taken up in the House of Lords
on the 14th when his Lordship opened the
debate iu a bitter speech against Ministers.
Lord Paumure replied, and Lord Derby and
others continued the debate, when the vote
wns taken and stood 71 for and 181 against
the resolution.
Mr. Sayard’s motion of a want of confi
dence was to come up in the House of Com
mons on the 24th, and Wilmer Gibson’s on
the 21st.
Administration reform meetings have
been held in Norwich and other towns, hut
the Mayors of London and Liverpool refus
ed to accede to the requisitions of the cit-
zens.
France.—The “Universal Exposition”
opened on the 15th. The Emperor was
present, and all the great officers of State,
eight thousand speculators being in attend
ance. -The Emperor made an appropriate
speech.
Pianori was executed at 5 o’clock in the
morning. He refused to make any devel
opments, exclaiming, Vive la Republique,
just as the knife fell.
It is stated that the Emperor is about to
issue a manifesto to the army in the East,
stating reasons for his not proceeding to the
seat of war.
Fbox India.—The East India mail bad
been telegraphed with Calcutta dates to the
15th ult. A treaty had beeu signed be
tween the British and Dost Mahomed. A
perpetual piece is covenanted for and the
territories of the parties are to be respected.
There were rumors of hostile operations at
Ava, against the British.
The Paris papers assume a tone of out
spoken hostility to Austria.
Spain.—Madrid, May 11.—The nomina
tion of a successor to Queto, Minister to the
United States has been deferred until after
the arrival of the next mail from Havana.
To show what is recognized as the true
mission of the Roman Catholic Church in
this country, and the true relations existing
between the Pope of Rome and the people
of his Church, we copy the following ex
tract, with the introductory remarks of a
correspondent of the National lntelliyen-
cer.
Messrs. Gales & Seaton will oblige a very
large number of their most attentive read
ers by giving a place to the following clos
ing sentences of an address of the Bishops
of the Catholic Church recently assembled
in Council at Baltimore.
The advice conveyed in it partakes so
clearly of those sentiments of heavenly
charity and patriotic devotion which should
characterize the true Christian, that I think
it deserves a wide circulation, and therefore
I solicit a place for it in your widely read
journal.
I may add that I have for nearly 40 years
attended a Catholic church, and I can with
great truth say that I have never heard,
from pulpit or altar, a word or sentence con
flicting or inconsistent with sentiments and
principles of this address.
May 21. T. L. N.
The Extract.
Beloved Brethern of the Deity, we em
brace you all with paternal affection, and
entreat you to walk circumspectly, for the
days are evil. You know what manner of
precepts we havo given you in the name
of the Lord Jesus; for this is the will of God,
your sanctification. Bepeacefui, sober, just,
and faithful in the performance of all duties
towards all mankind. Practice patience,
forbearance, charity towards all. In the
exercise of your rights as free citizens, re
member your responsibility to God, and set
as freemen, but not as having liberty as a
cloak for malice, but as the servants of
God. Respect and obey the constituted au
thorities; for all power is from God, and
they that resist the ordinances of God, pur
chase for themselves damnation. To the
General and State Governments you owe al-
legianco in all that regards the civil order:
the authorities of the Church challenge your
obedience in the things of salvation. * We
have no need of pressing this distinction,
which you fully understand and constantly
observe. You know that we havo uniform
ly taught you, both publicly and privately,
to perform all the duties of good citizens,
ana that we have never exacted of you, as
we ourselves have never made even to the
highest ecclesiastical authority, any engage
ments inconsistent with the duties we owe
to the country and its laws.
On every opportune occasion we have
avowed these principles, and even in our
communications to the late Pontiff we re
jected as a calumny the imputation that we
were in civil matters subject to his authori
ty. Be not disturbed at the mis-statements
of our tenets which are daily made, or at
the effort to deprive us of our civil rights
and of the confidence and estesin of our
fellow' citizens. Formidable as is this com-
binatiou for this purpose, we do not despair
that the justice and good sense of the nation
will soon discover the groundless character
of the suspicion thrown on the fidelity of
Catholics, whose religion teaches them to
respect and maintain the established order
of society, under whatsoever form of gov
ernment they may be placed. Brethren,
let the light of your example shine
before men, that they may see your good
work and glorify your Father who is in
Heaven. Pray for the conversion and sal
vation of all men, for this is the will of
God, who desires that all men may be saved
aud come to the knowledge of the truth.
Given under our hands, in Provincial
Council at Baltimore, the 13th day of May,
in the year of our Lord 1855.
tFraucis Patrick, Archbishop of Balti
more.
fRichard Vincent, Bishop of Wheeling.
■[Michael, Bishop of Pittsburgh.
fJohn, Bishop of Richmond.
fJolin Nepomucene, Bishop of Philadel
phia.
fJosue, Bishop of Erie.
John Barry, Administrator of Savannah.
P. N. Lynch, D. D., Administrator of
Charleston.
Foreign Miscellany.
Will of the Emperor Nicholas.—A
holograph will of the late Emperor Nicho
las, written in 1844, has been published at
St. Petersburg. The following are the
principal points of the document: The first
clause is a kind of au address to his family.
After enumerating the various kinds of pro
perty belonging to the Empress, his wife,
the Emperor expresses a wish that her Ma
jesty shall retain for her life, the use of her
apartments in the different palaces, and the
clause concludes as follows : “The legacy
which I bequeath to my children, is to love
and honor their mother, to do everything to
promote her tranquility, to anticipate all
her wisues, and to endeavor to render her
old age happy by their devoted attentions.
Never must they undertake anything of im
portance without first asking heradviceand
demanding her maternal benediction.”
In another clause the testator bequeaths
pensions of 15,000 silver roubles a year
(the silver rouble is something over four
francs.) in addition to the pensions they al
ready enjoy, to Adjutant-General d’Adler-
herg and his daughter, Julia Baranow, the
latter of which has brought up three of his
(the testator’s) daughters, and both of whom
he calls his most devoted friends.
In other clauses the Emperor expresses
his thanks to a number of persons whom he
names as being his devoted friends and ser
vants ; among them he mentions Prince
Paskiewiteh, Generals Orloff, Tchenichoff,
Menschikoff, and M. de Nesselrode, and
thanks them all in the warmest manner for
the services they have rendered to him aud
to the State. In one .clause, which is par
ticularly addressed to the Emperor Alexan
der, the will says:
I am convinced that my son, tho Emperor
Alexander, will always remain a tender aud
affectionate son, as he has always been, to
to his parents: and this duty will become
still more sacred for him when his mother
is alone. Iu his relations with his brothers,
my son must unite the indulgence called
for by their youth with the necessary firm
ness of a father of a family. He must never
suffer any family quarrels which may be
prejudicial to the service or even to the
State, and, should such circumstances un
happily arise,’ he must remember that he
is Emperor, and that all other members of
the family are his subjects.” The will con
cludes by a clause, in which the Fmperor
begs all those whom be may have uninten
tionally offended to forgive him, as he for
gives all who may have offended him.
He expresses his regret that he has not
been able to accomplish all the good that he
could have wished, and begs all his friends
to offer up their prayers for the repose of
his soul.
Latest News from Virginia.
The Richmond Enquirer of the 29th con
tains returns from 122 counties, which give
Wise a majority of 10,647.
Galveston dates to the 17th, announce an
end to the draught. Heavy rains have
fallen in all paarto of Texaa. This is good
am.
MONDAY. JUNE 4.
What should the Convention do ?
The thought that should lie uppermost
and most ardently cherished should be—
to unite the State as one man. To unite the
State concessions must be made and should
be. Not concessions of duty or of princi
ple, but something to the sense of manly
pride and self respect that old rivals and
opponents naturally feel. So long as one
vital principle or one wise and salutary
measure necessary to give vital principles
effect is in issue, our duty is to stand firm
and maintain the right. This is a higher
law that no man who values conscience and
duty dare violate for any consideration.—
But where time has vindicated the policy
of the Democratic party and collision has
only brightened its solid virtues—when tac
itly, at least, our former enemies admit that
we were right and they wrong, we say in
such a view it would not only be impolitic,
but to the last degree ungenerous end cen
surable to withhold our assent to a free and
full amnesty for all post disagreements.—
We do admit that pride in our old stand of
colors makes us more than anxious that
while we throw open the door for reconcili
ation and harmony between ourselves and
our former political opponents, we should do
it with a manly and generous grace. But
upon what platform should we meet as an
undivided people ? Taking it for granted
that our present system of revenue and fi
nance is to remain unaltered, or if amended
at all, to be so in the line of our present
policy—that no unfair or unequal legislation
whatever is to he tolerated that will encour
age one section of the country while it dis
courages another—in short, assuming that,
as political matters now stand and we stand
related to them, there is but one great cause
of complaint, we ask what shall be the plat
form upon which the voice of patriotism
calls upon Georgia to rally. We are
prepared to say, first, let the Convention
adopt as the substratum of our politics the
action of the State Convention of 1850.—
Here we all can meet. The majority who
are responsible for that action will surely
not repudiate it, now that events have made
it decisive of infinite results one way or the
other. Surely the minority will not retract
its plighted word of honor to stand by and
abide the decree of the sovereign authority
to which they committed and commended
our rights and safety. Repudiation and dis
avowal from either sido of this great com
pact between parties in Georgia would put
the finishing touch to our ignominy. Are
we of all parties then agreed upon the de
termination, “ at all hazards and to the last
extremity,” to defend and maintain the
Georgia Platform, or the 4th resolution of
the Convention which embodies the gist and
import of that platform ? If we are there
let us make it national. We cannot escape
the necessity that is upon U9 to embrace in
our policy or admit into our organization
every true man who sincerely sympathizes
in our objects and whoexpressesa willingness
to aid us in reforming the Government,
whether that man lives in or out of Geor
gia. Justice and honor both appeal to us
not to leave outside of all organizations the
virtuous few upon whose garments the Mo
loch of abolition has cast no defilement.—
Give these men a place among us—an hon
orable place, the highest place, even though
they number no more than the righteous did
in Sodom and Gomorrah. But our party
phraseology must be changed. Once it was,
we will unite with you, we will go with the
party at the North. Now things are chang
ed. Gallantly have the true blues North of
the line stood by their faith, but fortune has
been against them and they have lost the
right to lead. Now the party North must,
if we go into Convention, unite with us; now
we claim the lead and call upon the party
there to go wilh us. We protest, too, against
any delays and ambiguities any unsettled con
ditions. Let every proposition bo definitive
and all the points of agreement and alliance he
settled, and settled now at this Convention.
Here is the time and place. If, upon the
Georgia Platform, Northern Democrats or
Whigs will go with us we then give our
heart and voice for one more rally at Balti
more to see what can be done to save the
once glorious old ship Constitution. But
mark, only upon this basis will we entertain
a proposition to form or continue an alli
ance. If this ultimatum is rejected then
there will be a saving of time, and we turn
our backs forever upon all outside depen
dence and look only to domestic resources.
If a national party cannot be founded and
sustained upon the Constitution, it were bet
ter that one shonld not exist at all and that
every sectional interest should take the best
possible care of itself. Last but not least;
we do in the most earnest manner insist that
the Convention shall tako the lead in com
mitting the party to measures of retaliation
and redress in every instance where our
rights are imperilled by a nullification of
the Fugitive Slave Law, or where the State
authorities do not, to the best of their abil-
ty, enforce its provisions.
Mr. Webster long ago placed the argu
ment upon the proper foundation. The
surrender of a fugitive slave as much de
volves upon a Northern State, a duty for it
to perform, as the rendition of a fugitive
from jnstice devolves a duty upon any State
South or North. It was apart of the origi
nal contract between the States, that fugi
tives from labor aud service should be re
turned to those rightfully claiming it, and
it was never contemplated in that compact
to look to any other seat of power for the
discharge of this agreement than the State
Governments themselves. And when South
ern men made that fatal retreat from a
grave responsibility and duty, and assented
to the doctrine that the surrender of fugi
tive slaves came within the province of the
duty and powers of the general Government,
they gave a mortal blow to the rights of the
Southern States. As well might the Fede
ral Government be called upon to answer
the requisition made upon a State for the
rendition of a fugitive from justice or from
labor, that eseapes to us from a Northern
State. But the late scheme establishing
Federal Courts of Commission, for the pur
pose of aiding the Fugitive Slave Law, we
have only complicated the slavery question,
and have helped the conscious hypocrisy
of anti-slavery men with their slip-slop cant
about the institution. They declare that
they are not responsible in any way for the
existence or the recognition of slavery here,
and we help them to make good the state
ment. The Northern States are responsible
for the statutes of slavery here, and shall be
held so insomuch at least, as a reciprocation
of duties can make them so, growing oat of
our mutual obligation to obaero the
pledges and guaranties of the Constitution :
of the United States. Let us then take the ■
ground that Mr. Webster assumed in his
Boston speech, pending the passage of the
Compromise Measures, that not only are
the free States bound in comity to give up !
our property upon a properdemand—hound
actively to participate in the restoration of I
it, but also, that failing in this duty, we are !
released from our part of the contract. See
what we do by measures of retaliation. We '
put into the bauds of the Northern States j
the safe keeping, not of the law and public j
peace only, but we take bonds in the amount |
of untold millions from them, to keep the
peace towards us. We deny no man his j
rights, we only suspend justice till they do
justice. We do more—we regain the men
North, and upon the spot, who, from mo
tives of self-interest, were the last to desert
us. The mercantile class—always the most
powerful in a commercial nation, when they
see that millions of their credits are tremb
ling in the balance—when they see that any
abolition mob may beggar them—then will
the false and sickly sentimentalism, over
the wrongs and degradation of slave insti- J
tutions, appear in its proper light. These ;
very “solid men” who now stand neutral,
will wake up, and call upon heaven and
earth to save this “glorious union”—“the
home of the brave, and the land of thefree,”
and of Washington’s Farexcdl Address. If
the Union cannot ho rescued through such
agencies as this, then we must prepare to
save it by the shedding of blood, or by the
pouring out of our own. Let the Conven
tion take the lead in this movement and
never adjourn until we join issue with tl e
N -rth, and about something. Depend upon
it, a thing so reasonable and just as this
determination to withhold justice from a
deadly foe, till ho accords it to us, wiil wake
the most lethargic spirit in Georgia from his
fatal sleep, and would sweep the State like
a storm of fire. Any way, let us put things
in such a train as to save nr breath. We
prate and bully, and brag and prose, and
make ourselves ridiculous over the question
of Southern rights and remedies. If we are !
beat already, and our leaders know it, in
God’s name and in the name of mercy, tell
us so, and let the cry goout '‘sauce qui /.eut;”
for possibly there may be, as a last resort, ;
a refuge left for some of us. among the peo
ple who have destroyed our country.
[For the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer.]
Letter from L. J. Glenn.
Atlanta, June 1st, 1855.
Messrs. Editors: Letters of declination
being the order of the day, and wishing to
disembarrass the action of the Convention,
so soon to assemble at Newnan, so far
as I am concerned, allow me, through
your paper, to withdraw my name from a.l
connection with the Congressional nomina
tion for the 4th District.
To the Democracy of Henry county,
among whom 1 was raised, and with whom,
in d vys gone by, I have stood shoulder to
shoulder in many a hotly contested election,
and to other friends throughout the district,
who have spoken favorably of my name in
connection with the nomination, I tender
the acknowledgements of a grateful heart,
for this manifestation of their kindness and
confidence.
Let the Convention nominate some “good ;
man and true " as the standard bearer of
the party and he shall have my cordial
support.
I would take this occasion to correct a
report, which, I learn, is in circulation here j
and at other places in the district, “ that I
am a member of the Know Nothing organ- .
ization.” When, where and how such a
report originated, I am at a loss to divine, j
For the information of all who may feel any
interest in the party relations of so humble j
an individual as myself, I would state, that
I never have, do not now, and never expect to ;
belong to the “Know Nothing party.” I do j
not approve of their policy or their princi- ;
pies, as I understand them. They are, in j
my judgment, in their tendency, subversive i
of the fundamental principles of the gov- :
ernment—violative of the spirit of the con- i
stitution—and contrary to tho uniform poli
cy of the government, since its organization, ,
in reference to those who seek an asylum I
from the oppressions, civil and religious, of |
tho Old World, in this
“ Land of tho free and home of the brave.’’ j
Rut while I disapprove of the principles 1
and objects of the Know Nothings, I have '
rfht felt myself called or justified in de- j
nouncing those who are my personal friends j
and neighbors, as a “ band of midnight con- '
spirators,” “ allies of abolitionists and free-
soilers,” &c., &c. Abuse and denunciation ;
are not the means, with which to convince [
men of “the error of their way,” and to ■
influence them to retrace their steps.
Many, whom I have every reason to be- i
lieve are members of the order, are as “good j
Southern men and true;” as warmly devoted i
to the best interests of the South as can he 1
found in any other political party, and who, !
when the day of conflict (foreshadowed in i
the Kansas difficulties) shall come (which
may Heaven avert,) will be found am mg
the foremost in the thickest of the fight,
etriking |
“ For their altars and their fires,
The green graves of their sires, |
God and their native land.”
Yours very respectfully,
LUTIIEIl J. GLENN, j
_ Amusements of the Riflemen.—Some .
time ago, (writing April 16) I was watching
three French Chasseurs “potting away” at !
a Russian, who was sitting with his legs i
dangling over the side of a precipice, and i
now and then returning their fire. The j
French knew the man quite well, and ad-
mitted he was so good a shot that they did j
not care to expose themselves too freely.— i
All their balls fell short of the man. and af
ter he had received three or four rounds j
from each, he raised his rifle, down went
the Chasseurs and somebody else; “ping” j
flew the hall through the air, and “plop” it :
came against the rock behind which the 1
foremost Chasseur was crouching. The j
Frenchmen picked up tho piece of lead, i
quite flattened out and broken, and showed 1
it to their comrades, and then thsy resumed |
their practice, the result of which I did not i
wait further to ascertain. Many of the i
Russian riflemen are excellent shots, but |
the majority of them are not equal to our i
own or to the French Chasseurs. An nma- i
teur in one of the batteries, anxious to see |
what kind of shooting the enemy would j
make, held his “wide awake” just above i
the parapet; immediately, two bullets went
throngh it, and one of them took a fancy to
the gentleman’s fore-finger and to a bit of
mother finger, and carried them away with
it, so that the unfortunate experimentalist
will be able to speak with authority on the
question of Russian sharpshooting.
Too F ast.—The Mobile Advc. User, of
Saturday, is in testacies over the report of |
Wise’s defeat, received in that city. The j
editor feels badly enough by this time. j
Letter from Hie Hon. C. J. McDonald.
Marietta, May 23d, 1855.
P. Tracy, Esq.—My Dear Sir: Your let-
terannouneingthe unjustifiable liberty taken
with my name, by n>me person not named
by you, jn connection with the order of
Know-Nothings, has just been received by
me. You remark, that “it is roundly as
serted in some sections, that I not only fa
vor the new movement, but I have actually
become a member of the order.” There is
not the slightest foundation for either state
ment. So far from that, 1 disapprove the
movement, and regret exceedingly (what 1
believe) that a great many good men of
both political parties have connected them
selves with au association, which, in my
opinion, is essentially wrong and adverse to
the genius and spirit of our Republican In
stitutions, and who, I trust, will become
convinced of the mis-step they have made
and retrace it. To he more explicit iu re
gard to myself, I will add, that I never be
longed, and do not now belong to the order,
society or association of Know-Nothings,
nor to any other secret society whatever.
It would he the.greatest misfortune that
could befa! us as a people to substitute se
cret and private arrangements in the affairs
of Government, for the free and open dis
cussion of principles and measures, which
has happily prevailed in this country, since
the declaration of American Independence.
If the hypothesis on which our Govern
ment, State and Federal, are established be
true, that man is capable of self government,
it follows that he will act intelligently in
selecting the means of promoting his indi
vidual and social happiness. Our constitu
tions, State and Federal, prove that our an
cestors have done all that wisdom and fore
cast of man could accomplish, to provide for
the happiness and piv>j erity of themselves
and their r-isieii-.y. It was a davlLht
work. It was i t ’done in a corner.* Ail
the light iba- h iman ;oo-o:i and intelli
gence could shed upon it illuminated every
step of its progress to consummation.—
Ileirts full of patriotism and devoid of cor
rupt yearning after office and its emolu
ments were in it. if the work is not per
fect it is not because the artificiers engaged
in it were not faithful, honest and skillful.
When they were about to complete it, they
looked upon it, and like truly great men,
diffident of themselves, and knowing that
experience in the operation of iheir system
might develope defer s which had not been
detected by them, and that in :! o distant
future, new exigencies might arise which
would render a change indispensably neces
sary to the safety and happiness of tiie mil
lions of people destined to enysy its bles
sings, provided for the making of that
change.
The mode in which amendments are pro
posed to be made, proves that the framers
of the constitution never contemplated that
their descendants should take council to
gether on them in secret cliques, but
that supposed defects would be pointed
out, alterations proposed, and that the
whole matter should be fully and frank
ly discussed by the people and lyy their
Representatives, in their Legislative As
semblies, that all the light that truth, reason
and argument could shed upon it. might be
brought into requisition, and that what was
right should be done, upon the friendly con
sultation of intelligent minds having no ob
jects but the public good.
The people of the South ought to look well
to it before they countenance by theirappro-
val and example, secret combinations to de
feat either their constitution or laws. Their
rights depend on a fair exposition of the
constitution, and an honest support of it.—
What right is more clearly defined in the
constitution, than that of the Southern slave
owner, to have hi - fugitive slave, found in a
free State, delivered up? None whatever.
Congress has enacted a law to enforce it.—
The law to enforce cannot impose a higher
moral obligation on the citizen than the
constitution, which requires it. Both con
stitution and law have been opposed, oven
to blood-shed and murder, and theexeeution
of the law and constitution has been forcibly
prevented. There is no stronger guaranty
to be found in the constitution in favor of
the slave-holder’s right of property, than
there is in favor of the Roman Catholic’s
right of conscience. Both are protected.—
May it not be well asked of the anti-Catholic
slaveholder who resorts to secret confedera
cies and combinations to defeat the consti
tutional rights of tho Catholics as free privi
leged citizens of this Union, if he can com
plain of the abolitionist, who resorts to the
same means to defeat the constitution and
law, by which he has a right to demand the
restoration of his stolen or absconding pro
perty ? Can he complain of even, open and
forcible resistance? Moral guilt is com
plete with the combination to defeat ; phy
sical resistance enables the law to punish
the act and facilitates the proof.
The objects and purposes of the secret
order are not fully known. But public ru
mor says, and the elections which have taken
place, establish as one of their objects, the
exclusion from office, of all professors of the
Roman Catholic religion. IS so, i is an
nulling in practice, one of the most valuable
provisions of the constitution, a provision
which protects alike the Catholic and the
Protestent. The original constitution as
submitted to, and ratified by the people,
declares, that “no religious rest shall be re
quired to any office or public trust under tho
United States.” The very first amendment
of the constitution proves the high apprecia
tion placed bj - the people on religious liber
ty, for they required a stronger protection
of the rights of conscience, and added that
Congress .-hall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof. Hence it will be see n,
tiiat so far a* the government brought into
existence by the adoption of thefederal con
stitution L concerm. 'i. he freedom of reli
gious faith was ;-r ' r violate, and made in
violable. A - ei' vans of the United States,
we owe obedience to the constitution and
constitutional laws of the United States, and
the private citizen i as much bound morally
to support all constitutional requirements
as the official citizen is to enforce them, by
Legislative enactments and ministerial ef
fort. As long as they exist, they should be
respected, obeyed and supported. There
should be no combination open or secret, to
defeat them. If they are wrong or defec
tive, they should be expunged or changed,
and made to conform to the public interest.
Disbelief, then in :hc Roman Catholic re
ligion. does not warrant ari assault upon
the rights of the Roman Ca holic believer,
any more, than, for the .-arne reason, assault
may be made on the political rights of citi
zens of the protestant faith. The- constitu
tional rights of both ought 10 be respected,
and sustained. If it lie said that the as
sault is on the religion, and not on the po
litical rights of the Roman Catholics and
that the defeat of political rights is only a
means of subduing the religion, let it be
remembered that the hypocrite alone who
has a higher regard for office than for any
religion or religious faith, will be gained by
it. If the order wish to convince of reli
gious error, they must not expect to do it by
persecution of any sort; they must excite
no resentments and beget no hatred. It
may be urged that, the constitution of the
United States prohibits the federal govern
ment alone from interfering with the reli
gious liberty of the citizen, and that it con
tains no inhilition to the States, against tho
establishment of religion, and that the
States niay^ establish a religion—It will
scarcely be avowed that one of the objects
of the society is to alter the constitution of
the State, and establish a religion in Geor
gia. Such an opinion will scarcely be en
tertained by any one. But the carrying in
to effect the alledged purpose of excluding
a citizen from office on account of his reli
gious faith, is opposed to the long establish
ed policy of this State; sustained by strin
gent constitutional provisions. The people
of this State showed the highest estimate .
placed by them on religious liberty by de*
daring in their constitution, that “no per
son within this State, shall, upon any pre- j
tence be deprived of the inestimable privi- !
lege of worshipping God in a manner agree- .
able to his own conscience,” and by forth- |
er declaring, that “no religious society shall
ever be established in this State in prefer
ence to another, nor shall any person be de
nied the enjoyment of any civil light mere
ly on account of his religious principle.”—
Are these great and cardnal principles of
religious freedom to bo practically expung
ed from the constitution? Is an exception
against the Roman Catholic to be interpola
ted in fact or in practice? Is any pure
patriot of this land, attached to the consti
tution. cordially devoted to the civil and re
ligious privileges, which it secures to. every
citizen, ready to spend his time and offer
up liis life in their support aud defence, to
be disfranchised because of his religious
faith : because he is a Roman Catholic ?—
jf a despotism over the heart and conscience
is to be established, I hope and trust, it will
have no advocates iu Georgia, and gain no
foothold here : but that, in a dark contest
against religious freedom, every Georgian,
of whatever political party, will be found
on the side of the sound old principles of
the constitution and liberty.
It is said that another principle or ob
ject of the association is, the exclusion of :
foreigners, who are admitted to citizenship,
from office : that the naturalization laws, as
they exist, are wrong and unwise, and
should be expunged or changed. If this ;
be so, where i.s the necessity of organizing
a secret parti. or any distinct party, for
their amendment or abrogation? Why not
submit the subject to the people, aiid leave j
them to decide upon a fair examination of
t’ue question in the usual way, whether for- j
cigners coming into and adopting this as
their country, renuindng allegiance to alii
other governments, aud performing the du
ties of citizens, rfiall be denied indiserimi-;
nately the ordinary rights and privileges of;
citizenship ?
Whether, if there be such a denial, it >
should be absolute and unconditional; wheth- j
er the term of probation to entitle a for- i
eiguer to citizenship shall be prolonged ; i
whether the privilege shall be allowed to j
any who do not produce testimonials of 1
good character in tho country from which i
he emigrated ; how such testimonials are to |
be authenticated to prevent imposition?—i
Cannot this bo better done by openly dis- ,
cussing the subject, than by secret arrange- 1
ments and combinations? Is a secret or- I
ganization to be gotten up on every propos- 1
ed new measure of the government, and the i
'light of investigation to be shut out from i
the public mind ? Is the freedom of speech '
and of the press to be voluntarily abandon- j
ed by the people ? Patriotic men should I
look to the tendency of this novel organiza
tion to degrade us from the condition of an j
enlightened people, sustaining our institu- j
tions and our laws by the power of truth,
reason and argument, to a nation of cabal-
lers for office and spoils.
If any part of the Constitution is sup
posed to be wrong, or if new exigencies
arising in the progress of society, should
render amendments or additions thereto
expedient and proper, there can bo no ob
jection to submitting the matter to the poo- 1
pie. They have not become incapable of
independent decision , nor do 1 think it fair
to presume, by calling them to act under
cover of darkeness, that they have become
craven—that they are afraid of power and ;
wealth. The power of the poor man is as !
great at the ballot box as that of his wealthy
neighbor.
If it. be not intended lo introduce a new j
order of things, and refer all measures of i
government to secret societies to decide what i
shall be done with the people, tiierc can lie
no good reason wherefore the expediency ,
and policy of onr naturalization laws should
be made an exception aud controlled by a
covert movomem. We admit the right of
expatriation. When a man expatriates him
self, ho abjures allegiance to the sovereignty
to which he belonged, and forfeits his right j
to look to if for protection. If he connects j
himself with another government, with the
consent of that government, und pledges his
allegiance to it, lie is entitled to its protec
tion, for himself, his family :ind his pro
perty.
If, in the new country of which lie be- j
comes a member, the private citizen is on- i
titled to certain privileges, and among them !
a voice iu the choice of rulers, why should j
it be denied to him? There is but one nr- j
gument against it, anti that is, that he may j
not bo sufficiently acquainted with tho nature j
of our government and institutions to enable j
him to make a judicious selection The [
answer to that is that the law prescribes j
for him a term of pupilage, within which lie j
may inform himself iu these things.
It appears to have been the policy of our
State government, at a very early period, to
admit foreigners to all the rights of citizen
ship. Before the adoption of the Federal
Constitution, a residence of twelve months
within the State, and proof of good charac
ter, and attachment to tho State government
by the certificate of the grand jury, entilted
a foreigner to take oath of allegiance to tho
State, and ho was declared by statute to be
“entitled to all the rights, liberties and im
munities of freo citizens;” ho was neverthe-
leas, incapable of holding office and voting
for members of ihc General Assembly, for
the term of seven years, and until, by spe
cial act of the Legislature, he was enabled
to do so. On the adoption of the Federal
Constitution, and the enactment of a law
under it for the naturalization of foreigners
our State law became inoperative and void.
The act of Congress took its place. As the
term of time requisite to indoctrinate them
in the true principles of our government,
must necessarily lie a matter of opinion and
judgement with tr ose who have the author
ity to fix it, the discretion followed the
power, and both weie vested in Congress.—
Congress has fixed fi e years as the term of
pupilage, within which it was supposed they
might acquaint themselves with these things.
If in the judgement of the people, the term
of probation ought to be extended—if the
naturalization laws arc otherwise defective,
let it be shown, and they can be amended ;
but the right of a foreigner to expatriate
himself from his government can never be
disavowed in this country ; and we can never
claim from him the support of his head
and his heart, his purse and his arms, and
deny him the rights and privileges of citi
zenship. If the terms on which these rights
are to be granted are fixed by law, and ho
conforms to them, they form tho govern
ment’s compact with him. and it cannot be
violated either by government or citizen
without a breach of faith. The standard of
merit and qualification for office ought to be
as much regarded in a foreign born as in a
native dozen, and should be as highly ap-
precia in selections of men for office, and
theaei nt o: foreign birth ought not to be
visited a him as a crime.
But, sir, a graver objection to this insti
tution, so far as the South is concerned, is
to be found in connection with open and
avowed abolitionists at the North—men in
fatuated by the spirit of fanaticism, enemies
of the Constitution, imbued with au immit
igable hatred of Southern people and their
institution of slavery, and ready to resort
to any device or any intrigue to destroy it,
with a remorseless disregard of the horrid
consequences that may ensue. What faith
is to be expected from such men ? If they
profess to their Southern brethren of this
fraternity, that they will abandon their op
position to slavery, do they not come with
guile in their hearts and falsehood on their
lips? A heavy responsibility will rest on
Southern men, if they form an alliance and
treaty offensive and defensive with men on
empty professions, in hostility with their
history and conduot in the entire past.—
Such an alliance wiil give an insidious one-
my strength, and enable him to accomplish
his nefarious design on our constitutional
rights. It is to be hoped that they will
pause before they tako the final step and
seal the bargain. Who belong to the Know
Nothing organization at the North ? The
great body of the Whig party and unsound
Democrats, who have become abolitionists
and freesoilers—men that Southern Demo
crats have denounced on account of their
freesoil and anti-slavery principles. Men
there belong to it, who have said they intend
to destroy slavery by abolitionizing the
South. Men belong to it there, who have
said and voted that Congress has jurisdiction
over the subject of slavery, and that they
will not stay their hand until it is abolished.
Men belong to it there, who have declared
in their public and private assemblies, and
iu their legislative bodies, that the fugitive
slave law shall not be executed among them.
Men belong to it there, who deny the right
to establish slavery, and who hold all regu
lations concerning it void. Men belong to
it there, who Jay down principles which
seem, upon a superficial examination, to have
bui little or no bearing upon the institution
of slavery, but which, in their eventful op
eration, will destroy it. They hold, in the
first place, that in territory conquered from
a foreign country where slavery is prohibit
ed this political regulation (denying a con
dition) shall become a law to the conqueror,
(who, by the laws of his country, may own
slaves,) to divest him of this species of liis
property. They deny the power of Congress
to protect this kind of property from ag
gression and wrong, and have refused their
protection, thus drawing a distinction
against it, and to that extent putting the
owner out of the protection of his govern
ment.
Men belong to it there, who aim at the
ultimate destruction of slavery, by the ad
mission of free States to a number sufficient
to effect an amendment of the Federal Con
stitution, and give Congress jurisdiction
over the subject. Men belong to it there of
every variety of opinion adverse to tho in
stitution of slavery, but all of whom agree
in two things—first, that slavery ought to
be abolished, and secondly, that it shall be
abolished.
Surely, Sourhern men will well consider
these things, as if they have associated
themselves with this order for the purpose
of accomplishingobjects which they believed
to he beneficial to the country, finding the
grave error into which they have fallen,
will they not separate themselves from it ?
The secrecy of the movement is wrong, and
contrary to the spirit and genius of our go
vernment. May not every citizen ask, if
there he no covert design against my per
son, my character, my property, my civil
or religious rights, why cover consultation
with darkness and secrecy ? There is no
precedent for it in any free government.
The independence of this country was
not declared in secret. It was proclaimed
in open day. The reasons for separating
from the crown of England, were plainly,
publicly and fearlessly given. The terror
of the power of England was not sufficient
to intimidate and deter our noble fathers
from the open and public denunciation.—
The Constitution of the United States was
not a midnight production, aud the Consti
tution of the several States were formed up
on open anti public discussion. They all
acknowledge and proclaim the principles of
human rights and liberty, and are intended
to secure them. They are written as with
a pencil of light, and surely thej- enunot be
destroyed but by works of darkness.
TV by should any portion of the people of
the South engage in machinations to defeat
a single blessing secured by the Constitu
tion? Why should we not rally and unite
together at the F.suth t;> save the Constitu
tion ?
Tho grave objections urged but a short
time past to a sectional party, havo given
away, and tho public mind has now become
pretty well satisfied that if a sectional par
ty is gotten up in one part of the Union to
destroy the Constitution, another sectional
party may be gotten up to uphold and sup
port it. But a party organized on princi
ple, not departing in any of its tenets and
practices from tho Constitution, but adher
ing to it in all its parts with fidelity and
truth, will not long bo a sectional party.—
Patriotic men will rally to it from all quar
ters. Sound men of the North and the
South, of the East and the West, will stand
together on the broad and strong platform
of tho Constitution. It is tho glorious plat
form of the Democratic party—emphatical
ly the party of the Constitution, it is a
platform which needs no amendment to suit
dainty tastes or scrupulous consciences.—
Men who can relish the Constitution ami
conscientiously approve its provisions, can
stand upon it without fear and without re
proach. It is not a platform constructed o
rickety materials, to hold political men of
no particular opinions, ready to fall to pieces
on the slightest shock.
Why, then, cannot all meet together and
act together on this great platform? It is
not wrong if the Constitution is right.
The circumstances under which I have
written have prevented me from answering
your enquiry and treating the subject in a
satisfactory manner. I trust, however, that
when published, what 1 have written will
correct the reports which have been circu
lated.
1 sincerely hope that the jumble into
which things have got will he but epheme
ral, and that all heads at the South will meet
together in open council, with hearts full of’
patriotism, and resolve on con stitutional
measures of safety, which all sections ought
to approve.
1 have the honor to be, very respectfully,
Your friend and obedient servant,
ciiarles j. McDonald.
An Anecdote of Calvin.—The late Al
bert Gallatin, President of the Historical
Society, related tho following anecdote to
lion. Gulian C. Yerblanek, from whom wc
get it: Several years ago, a number of Cal
vin's letters were ft und among thearebieves
of Geneva some of which, relating to his
domestic affairs, exhibit, a curious picture
of the daily life of this great Presbyter, and
illustrate strikingly his peculiar habits and
temper. In a scolding letter to the sydics,
or magistrates of Geneva, he complains that
they have filled Ids cellar with wine of poor
quality. “1 do not keep open house,” lie
says, “nor do I entertain many guests at
my table, and therefore the quantity you
have sent me displeases me, as well as the
quality. I wish, therefore, you would take
it avtay, and replace it with something that
I can drink: I do not want much: merely
enough for my own use and that of my
family; a few barriqnes (barrels of about
forty gallons eacdi) say four or five, will be
sufficient for me once a quarter.”
Return of Immigrants.—The New York
Courier and Inquirer says that, sin e the
20th of April, at least two thousand imi-
grants have returned to their fatherland, as
is shown by the books of the South street-
shipping agents, while the diminution in
the number arriving, as compared with last
year, is fifty per cent. The ship Daniel
Webster which was to have sailed on Mon
day, would take back a hundred immigrants,
many of whom came out in her. These re.
turning immigrants are not of the poorest,
kind, and tako their money back with
them.
Gov. McDonald’s Letter.
Wc must apologise to the readers of tho
Intelligencer for being behind with the fore
most in our publication of this admirable
production. Wo will, in to-morrow’s issue,
spread it before our readers, and we in
vite for it a calm and impartial perusal,