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For Senator—
THOS. H. MOORE
Rgnreteniatiaet—
ALFRED MANER,
S. M. BRADFORD.
Ordinary—
B. T0LLK80N.
8heri£-
J. B. BLACKWELL.
john^aStJerson .
Clerk of Superior Court—
JAMES M. BARNWELL.
Clerk of Inferior Court—
W. W. CARROLL,
lfaz Collector—
6. JOHNSON.
Receiver of Returns—
J. F. MfeCLESKY.
Coroner—
JOHN WHITE.
County Surveyor—
J. B. FAIR.
fo;
uod
i nalf’f’ope
Hen*? W
(men op
8t«9>ETlfinec^
duly saiummted aud
now-Nothings Irihti-
DrSdillefi Gen.
Clemfoi* presidio!
was wWitir." On sru'h forms, I venture to
say. lie «*• .it Id even convince a Prussian,
though all his countrymen disenabled him.
The country has for yean (when foreign-
. ,^‘To '•W* “wild hunt after.-- er- were and the Prussian’s stomach
! aB^afull and impartial hearing, , wa< t vearilin g for a « p ; 9ce 0 f msat ”)
.nothing couhr he found or proven against ' , J “ .. . . f , ,
them, when “A Prussian" stepping for- j acknowledged by its decisions at the halmt
*“ id turntegsfittltes-Kvid«Ke. the for- | hox thaf the Democratic principles were
were conffimned ami axotannimiica* I best qualified to preserve the dearest inter-
tests of this great Republic, until the Demo-
(Tarticle which appear* in the Auer- cratie principles are the settled policy of
cX'if' CTTTWl.f Griffin] turn!'was - fagteciible to ! the country. And yet the Prussian thinks
contract) copied in the American Discipline i.otherwise, and surely he ought to know :
is paraded before the public with the same j for if a man that knows what takes plade
pomp, and t-roly with-the-same effect; as
was the treachery of Arnold to revive the
sunken spirits of the tones, and to induce
. other Americans to follow the glowing foot-
j steps of that arch-traitor.
! It requires little thought or reflection to
I discover the mainspring or prime motive
! which prompted this Prussian to turn States-
in the Cabinet of the Czar of Russia, and
his “ friend Rouge,” one who has discussed
politics with au Hungarian count, (the Bi
ography does not state whether the Prus
sian had “ sense enough to convince him,”)
I say if a man that has done all this, and
that is to be Secretary of Legation, if he
don’t know what is good for the country,
evidence—to gain a notoriety denied him at j who should ?
! home. Nearly all or the greater portion of The Prussiau must either consider hiin-
I foreigners—more especially those from Ger- self anything but an intelligent foreigner,
I many and Prussia— r ollow the same voca- or it seems strange that, although he thinks
1 tion as this Prussian : professional jealousy ' “ the intelligent foreigner will not consider
p| T tT j therefore the bend and front of his offend- j it an oppression to deprive him of his vote;”
Popish plots are no new things. The i ing.” His countrymen, two, are generally | yet lie takes advantage of the naturalization
same terrible agency now so unscrupulous- - engaged in the manufacture of trinkets and law, and though he has been here but sev-
Iv exercised by the leaders of the Know- ' ornaments, without the use of the precious ’ on years, is an adopted citizen, perhaps has
Nothing party, has been brought into oper
ation in other times and with like effect,
Whenever’a bugbear of more than usual
enormity has been neoessary to effect the
designs of unprincipled men, there has
been nothing so convenient as the same
Popish plots. Religious bigotry stops not
tn reason, and bow easy it is to frame a
tale which, by its very absurdity, defies re
futation. One who reads the newspapers of
the present day may almost fancy himself
rehearsing the terrible tale of Titus Oates
and the bloody period of 1679. The same
charges then &b now were brought against
the Catholics, the same miraculous tales
were rehearsed and found the same credu
lous listeners. England had enjoyed peace,
if not prosperity for many years. The peo
ple had become wearied of it and craved
an excitement which no foreign disturbance
afforded them. Taking advantage of the
state of the public mind, unscrupulous and
designing men conceived the idea of reviv
ing the long settled feud between the Cath
olics and the Protestants, and in the disturb
ances which would ensue raise themselves to
fortune. The most unnatural romance was
constructed “ resembling,” says Macauley,
« rather the dream of a sick man than any
transaction which ever took place in the
real world.”
The Pope had entrusted the government
of England to the Jesuits. Catholics hod
been appointed by the church to all the
high offices in the kingdom. The Royal
family were to be murdered, London set on
fire, at which junotion a French army
would laud in England. The report spread
like wildfire and was received alike by the
crafty and the ignorant. The paucity of
their numbers, the peaceful demeanor of
their lives, and their strong protestation of
Innocence proved of no avail to the Catho
lics. They were dragged from their homes
before a legal tribunal, and upon the evi
dence of Oates, or. one of hiB confederates,
were consigned to ihe stake. The thing
went on for months, many of the most esti
mable men in England suffered death. The
confederates gloried in the suooess of their
plot. The people were intoxicated with ex
citement while the government was unwil
ling to risk its existence by opposing the
popular current. But a terrible retribution
was in store. The nation at length come to
its senses, and while confessing its degrada
tion in being mode the dupes of unprincipled
demagogues, revenged their insult and the
wrongs of the Catholics on the instigators
of the measure; Oates received seventeen
hundred stripes from the hangman, was
whipped until tho blood ran down in rivu
lets’ until he swooned, and Van borne away
insensible to prison.
So ended one Popish Plot. A century
passed and no complaint was made of the
Catholic citizens of England; they were
few in numbers aud unobtrusive iu their
manners. All at once, without any new
revelation to justify such proceedings, tho
same cry was raised that the Catholics were
attempting to undermine the government.
A furious mob filled .the streets of London,
altars were torn down, churches destroyed,
private houses given to the flames, men,
women and children indiscriminately butch
ered. The government was for a while
powerless, as the soldiery many of them
caught the infection, and the magistrates
were unwilling to oppose the popular voice.
Oathering strength the mob proceeded to
work their vengeance upon Protestants
who had favored the Catholic cause, some
of the finest mansions in the city were de
stroyed, including Lord Mansfield’s, in
which were contained his books and papers,
the result of a lifetime of labor. The
Catholics, unable to protect themselves fled
the country, or secreted themselves until the
Storm should blow over. In the meantime
the government rallied, the mob were met
by the bayonet of the soldiery, the ring
leaders were taken and executed, while
Lord Gordon, the instigator of the move
ment, was put upon his trial for high trea
son against the government of England.—
His high position, and the eloquence of his
counsel, brought him off with life, but not
with character. He lived from that day ex
ecrated and despised by every honest man
ns the instigator and abettor of measures
that had debased the soil of England.—
These were terrible lessons to the English
people and they have profited by them, and
the cry of Popish plot which once excited
such terrible emotion is now passed by as
the erased ravings of a madman, having no
better foundation than the legendary tales
of old women. Bat while the country
which gave them birth have long since re
pudiated snob monstrous absurdities, the
American people have gone back to the
days of Titos Oates to revive the same ter
rible measures with which to re-enact the
same scenes of folly and blood. Nothing
can justify, in the eyae of posterity, such a
course. We have lived ainoe the formation
of this government, Catholics and Protes
tants, in peaoe and security, while the ef-
orts of men of all religious denomina
tions are turned to the good of the com
mon country. There have been no efforts
proven on the part of the Catholics oi my
other denomination to gain precedence in
an unlawful manner. ■ At once, without a
moment's warning, aa on previous occasions,
the death cry of Oates and Gordon is raised!
against the Catholic citisens of the United
States. The same obargas are brought, the
same proof to mutaia them, and the aoenes
of London are re sneeted in Cineinnati, St.
Louis and Louisville.
May we not follow the peratyel still fur
ther and say that this will end aa all others
have ended, in tie humiliation of thatdaso
who have aufeed themselves to be so
■bnmeffally duped, and in the ruin and over
throw of tha great botigMomof the meas-
ore—the Prentioee, Raynezs, BarOetts and
Cones, the Oates and Gordons of the nine
teenth oentu^t
metal; this i« another reason that the Prus
sian is “down on ’em,” but he has done
like the child who kicked the stump for hav
ing tripped him, and iu doing so dislocated
his ancle. The Prussiau blinded by profes-
been so, -duee the legal term prescribed by
law.
Let us now dismiss the Prussian, and
trust that lie will divest himself of the
“Prince Albert” pride, so apparent in his
sional jealousy turns States-eyidence against | recent Autobiography—let us hope further
his countryman, and thereby confesses his ! that those Know-Nothing friends who re
own share of degradation. If foreigners | quested the Prussian “to express his views”
are slaves in the land of their birth, was the will not, since he has discharged his duty
Prussian exempt. | so creditably to himself and profitably to
As to his Munchausen tales, who by the j the bogus American party, treat him as (he
by, must have been a countryman of his, ; says) the Democrats serve his countrymen,
about the count who was a bodyguard to j “ before and after the election.” Stick to
Kossuth, and the confidential relationship j this Prussian ac(junct, gentlemen Know-
which existed between them, as also that j Nothings, the prize is certainly worth the
which existed ’twixt the Czar of Russsia i slight modification he entreats you to make
aud the Prussian—these amusing self-con- | in your platform, and let your motto be in
ceits must be taken at what they are worth, | future, “ Protestant Americans shall rule
proceeding as they did “from the heat-op- : Amorica, except the office of Secretary of
pressed brain.” ! Legation to foreign courts.” Reserve one
The Prussian asks, “Did these foreigners j of them for the Prussian ; this surely is hut
ever hold office in their country ?” No one a small sacrifice to men who are opposed to
but the Prusssan will say that Kossuth,
Mitchell. O’Brien, Shields, Soule, and ma
ny others I could name, would have been
denied office, in the land of their birth.—
There are many others that I have heard of,
who have held minor offices iu their native
land. I would ask the Prussian if there
are any offices in foreign countries? If so,
who fills them ?
Were it even admitted that office is denied
to all who come to this country, is that a
criterion.? Should that preclude them from
office here? Were such shallow arguments
admissahle, the issue of sophistry and errors,
to say the least of them, which the Prussiau
wrote, should have been excluded: he
would not have dared, nor have been permit
ted to publish such (hie biography) in Prus
sia. If he desired but the same privileges iu
America which he enjoyed in Prussia, why
‘ the wild hunt for office.”
JOHN QUOD.
To Subscribers.
A subscriber from Corinth and one from
i Wauhatchie complain that they do not re-
i ccive our paper: we can only assure them
j that their papers are mailed regularly from
j this office.
German Newspapers.
According to the Columbus Statesman
there are fifteen German newspapers in
Ohio, religious, political and neutral. Of
these, three are religious, and have said
nothing about the present canvass; three
support Chase and Freesoilism, and three
are neutral. Six support the Democratic
ticket, headed by Gov. Medill, and based
upon Nebraska principles. The circulation
of one of these latter {The Westbote) is
much larger than all the Chose papers com-
ishe here? Freedem of conscience, of the i hined, and possessed of ten-fold their influ-
press and of speech, liberty and equality, the
right to participate in all these privileges by xiie Chronicle
becoming a citizen of the United States and
abjuring all allegiance to Prussia, and to
other lands of bigotry and despotism—
these induced the Prussiau to come, and this
was the beacon which lighted others to this
great republic.
Tho poor aud excluded foreigner, who
is opposed by the titled rich in the land of
his birth, in spite ol talent and integrity,
seeks the land of Washington, to move iu
encc aud standing among the people of Ohio.
and Major
a Sentinel
Cooper.
The Chronicle d- Sentinel wishes to know
: why we did not comment on the letter of
I Maj. M. A. Cooper, recently published in
. this and other Democratic papers. With
i more reason, it seems to us, we might ask,
| why the Chronicle did comment on it.—
i Rather why not do as we did, publish tho
! letter, and let it speak for itself. Major
| Cooper is a writer not wanting in perspieui-
the ranks, not where wealth or state, but | ** aud thc art ‘ cle 18 certainly sufficient iu
where worth aud merit shall place him.- i len K th to 0X P lam mmutel y thc afftur be '
Such was the bright incentive which urged ; tweou hl,nself and the State Road. This
the patriots, “to pledge their lives, their j we lll,uk he dld clearl y and satisfactorily,
fortunes and their sacred honors,” iu that J completely refuting the outrageous charges
stirring time which “tried mens’ souls.”— ; which had been made against his honor and
This was the incentive, and with the assis- \ Gov. Johnson’s. Under such circumstan-
tauoe of the God of battles, the political and 1 ces - we deenl comment unnecessary, un
moral change was effected—equal rights to j * esii > indeed, it be such as the Chronicle
all! And the doors of the republic, (once ' has llsed for the purpose of distorting and
closely sealed by the hand of tyrany) were i mystifying so plain a matter,
thrown open tu the oppressed countrymen j Any candid man who will read Major
of Lafayette, Pulaski, Kosciusco, Hamilton j Cooper’s letter will unmistakably perceive
! the simple truth as he has set it forth.—
This we knew, and for this reason we pub
lished the letter alone. This the Chronicle
also knew, and for this reason commented
on it. We were willing that the plain reci
tal should go forth to the people; not so
with our contemporary: the facts which
served our cause were ruin to his, and hence
his efforts to refute and conceal them.
Is the Chronicle satisfied? We by no
means expect an affirmative answer.
and De Kalb.
Thc Prussian is not alone down on for
eigners, hut, with European prejudices still
clinging to his un-Americanized character,
he opposes Catholics, and mainly because
they persecuted and massacred the Hugue
nots nearly three hundred years ago. This
religious bigotry is so apparent in the long
unmeaning tirade against Catholics, that it
is a matter of surprise the Prussian came
hero seven years ago. Such bigotry suits, Pennsylvania Democracy.
Prussia best; Virginia, Ieunessee. North j Every day brings fresh evidences to us of
Carolina and Alabama prove, beyond a | t j ie soundness of the Northern Democracy,
doubt, that religious intolerance cannot flour- ; on the question of slavery. Not long since,
ish in a Republic. | vve published the resolutions of the Demo-
The Prussian says, “ that foreigners, who I crats in Vermont and Iowa, in which the
knew-nothing and had nothing in their ua- j party sustained the Administration, and
tive land, and knew meat but. on extraocca- i based itself on the Kansas Nebraska hill.—
sions, think themselves here as great as j The question of slavery in the Territories,
Prince Albert.’’ Few foreigners in Prussia, i appears now to he the test of papties in the
save peddlers, mendicants, or strolling mu- j North. The Democracy have everywhere
sicians, are deprived <>f the necessaries of implanted in their platform the principles
life. I speak of those in Prussia, (for his
tory, nor the Prussian's autobiography prove
the inference, tiiai lie has visited other Eu
ropean countries.) I am almost inclined to
believe that the Prussian’s statements are
correct, viz: “that foreigners, after suffer
ing privations, hardships and poverty in
their native country, think themselves as
great as Prince Albert, after getting some
thing to eat and broad cloths to wear iu this
country.” He is a worthy example, for
nothing but the greatest hardships at home
and the most ludicrous self-conceit attendant
on a change of circumstances could have
made the Prussian so cognizant of the de
gradations of Prussia, and to have urged a
foreigner to make himself as conspicuous as
he has done.
Though tiie bogus American Know-Noth
ings have ceased in,the “ wild hunt foe. of
fice," (who would doubt the veracity of the
Philadelphia platform ?) yet this new acces
sion {foreign vote) a veritable foreign Prus
sian Know-Nothing thinks the Philadelphia
platform should be so far amended as to
of popular sovereignty. Below we present
our readers with the concluding portion of
the address of the Democratic Stato Central
Committee of Pennsylvania. Compare this
with the promulged doctrines of the North
ern Know Nothings, and no doubt can re
main that the safety of the South as we
have often before expressed it, depends on
the National Democratic party.
“ Before we conclude this appeal to your
patriotism, we must invite your attention
to the subject of domestic slavery. With
that institution Pennsylvanians have noth
ing to do. In the exercise of a wise philan
thropy, we have, long since abolished it.—
But because we have exerted our sovereign
power over it, we must not endeavor to con
trol sister States in the regulation of
the subject. If we entertain sentiments ad
verse to its introduction, we must not prop
agate those opinions at the cost of the do
mestic tranquility of other States, or at the
risk of periling our common Union. It
would not become freemen to be involved in
inappeasahle discord, for the sake of a small
number of slaves, whose condition we can
not change. The constitution was the re
sult of many adjustments and compromises,
and with it we have secured domestic tran
quility, private posterity and public liberty.
Tiinew"*
“select adopted citizens (natives of the
country to which they are sent) for secreta- j Timewil'i reveal the end and purpose of this
ries of legation. * * * Thus far, (con- j institution of slavery existing in some of the
tinues the Prussian, in his “ wild hunt for | States of this Union ; but while we live un-
j , TV j der the constitution, we must abide by its
office. ( ana to conserve the interests ot mv 1 _ . . .,, ,. . . J , ,
“ ’ ’ T _ J | solemn compacts. All attempts to regulate
adopted country, 1 would bestow office on this action by congressional action must
foreigners.” Thinking himself only quali- j prove abortive and end in tumult and dis-
fied for such an office, he, (the Prussian,) in | order. With us the constitution ispara-
a spirit of unexampled patriotism and 6elf-1 m0 J 1 ? t t° the laws, and it is disobedience
, i .i • i it A • i in j and insubordination of the worst kind, to
denial, thinks that foreigners should be ex- etrive# b y political agitation, to subvert the
Eluded from all the rest. j one, and encroach with the other.
The embryo Prussian Secretary of Lega- I “ Like ^ otbe , r questions of strictiy local
‘tinn «;n Ami -i . i . : .. r; , concern, that of slavery should be submitted
tion wtiLfwl somewhat proud to visit the | to the e ’ xcIa8ive jurisdiction of the people
lane}, winch, perhaps, knew him as one that j of the territory or place in which it is pro-
had and knew nothing, aud to whom meat i posed, to establish or reject it. This prin-
was a luxury, which (should such be the j c *pIo of local self-government is the basis of
ease,) confess him to be a peddler, mendi- i . , oar institutions, and is essential to polit-
i.„ _ llof /v„i .. | ical freedom. It may far a tune he abused
cant or organ-gnnder, he must feel proud to | and trampled on, as other rights have been,
return ( in his mind s eye ) to that ooun- ; but men should not, because of that, be do
tty (Prussia) invested with all the power as , prived of it. It is for the common interest
Secretary of Legation. : of all that each and every citizen should
He further says, “ I at least have never j freelyand. peacefully exercise the right;
Jt - Wit** -ho w.. .0. willing j KX
to yield to my advice, if I had sense enough j founders of our government, will be firmly
(the italics are mine) to convince him he I maintained by the Democratic party,”
Judge liongstreets letter to Site Know
VolUng Preachers ot the Methodist
Church South.
ltn:thren:—I have concluded to divide iny
promised appeal to the Methodist Ohurch into two
p:irts, aud to address the first t*» } >u, and the last
tn the Oh" "ih at large. And herr. in the language
..I Mr. W. -lay, let mo say toy< n, “I beseech yon,
iireiiirea, by the mercies of God. by whatever love
you bear to God, to your country, to your own
8uuii-, do not consider who speaks, but whnt is
spoken. If it be possible, for <me honr lay preju
dice aside; give what is adv r <. d a fair hearing.
Consider simply on eucli head,—Is it true, or is it
false? Is it reasonable, <>r is it not?’* Remem
ber, brethren, I am not before you to propose, but
to resist innovations upon old Methodism. I
stand where I always stood since I joined the
Church, upon the “platform” of Wesley. You
stand with one foot upon that platform, and the
upon a rickety structure, first reared by a crimi
nal, if report be true, and miserably patched by
unchristian hands. I would have you withdraw
the truant limb from this dangerous platform to
its original position.
When we eonvenated together, we were of one
heart and one mind. But you have formed now
conveuants with men who have no kindred feel
ings with you. “There is no fear of God before
their eyes.” “They cause divisions and offences
contrary to thc doctrine which you have learned.”
-Their mouth speaketh great swelling words, hav
ing men’s person* in admiration because of advan
tage.” These be they icho separate themselves,
sensual having not the spirit.” “They are such
as serve not the Lord Jesus Christ, but their own
belly, and by good words aud fair speeches deceive
the hearts of the simple.” “They are given to
debates, envyings, wraths, strifes, backbiting,
whisperings, swellings, tumults.” “With feigned
words they make merchandize of you.” They
are ashamed “even to speak of those things which
are done of them in secret.” These be the men
to whom you have yoked yourselves. I do not
say all your companions arc such; but I know
many of them to bo such; and most of them to
be men of the world. I would withdraw you from
them; but if I cannot, and a final separation
should take place between us, remember, if you
please, that you made the first move in it.
“But why not quietly enjoy our own opinions,
and live in peace ?” I answer because your lodges
will not allow me to enjoy my opinions in peace,
but upou pain of surrendering the freeman’s right
of speech: and because with my notion of the
moral character and aims of your order, we never
can live in peace, while you remain in it, and I re
main in the Methodist Church. How “con two
walk together except they be agreed ?” I am not
the only Methodist by hundreds, if not thousands,
who entertain my opinions of your order; and I
should suppose, whatever j'ou may think of it,
that for their sakes you would abandon it upon
the principle that you should do nothing “where
by thy brother stumbleth, or is offended, or made
weak. Your opposition to Catholics and foreign
ers, I deem impolitic and unchristian : but this
will never disturb our peace, if you will not per
secute it in a way dangerous to the peace of the
country, enervating to Protestanism, fostering to
Romanism, paralyzing to Methodism, humiliat
ing to her ministry, distracting to her membership,
encouraging to falsehood, smothering to truth,
and demoralizing in all its aspects and movements,
And here I beg you to bear in mind, that it is not
your principles to which I object (if a naked con
spiracy against two classes of men can be called
principles) so much as to your manner of propa
gating them. But as I cannot hope to wean you
from the order, without at least shaking your con
fidence in your principles, I shall in the first place
address myself to them.
In what I have to say upon this head, I shall
take it for granted that you all went over to tho
Know Nothings with good intentions. That you
sincerely believe that the Catholics are about to
take tho country; and that foreigners are about
to take it too; and that handed as it has been by
Whigs and Democrats, it is even now, hardly
worth having; and that without tho interposition
of Know Nothingism, it will soon bo but a putrid
carcass upon any party that shoulders it. I can
not reconcile these suppositious with each other;
but they must be made to reconcile tho professions
of your order with sincerity.
I will go still farther, and admit for thc sake of
the argument, that every immigrant who comes
into the country, is a pauper and a Catholic. That
the Pope of Rome is fully advised of every elec
tion that comes off in this country, from Califor
nia to Maine, and from Oregon to Florida. That
every Catholic in the laud feels himself bound to
vote just as the Pope ordors him to vote, in every
election that occurs in this country, from that of
village constable, to that of President of the Uni
ted States. Let this tissue of absurdities be ad
mitted ; and still I maintain that Know Nothing-
■ ism is not the remedy for the supposed evils; and
that if it were; it is a remedy with which you
should have nothing to do. To the proof:
Paupers arc annually coining by multitudes into
the country. Very well; and who are Paupers ?—
Why they are poor people. They are not necessa
rily lazy or dishonest. So far from it, they are gene
rally both honest and industrious. Certainly as
honest and industrious as natives in their condition.
These, an oppressed, afflicted, downtrodden, over-
wraught, enslaved people, seek a shelter and a liv
ing in your free country, where millions of idle
capital arc only waiting thc hand cf industry, to
loom out in all that enriches, adorns, enables and
strengthens a nation—these are the people which
your order would drive from our shores, simply be
cause they are poor! You tell us with more can
dor thun self-respect, that thc rich may come with
out opposition, but you will not have your coun
try burdened with paupers. With you the old
motto which you learned from tho lips of your
sires and grand sire. -America an asylum for the
oppressed,” is changed to “America an asylum for
the oppressor and a scourge to the o ppressed !”—
Your aims are as impolitic as they are inhuman.—
Hero the language of one who knew the effects of
immigration upon a country, far better than the
wisest man of your order: “A nation receiving a
stray child (a-fortiori a grown man) “into its bos
om again, acquires an addition to its population,
and accession to the profits of national industry,
and acquisition of capital. It at the same time
recovers a lost citizen, and bring back his industry
only, at any rate the profits of industry are added
to the national stock. It is true that a] source of
consumption is likewise superaded; but supposing
it to counterbalance the advantage, there is no
diminution of revenue while the moral and politi
cal strength of the country is actually augmented.”
[Say's Pol. Econ. Book II' Chap. X. Page 368.]
Ia this short passage will be found the secret of
our country’s unparllelcd advancement in wealth
and greatness. Tho foreigners who are now flock
ing to the country are precisely such a3 have al
ways come to it—precisely as have contributed so
largely to our growth in agriculture, commerce,
manufactures, aud the mechanic arts. Some who
came hither paupers when I wa3 a boy, died mil-
lionarics ; many died possessed of large estates,
and almost all of them died in easy circumstances.
Few, very comparatively, fell upon the parish.—
They enriched the country by the whole amount
of their accumulations—by just so much more than
it would have possessed without them. Just so
will it be with those who are now coming into the
country. If the amount expended in support of
the helpless bo compared with the amounts raised
by the industry of the sound, for any three years
together, the first would be to the last less than
one to a thousand. You would fling away the
eagles to save the cents! You would retard the
growth of the country a hundred years to save
lands for your children upon which your children
will not be permitted to enter, unles they will con
sent to commit the keeping of your graves to their
slaves! Splendid statesmen are coming out of the
Know Nothing factory, truly ! The last Massa
chusetts legislature exhibits to us the fabrics
of this machine in their highest perfection. In
that body were five and twenty preachers, (one
fifth Methodists), Christains many, and Know-
Nothings almost all. Ther acts need no com
ment. They will remain burnt into the character
of the State in lines so deep and gangrenous, that
oven thc offspring of the Hartford rebels and mur
derers of Batchelder will sicken at the sight of
them. These hierarchs! Know Nothing legisla
tors are your “brethren” in a double sense, and
the mirabite signum “that none but Americans
should rule America!” Do you not blush to fra
ternise with such men ? And can you believe that
you are favoring your country or your church in
espousing their principles ?
But if these panpers be a nuisance, whom do
they afflict ? Why Massachusetts, and her col
leagues in a war upon your constitutional rights
and Christian character. With these people you
could not as Methodists, harmonize. drove
you away from them, by insults and injustice un-
sufferable—wept crocodile tears when they saw
you goiug—promised you a peaceful parting, and
an outfit from the common fund; and no sootier
were your backs turned, than they denounced you
as scismatics and sinners, cabbaged all the com
mon property, and kept it, until at the end of
seven long year, they wero forced to disgorge a
part of it- undor the wing of the law. But as
Know Nothings you can harmonize with them,
join them in an onslaught upon Catholics and for
eigners who never injured you, nay who are
your neighbors and friends—and even turn a
cold sholder to a native brother at your door,
who protests against your mode of warfare!
—Verily if you did not revive Catholic
sins three hundred years’ old to justify your
wrath against tha: Church, if you did not at tii
evince a higher regard for the sinners of your order
than for the saints of your Church, and chafe at
opposition to you from any quarter, I should re
gard yours as the master-institution of the world,
for teaching men to forgive injuries, and love their
enemies.
But however lawful it may be for your confreres
to repeal tho poor from your borders it is not law
ful for you and me to do it. Much less lawful is it
for you to complot with sinners to terrify them
from the land, when the laws allow them to come.
Take care brethern. I beseech you, how you prac
tice your Know Nothing tactics upon this class of
God’s creatures. They arc undor his peculiar care
and he will hold you responsiplo, if you do not take
them under yours likewise. In hisyocabulary, “Me
poor” means the poor of the world. So Band un
derstood it when ho collected contributions in ono
country for the poor in anathcr. So Christ teaches
in the story of the good Samaritan. “Has not God
choson the poor of this world, in faith, andheirs to
the kingdom which he hath promised to them thaf
love him. Bat ye have despised the poor. Do not
rich men oppress apa, and draw you before the
judgment seats? Do they not blaspheme *the wor-
tii v name bv which ye are called ? ^'Blessed be ye
poor ; for yours is tke kingdom oi God.” -But
woe unto you that ire rich ! for ye Wave received
your consolation.”
Defend tha poor and fatherless; do justice to
the afflicted and uc-tJy.” “Deliver the poor and
needy; rid then cm of the hands of the wicked.”
“He that oppresseui the poor reproaches his Ala-
ker.” “I know that the Lord will maintain the
cause of the afflicted, and the right of the poor.”
Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress
him.” “But the stranger that dwellath with you
shall be as one born among you, - and tion shalt
love him as thyself.” But enough. Your Know
Nothing doctrine is directly the reverse of the
scripture doctrine in regard to foreigners, poor
and rich. You are bound, if need be, to go to
the poor of distant lands with the gospel on your
lips, and charity in your hearts for them. You
are houud to do good to all men—to feed the hun
gry, clothe the naked, and relieve the distressed,
no matter where found or where born. If this be
true, you should rejoice that the pour abroad save
yon the trouble of going to them by coming to
you. Let law makers exclude them if they will;
but you have no business quiting your work to
hunt up law makers to do it. Much less have you
any business working under cover, with all sorts
oi characters, to put down all law makers but
those who will do it. I repeat it, brethren, take
care how you trifle with this class of God’s crea
tures. If you have experiments to make in your
Know Nothing labratory, take care that you do
not put the souls of men in thc crucible, or blow
up your own souls.
And what is your remedy for immigrant pau
perism? Why you will vote for no foreigner rich
or poor for office! Does this remedy touch the
disease, or even the person diseased ? Men come
hither from Europe sick, and your medical colleges
are going to cure them, by prescribing strict regi
men to all the sound who have come from the same
country, through the first and second generations!
If the statement of such a case does not shock
your understanding, I pray you in mercy to your
selves, and for the honor of Methodism, surrender
your parchments forthwith. You are either gull
ed, or you pretend to be, and in either case, you
wound the character of our church. I am pained
for the future destiny of our Heaven-blessed coun
try, when I see that- the daring author of this
nonsense should have succeeded so well.
Turn if you please to Bascom’s sermons, (page
2SS) and read the letter which prefaces the ser
mon beginning at that page. Many of you, with
me, heard it preached at the first General Confer
ence of tho Methodist Church South. We all ad
mired it, but we did not know the intent with
which it was delivered. He explains it in the
introductory letter, from which the following is an
extract:
“The many virtues and Christian death of your
son, not to overlook the noble charity he founded,
by requesting and obtaining from his father $20,-
000, with the addition of suitable grounds for the
establishment of an Orphan Asylum in his native
city” (Petersburg, Va.) '‘must be to you, sources
of consolation beyond any earth can offer. The
following thoughts on death may enhance yonr
estimate of this Ac. For these reasons Ac. I
ask permission, my dear Madam, to dedicate this
discourse to you.” He had previously 3aid, that
it was intended to offer consolation to the mother’s
afflicted bosom, under her then recent bereavment.
The father of that noble son, is one of the love-
est specimens of the Christian character that I
ever saw. I have it upon credible authority, that
the magnificent donation mentioned by Bascom,
is only about double the sum which he gives every
year to benevolent purposes; and “whenhedoeth
alms, he lets not his left hand know what his right
hand doeth.” He will be offended at this expos
ure of his virtues I know; but he will pardon it I
trust, when I assure him it is made only to save
his Church from peril, and her ministry from dis
credit. That man is a naturalized foreigner. If
that mau were a candidate for an c-ffice requiring
special trust and confidence—if he were a candi
date for any office—you would vote for the most
abandoned profligate in the land in preference to
him. Your vows to that effect are registered in
heaven. Nay ho was recently a candidate for a
petty office in his city and I suppose Methodist
Know Nothings, perhaps preachers, walked round
that Asylum aud over those consecrated grounds,
to vote for some competitor of his, at tho sight of
whom Religion would start and charity shrink.
“But have wo not a right to vote as wo pleas?”
No, gentlemen, you surrendered the right when
you joined the Know Nothings; and I am amazed
that you made tho surrender; for when you did
that, you virtually acknowledged yourselves in-
eompetent to advocato the claims of man, be
cause yon do not know that you will be "permitted
to vote for him yourselves; and no measures, be
cause you have none—a beautiful predicament for
a freeman to place himself in ! When a preacher
votes, it is to be presumed that the votes conscien
tiously and upon principle, but you vote as you
are ordered, and only according to a man’s birth
place. “Know ye not whom ye yield yourselves
servents to obey ? His servents ye are to whom
ye obey.
“But we love the brother, though we cannot vote
for the man.” You do ? What as tupendous exhi
bition of moral su* "tnity ! What a beautiful com
bination of religion and patriotism ! It lacks but
three things to make it perfect: First, Religion
demands that you not only love your brother, but
that you do nothing to forestall his love to you.
Secondly, Patriotism demands that you always
vote for the most trustworthy. And thirdly, “can
—not” should refer to conscience, and not to a
gratutious oath. I proceed to the next head:
By concession all icho come into thc country arc
not only paupers, but Catholics. Suppose they
wore Methodists would you object? Certainly not.
Then you would determine every foreigner’s pri
vilege to come to the country, by this religion,
would you ? And do you not perceive that this rule
would be impractible if you had all power in your
own bands ? Why then do you mislead the people
by crying out against thc influx of Catholics, as
though your party could and would stop it, ifthey
were in authority ? And why are you doing this
when confessedly, you do not intend to exclude
foreigners of any name; but only to keep them out
of office ? You dare not say that you mean to ex
clude foreigners altogether, and therefore, you play
a game in such a wajr ua to cuteb all who wish
them excluded entirely, without offending tliuae
who do not. You, ‘no office' in your platform, and
‘no ingress’ in your speeches ; and use one, or tho
other, or neither, as best suits your purpose.
Does this comport with christain sincerity?
But surley, brethern, one short year’s fellowship
with your new companion has not taught you to
hate Catholics—the men. “Oh, no; we love the
men but hate their religion.” Say “love the men,
but oppose some articles of their creed,” and I am
with you heart and hand. But to hate their re
ligion, which they adorn, just now, much more
than you do. “No man that warreth,” says Paul,
“entangleth himself with the affairs of this life.”
The Catholic priest obeys this precept strictly.—
But where are you ? (Some of you at least.) Can
didates for this, that and the other office—going
from beat to beat, and county to county, stump
ing it for votes—haranguing thc multitude amidst
thumps and screams and yells—firing at opposi
tion and almost conimingto blows—telling vulgar
anecdotes—suppressing truth—encouraging, ifnot
spreading falsehood. These things are not done
in a corner: and yet if any Bishop, any Elder,
any Deacon, any Brother, any Press of our Church,
has raised a warning voice against them, except,
my poor solitary self and one old brother more, I
have yet to learn who when or whore? From the
holiest chamber of my soul I lift a prayer to God
to have mercy on us, and save our Church from
degradation and ruin. Brethren, I am not near
done with you; but I must stop. My powers of
calm discussion are suspended. My heart and my
eyes take up the cause of my periled Church in
utterances which you might appreciate but which
I caunot expose to the ridicule of an unfeeling
world. A. B. LONGSTREET.
Illegality from
DeKalb.
Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court hare made the following
decisions at the present term now in ssesion at
Decatur:
Walter Wadsworth
vs.
J os. Thompson, Adm’r., Ac.
Where, on the trial of ail illegality, the pl’ff. in
advertently omits to formally tender and introduce
in evidence the fi. fa. and affidavit, the court ought
to allow it to be done at any stage of the trial.
A. A. Moran,)
vs. > Tresspass from Monroe.
G. L. Davis. J *
Under the Statutes of Georgia, it is permissible
for a party to pursue a runaway negro with dogs,
and if iu such pursuit harm or injury should en
sue to the negro, the party is not liable for dam*
ages, provided he exercises a proper degree of
caution and circumspection.
David Armistead, j
vs [• Murder, from DeKalb.
the State. J
Where two or more, arc jointly indicted for an cf-
fenee, which it does not require two or more to
commit, the defendants have the rf§ht to sever, and
the State to elect which shall be tried first.
Where two or more, are jointly indicted for an
offence, and sever, those not placed on trial are
competent witnesses for the ono being tried.
A. P. Powers "|
vs. > Rule from Bibb.
Tho Central P ■ nk. I
The State car.: • i d, arid a set off being in
the naturapfaen.-■ i ti. •>, nimot be pleaded by
a citizen to an acti. i i\\ favor of the State.
Wtu. H. King )
vs. > Garnishment from Bibb.
Carthart, Bro. A Co. J
1st. Debts secured by negotiable paper are sub
ject to garnishment.
2d. Where the garnishee answers no more than
that he has negotiable note to the defendant, judg
ment should go against him. But if he goes fur
ther, and shows by his answer that it is doubtful
whether the note has been negotiable, it is in cum-
bentupon the party garnisheeing, to show that the
Note has not been transferred, before he can have
judgment against the garnishee.
Perdue, Cl’k., Ac.,]
vs. j-Mandamus from Spalding.
Where the Legislature confers upoiR’ corporation
the right to regulate the issuing of licenses for the
retail of spirituous liquors, such Taw ia constitutional,
and the proper authorities of such town pp pity have
the power to regulate or fix the license fee.
A total of about ”$50,000 has been sub-
scribed for the rafferera at Norfolk.
(For the
Whet la tebe Deal
F.mkic Knows, Aag. If. 185$;
Gentlemen: When the Wes til n & At
lantic Railroad was being constructed, I
exerted all the powers which God had fljhrem
me to stop the Hoad at the State line; bnt
“ the De Wit Clinton of the Sooth ” was in
the ascendant. The politician had been bit
or scalded by a steam engine, or run over
by a railroad ear, and follj was in the
ascendant, and to Chattaapoga the road
must go, and find its terminus amid high,
bold shores and picturesque mountain scene
ry-
The consequences begin to develope them
selves. For the sixteen miles of road in
Tennessee we will have to pay yearly, twice
as much in damages to Tennesseeans as that
part of the road is worth. Then I do not
- what must he done with that part
of the road. The Tennesseeans have set
tled that question. We most sell it to Ten
nessee for cost, and if Tennessee will not
buy it,, we must stop the cars at the State
line. What must we do with the road? The
question forces itself on the minds of every
reflecting man.
We have tried a board of commissioners,
and failed; of two or three boards. I never
knew but one man (Dr. Hamilton) who
cared to do anything else bnt to draw his
salary, and know what Mrs. Gundy—no,
Col. Long—thought. We have tried legis
lative supervision—failed. We have tried
executive government—failed, miserably
failed. Until you change the nature of
man the road must be what it has been—an
instrument of political machinery and par
ty management, a drain on the pockets of
the people to keep it in repair. It never
has, it never will, it never can be a source
of revenue.
I know it is said that the road is paying
money into the Treasury; others say it is
done at the expense of individual creditors
—leave out that as a “Roorback.” It
must be recollected the Treasury, only a
year or two since, paid out for the road
§750,000, and put it in splendid repair and
gave it a complement of furniture. It will
take five or six years to refund that $750,-
000 to the Treasury, and by that time the
Treasury must advance §750,000 more to
repair again and re-furnish ; and the peo
ple must be taxed to raise the money, for
the Legislature of Georgia will not take
care of the Treasury. Then what must we
do with the road ? Permit me, through your
paper, to suggest to tho people what had
best he done with the road.
You know that I have ever been opposed
to selling the road. I am a convert, and
you know when I am convinced of an error
1 dare to say so.
The road is now in tine workiug order,
and is well furnished. Direct the Governor
to appoint Maj. Cooper and two other com
petent engineers to examine the road, and
say, aocording to present prices, what it is
worth to build such a road aud furnish it
as it is furnished. Direct Maj. Cooper to
make a fair showing -of the operations of
the road for the last six months ending 1st
June, 1855. Publish the estimate exten
sively, invite companies to purchase. Fix
a schedule or tariff of freights and passage,
and invite sealed bids for how many years
the company will take the road at cost, to
he returned at the end of the lease in good
condition. The company to make annual
returns to the Governor of the receipts and
expenditures, and whenever the profits reach
ten per cent., the State to revise the tariff
so as to make it foil just below ten percent,
as nearly as possible, and so toties quoties.—
The price might be paid by installments,
taking §500,000 or §1,000,000 to begin
with.
With the money, finish the S. W. Rail-
Road to the line, or the Brunswick and Mo
bile, or the Atlanta and Jacksonville, or
some other line: sell as soon as completed,
and re-invest. Continue this process, and
in twenty years the State will have a Rail-
Road wherever it is desirable to have one.
After a while the lease will begin to run
out: a very low rate of tolls in the hands of
a company will then keep the roads in re
pair, pay for management, relieve the peo
ple from taxes, and enable Georgia to make
any improvements she pleases.
JOHN A. JONES.
P. S. Perhaps before long I will ask
what we shall do with Massachusetts and
Vermont. The question is almost as im
portant as what shall we do with the Rail-
Road.
[For^the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer.]
Lownds Co., Ga., Aug. 21st, 1855.
Messrs. Editors: In these times of politi
cal excitement, a few lines from the South
ern portion ot the State may be acceptable
Yesterday, was an eventful day in our
county: It had been published for a few
weeks that Gov. Johnson would honor us
with his presence, and deliver a speech at
Troupville, on the political topics of the
day. The very announcement of the fact
created a great anxiety in the public mind
as a regular live Governer had never made
his appearance in propria personce4 in this
sequestered region. The citizens of the
county prepared a barbacue for the occa
sion, and but for the inclemency of the
weather there would have been a turn out
which would have astonished the natives,
But notwithstanding that it rained almost
incessantly, there was an immense crowd
collected at the appointed time and place,
all eager and anxious to see and hear the
Governor. The Governor made bis appear
ance under rather unfavorable circumstan
ces, being unwell aqd vary much fotigued.
But he made a telling speech, and one to he
long remembered in this country. He led
off by clearing up certain charges which
had been made against him by the Hindoo
press concerning the management of the
State Rail-Road. This I believe was done
satisfactorily to everybody. vindica
ting himself and the officers under him, as
regards the management of the State Road,
he took up the subject of the new-fangled
Know-Nothing, or American party, and
you may believe that he handled it roughly.
The impression had been made in this coun
try that he was very sarcastic and vindic-
dictive in his disposition, and abusive of his
political opponents. In this speech he was
entirely the reverse. He spoke of his K.
N. friends in very respectful terms, and
passed quite an eulegium on Mr. Jenkins,
his last political opponent. In handling the
principles of the aforesaid party, he used
pretty severe language, and made them fair
ly writhe in their shirts. The Governor and
Jim Seward will carry this section over
whelming PINEY WOODS.
Important.
We learn that the Superintendent of the
State Road paid into the Styty Treasury on
yesterday §20,000. A matter, this,we opine
for more interesting to the people of Geor
gia, than all the wrangling among politi
cians about the management of the Road,
which have dinned their ears for th# p*st
three months. jt
RIDAY, MORNING, AUG. 31.
BOV
Us V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN. :
FOR CONGRESS:
1st District—li> Seward, of Thomas,
ltd “ B. J. Crawford, of filus’ge
3d “ James M. Smith, of Upson
H. Warner, of Meriwether
3. H. Lumpkin, of Woyd.
HoweU Cobby ef Clarke.
4th “
3th “
•th «
Bounty nominations.
Forth# Sonnies s s JOHN COLLIER.
For Representatives ALLISON NELSON
Thursday Morning, s August 30, 1859.
Fanny ^e ,
some men in'
them is Horace
jo*?
>gre b^t three hand-
W «£fy« W*9f
There’s taste for
Judge Warner’s Appointments.
Hon. Hiram Warner, will address the
people of the Fourth Congressional District
at the following times and places:
Fayetteville, Tuesday, Sept. 18.
LaGrange, Saturday, Sept. 22.
How Matters Stand.
The American party at the North is strong-
ly anti-slavery. Whether some people may
fancy this or not, will make no sort of differ
ence. Fact is fact. It can’t be rubbed out.
It has taken possession of the best mind of
the party, and there it will remain.—Boston
(Know Nothing) American Crusader.
This is no news to us, and how the Know
Nothings South can have the hardihood to
j Pd,,t OIHe ® •* !*«.»«) 3k X
The following letter will explain tUcafoa
j of the recent discohtiunance of the
! office - «"««h to the inconvenience oflS
I citzens of that place: ‘
Post Office Departme», v
i Co, i‘r act 0 0 ffi°e, Aug. 14th, 1855 ’ 1
Sir: lhe Postmaster General ha* *
• ! no order discontinuing the office at IW** 18
r j the recent notices to that effect havinVk*. 0 ’
j issued in consequence of errora’com
| inexperienced Clerks. A new hond
| executed by you, was inserted immediafi
I following several discontinjances t v
usual weekly report from the appoicm«n*.
! the Contract Office. And thus led tn a 0
sending out of the customary nrintirf 1 *
in such cases to Contractor, these l!* 8
countermanded as soon as the mistake***
discovered several days since. ° Wa *
Respecfully, your ob’t. serv’t,
w. H. DUNDAS
2d Assistant Post Master Gen’l
The Reaction In Iotvo.
We copy the following from the CW„
Times: Cai
“At a recent hotly contested election
Keokuk, Iowa, for State officers, the hi m
pnndidntnQ Lnil mnln.a: /» . ®0>
•go
cratic candidates had majorities from U f*
104, or an average of 58. In April last th
Know Nothing party carried the city bv t»
hundred and one majority. The Dem<*.«V
beat the Know Nothings in Ghent, Indiana
iiumuigD uuuiu vtfcu u*»o mo un.uitiuuu .v ; on Monday lust, by a majority from 5 to 20*
deny it, passes the comprehension of a mo- j At the last election, the Democrats were
dest man. Scarcely a Northern mailfails to •
bring us an account of Know-Nothing Con- j ga Y e^ maj^ty^haTjirtijL} 11
ventiona and anti-slavery resolutions, until ! full democratic ticket by 40 majority ™ R
it remains now no longer a matter of doubt _ In Davenport, Iowa, at the recent eleo-
that the American party in the South, is a '-‘on, there was a Democratic majority of
strictly sectional one, and as such incompe- j “
tent to effect one measure which they pro- hundre d. In April last, foj,i on and K™
pose. The vain hope which has been so . Nothingism had three hundred and fift
prominently held forth, of an affiliation majority in the county.” "* ^
with the New York Hards, has been defeat- , “1° addition to the above, we make room
ed by the recent convention of that body at ' 11C ^ owing extract of a letter from an
IT 77. j . , . esteemed correspondent at Addell Iowo.
Syracuse, and the order stands now with no « The democracy 1,,™ 1 ° Wa .’
„ XT ,, rr .. The democracy have achieved a glorious
party affiliation at the North. Upon the ; victory in this county, at the election on the
question of slavery then, we can expect ! 10th iust. Last April in the election for
nothing “from the order. j District -Judge, the Know Nothings carried
Equallv impotent are they upou the mat- the county by 67 majority.
ter of Foreigner* The di.po.Uion oi the j tioket m earS 'hy’UjSee'reSg
Know Nothings North, as evinced in many f rolll thirty-two to one hundred and niu£
of their conventions, has been to cease hos- j teen.
tility with foreigners. Indeed, it was never j -‘The Ilawk Eye State has returned to her
to be expected that the North-Western j ^ r ' t ' ove -
States would agree with any measures to cut j uepnaiatlug the Kansas-Nebraska Act!
off their supply of population. The Republican Union, formerly a Know-
At a recent meeting of the order in Con- Nothing, now an anti-Know-Nothing, paper,
necticut, after passing strong anti-slavery pnnted at Cedar Town, lias recently come
, ’ r . by accident m possession of a curious mm
resolutions as usual, it was resolved to ad- hlet> whichj it ’ sa ys, shows that the flag “f
mit Protestant foreigners as members ot , Southern Rights trailed in the dust in Geor-
their body. Such being the temper then of j gia—in the State Council of the order at
their Northern friends what can the j Macon, prior to the meeting of the Nation-
Southern Know Nothings expect to effect , Council in -June ; tliat.the State Council
upon the subject of Nationalization ? Grant j J 'ts session in May la.-t, at the
T . , • . . , , city of Macon, with a verv lar-'e reuresen
them in the majority, they can only then j tation of delegates repud. ateu the XeW
pass State laws to exclude foreigu boru citi- k a au d Kansas act!!!
zens from the right of suffrage, the obvious | The pamphlet purports to he the " Pro
tendency of which will be to drive eniigra- ceedings of thc Annual Meetiug of the
, State Council of Georgia, held at Macon
tion to the Northern State, and produce a re- ; the 2d and 3 d May. 1855,” printed unde,'
suit which they now so pitiously deplore, in- ! a resolution of the Council, three copies of
crease the numerical strenth of the North, j which, by said resolution, wore to be
It is always well to consider the chance of j furnished each subordinate Council. It
the success of one’s plans, before they are | contains ^ a, list, of Councils and their
proposed; and there is now no particle of | of Ia « atw >V T numbar *’ ***>
probability of effecting the proposed mea
sure of Know-Nothingisin.
Western & Atlantic Railroad.
The following data which has been
kindly furnished us by the officers, we
doubt not will be acceptable to our readers,
as placing in a clear and distinct light the
condition, management and future prospects
of the State Railroad :
EARNINGS OF THE W. A A. RAILROAD.
“From October 1, 1850to August 1, 1851.
Ten months, $-25,508 «S7
From October 1, 1851, to August 1,1852,
Tea months, .’U1^32 70
From October 1, i852 to August 1, 185U,
Ten months, 300,072 41
From October 1, 1853 to August 1, 1854.
Ten mouths 488,718 f»l
From October 1, 1854 to August 1, 1855, «
Ten monthe, • 527,207 02
Under Governor Johnson's administra
tion there have been paid out,for constructing
Depot buildings and equipments, for prior
account incurred previous te ’54, §249,208 06
For act. since including 1600 Tons
new rails - - - 300,411 61
And after paying all current ex
penses for working the road, has
also been paid into Ihe State trs’y, 100,000 00
The earnings of the Roads for 1855, up
to Aug. 1—being ten months of the fiscal
year—are §527,207.92; August and Sep
tember will no doubt increase that amount
to §650,000. Assuming §700,000 per an
num as the income of the Road for the next
five years—which is a low estimate, no one
will deny—it is a well-established fact that
the road will maintain itself without any
further cost to the State upon 60 percent of
the earnings, leaving 40 per cent to be
paid into the State Treasury, or in round
numbers §280,000 annually, which in five
years amount to the handsome sum of §1,-
400,000—yielding 6 pent upon, tlie tost of
the Road. This last propositioTi puts the
question within the reach and comprehen
sion of every tax-payer, without complica
ting it with the usual detail of reports. The
mooted question now is what shall be done
with the Road ? Without suggesting any
opinion as to what ought to be done, wheth
er sold, leased or kept in its present,'condi
tion, let the people see that this valuable
property is not to pass out of their hands
without receiving full value for it, as inter
ested parties make it their business to com
plicate and depreciate the value of the Road,
in order thereby to obtain possession of it
for a mere song 1 If sold, let it be sold for
its original cost; if kept by the State in its
present condition, the tax-payers of Geor
gia may calculate upon a net profit of§280,-
per annum, which may be appropriated by
the Legislative to public schools, or con
struction of Roads in other portions of the
State.
The above calculation is based upon the
income of 1856, at a low estimate. Good
judges in Railroad affairs, estimate the in
come of Western & Atlantic Railroad for
1857 to I860, at one million annually. The
above facts go to show, that this Road may
be relied upon, with absolute certainty, to
pay into the State Treasury, annually, from
§280,000 to §350,000. This is the general
result without mystification by interested
speculators.
ThiB great work has struggled through
many difficulties, but it now has arrived at
a point it will be able to renumerate Geor
gia for her enterprise in its construction—
It requires no more aid from the State.—
Let Georgians see if it bo their true interest,
to keep their valnable heritage or let it pass
from their hands without a valuable con
sideration.”
We have no time at present for comment
on the foregoing fact as they bear upon the
question of the management of the State
Road under the present administration.—
Perhaps we may shortly recur to the sub
ject. At any rate, the people have only
to turn froin (ho mass of verbiage, clap-trap
and humbuggery, with which the K. N.
papers are constantly filled, to the above
report, to be satisfied that the Road is ful
filling the most sanguine expectations of its
warmest friends.
tammen«emint.
The Commencement exercise of the At
lanta Medical College will come off Satur
day the let of September, when degrees will
be oonfoned on the students and the usual
addressee delivered. The ladies are invited
to attend.
lames i>f the delegates from each Coun
cil, the Treasurer’s report, the address of
the President—Win. Home—and a minute
of the proceedings of that meeting. There
can be no mistake. It is an authoritative
document.
It appears from it that one Brother Pottle,
a member of the last Legislature, had intro
duced into the Council at Macon a resolu
tion declaring acquiescence in the principles
embraced in the Nebraska and Kansas bill,
passed by Congress, namely—the right eg
'the people forming State governments to de
termine fur themselves whether or not slavery
shall exist in their limits—an essential ele
ment in national organizations and a condi-
tion precedent to affiliation with the order or
ganized in non-slavehotding States.
One would suppose a plain proposition
like this needed no very long consideration,
and yet it was thought prpper to refer it to
a committee consisting of E. A. Nisbet, W.
Poe and W. A. Franklin.
These gentlemen, we suppose, after con
sideration, reported in place of that of Mr.
Pottle, a set of vivid resolutions, in which
not one word was said about the Nebraska-
Kansas Act. The report of the committee
was- adopted; the Nebraska-Kansas Act
distinctly repudiated!
We can now understand how, at the bid
ding of their Abolition associates, delegates
from Georgia in the National Council could
vote for a platform which styled that great
measure an “ obnoxious act—a violate*’
pledge.”
A Catliollc Church Blown u-, ln oju 0 ,
[From tho Ohio Statesman, A, U gu 3 t 22.]
The following letter to a gentleman in
this city will inspire t)-; e m j n d of every good
man with horror alarm.
feiDNEV. Shelby County, Ohio, j
August 18th,1855. )
Dear §/ir: Last night, about 11 o’clock,
the Catholic frame church of this place was
made a pile of ruins. A keg of powder was
put under the building, with a train scat
tered along the street, which was fired with
burning shavings. There is no doubt here
that the incendiary deed was committed bv
a set of Know-Nothing rowdies, such as have
just wraught devestation in Louisville.
I trust, for the welfare of our country,
that the better class of the American people
will soon arouse to a proper sense of what
this awful spirit of blind persecution for
opinion’s sake is fast leading to. The bet
ter class of Know Nothings here appear to
look with disgust upon these terrible pro
ceedings ; but who can tell whether they
are sincere ? The real friends of religious
liberty in our community charge, without
reservation, that the destruction of the
Catholic Church here is one of the fruits of
the KnowNothing crusade. Yours truly.
We have also received the following from
a proniinont citizen of the town:
Sidney, Aug. 20.
Col. Medary—Dear Sir: Our village
has been in much confusion since yesterday
morning, caused by the blowing up of the
Catholic church on Saturday night.
It was one of the boldest ana most din
ing acts that I have known, being done
about 10 o’clock on Saturday nijr’at—the
church standing only the width bf a street
from a dwelling house.
No clue has yet been ha-J to the fiends
engaged iu this outrage.. A reward has
been offered by the Council, and a meeting
of the citizens will held to day. I wfl
advise you again. Yours, &e., S'
The recent elections are a good index of
what will be the result in the presidential
battle of 1856. Let us see how the account
stands in electoral votes. The democrats
have carried the following States
Majority. No. of Electors.
Tennessee, 2,000
Virginia, 10,000
North Carolina. 8,000
Alabama, 10,000
Texas, 4,000
12
15
10
9
4
34,000 50
Iventuoky has gone Know Nothing by
about four thousand majority. She has 1-
electoral votes. Thus far in 1865 the De
mocracy have beat their opponents more
than four to one.
Immigrants and SrEca:.—Since the 1^
instant, 4,31S immigauts from Europe tm^
arrived bringing with them §293,469 in caw-
Last year 399,223 immigrants arrived hep
and an equal porportion of cash means tor
that year and number would give an sg8 er ‘
gate sum of no less than twenty three muhom
three hundred and thirty one thousand f’ 1 /
hundred and thirty dollars, brought into tW
country by immigrants of the poorer class
from Europe, during a single twelvemontn.
Rattlesnakes seem to abound in South
ern Oregon. Three men recently w« nt '
the mountains, where dens of these sna* 6
were known to exist in large numbers, ana
in ft abort time killed 700 of tbem>