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BY J. A. TURNER. |
VOLUME I.
Thanksgiving Day Hymn
Praise to God! immortal praise,
Vor the love that crowns our days:
Bounteous Source of every joy.
Let thy praise our tongues employ
All ;o thee, our God, we owe,
Source whence all our blessings liow.
All the blessings a the fields,
All the stores the garden yields,
Flocks that whiten all the plain.
Yellow sheaves of ripened grain—
Lord, lor these our souls -shall raise
Grateful vows and solemn praise.
Clouds that drop their fattening dews,
Suns that genial warmth diffuse,
All the plenty summer pours,
Autumn's rich o’erHowiug stores —
L-nl, for these our souls shall raise
Grateful vows an t 8 -leuin praise.
Peace, prosjierity axd health,
Private blis- and public wealth.
Knowledge, with its gladdening streams.
Pure religion s holier beams —
L-'iU. !br these our soulfe shad raise
Gratelul vows and solemn praise.
Histcllantotts.
From ti e Uni ed States Magazine & Dein. Review.
Political Portrait.
John* Forsyth.
The present Secretary ol‘ State was
burn at Fredericksburg, in Virginia,
in October 1781. During his infancy,
his father, Hubert Forsyth, removed
first to Sou ill 0 rolina, and subsequcM-
Iv into Georgia, where he settled at
the town oi Augusta, in the year 1180.
Upon t . organ.zaiton of the Federal
Government, tie received from Presi
dent Washington thcoliice of Marshall
of the district. That place he retain
ed for s. veral years, anel ultiinatedy
lost his life in the execution ot his
duties, under circumstances so honor
able to his intrepidity and firmness,
that Congress passed an act tor the re
lief of ins widow and children, and
appropriated a sum of money tor their
support and instruction. Ills son, the
subject ot tliis sketch, received the
rudiments of his education at a classi
cal school in Wilkes county —a district
so celebrated, even from the darkest
days of the Revolutionary War, for
its ardent devotion to the patriotic
cause, as to obtain for it from tnetories
of the southern country tiic name of
the ‘Hornet’s Nest.’ iiis teacher was
the Rev. Mr. Springer, a clergyman of
considerable attainment, and eminent
for his piety. In 189 b, he entered
Princeton Cyilege, atid graduated there
the vear 1799.
Upon leaving college, Mr. Forsyth |
commenced the study ot the law at,
Augusta, at the office of Mr. Ander
son, and entered on the practice of |
that profession in 1802. Not long al
terwards he was appointed Attorney
General of the State, and in that emi- j
neut post rapidly rose to distinction as
a professional and a public man. Ihe
fraud committed by the laud commis
sioners in the sale of fractions, gave
rise to prosecutions involving much
excitement and feeling, and enlisting
the talents of the principal advocates
at the bar; they were conducted by
him, on behalf of th State, with such
ability and complete success, as to gain
for him general confidence and ap
probation, so much so thatat the elec
tion ior Representatives m Congress,
in tlie year 1812, on his ottering him
self, he was taken up and returned by
a considerable majority.
Mr. Forsyth took nis Scat, for the j
first ii ne, m the National Councils on j
the twenty-fourth of May, 181 b, the j
comniv iieem lit ol the lirst s. ssion ot
the thirteenth*'Congress. Dur.ng the
whole of that session, which met at j
•ait unusual season m compliance with
the j r.msious of a special law, and on |
-account of the emergencies of the war
with Great Britain, he appears to have
mkon no part in the debates, although
•as a member of a Select Committee ap
pointed to inquire into the spirit and
manner in which hostilities were wa
ged by the enemy, he gave, from the
start, an efficient and vigorous support
to the administration of President
Madison. The able report of that
committee made at the close of the ses
sion was understood to proceed from
his pen. At the following session lie*
maintained, with a single exeep.ion,
the same silence —a fact some what ie
inarkablo when contrasted with the
promptness in debate which lie subse
quently displayed, and the leading and
conspicuous position he has since oc
cupied in the legislative councils.-
The occasion on which he took
part in the discussions of the
House for the first time, was in sup
port of the bill to authorize a loan ot
twenty-five millions, which had
reported by the Committee of W ays
and Means, on the first of February
1814, as a measure essential to the
prosecution of the war, and which
finally passed the Hous«, after a most
protraetod and exciting debate, on the
and Mlijclilii Afonrnal: —51 cbotcti to literature, politics, auJt (General Hfistmanii
| third of March. A report of ids
j speech has been preserved, w hich is
! the ease with tew of the very manv
j delivered by him durutg the succeed
ing* sessions. It is 'I eloquent and
J im ignnnt answear totVse ot t ic op
j position, wliicli arraigned in iinmcas
i ured terms sh ? whole -'justice, policy
I and conduct of the war. and at once
! placed Mr. Forsyth bof uv Congress
and the people of the l lYtod States in
Ia most favorable light. I jg,,
; Not very long after the .termination
of the s ssion in the sprntg' of 1814,
the necessities growing out of the ac
tive operations of the campaign, which
had been distinguished by galiant ac
tions on land and sea, induced the
j President to convene Congress .by
proclamation. I’hey met on the nine
teenth of September. Mr. Forsyth,
jin the absence of Mr. Calhoun at the
j commencement of the session, was np
| pointed Chairman of the Committee
of Foreign Affairs. This distinguish
ed position he filled during the whole
j time ho continued to retain li.s seat
jin the House of Representatives, which
was unt-sl his election in the Senate, in
| 1818. While the war last, and, he was
j the active and powerful advocate ol
jail measures necessary for its effective
I pros oution. P.ulutps on no other
j m lnber of the House, was the task
more constantly thrown, at tins period,
jof supporting the administration of
j Mr. Madison ; and it was discharged
I with a readiness and ability not since
j surpassed in any of the political con
! tests in which he has been engaged.
He took, from that day, a stand with
: the republican party never since lost,
as a distinguished support; r of its car
j linul principles.
As Cliairman of the Committee ol
: Foreign R latious, he advocated, ini
mediately alt r die close of the war
with Great Britain, the adoption or
i Viiroroms measures to punish the out
rag s committed on the ofi’icial repre
j sentative and citizens of the United
I States by the Dev of Algers. The
i subj. et was and bated some days in se
j cret session, and resulted n the pas
sage of a bill giving adequate power
Ito die President. This led, as is well
I known, to a gallant enterprise on the
j part oi our navy, and an adjustment
|of the difficulties completely satisfac
j tory and successful. At the com
-1 m neement of the next session, Mr.
j Forsyth reported a bill which gave
rise to great debate, involving the rel
j alive powers of the several constituent
j departments of the government. It
| was for the purpose of mrrying into
j effect the commercial convention With
I Great Britain ; and a discussion arose
j on the extent to which legislation was
i noces-iary in cases where a treaty had
been made, and duly ratified under
i the provisions of the Constitution. It
was contended bv a large party in the
I House, and a majority in the Senate,
| that no act of legislation was neccssa
i ry, although the articles f the treaty
went directly to affect existing laws on
the subjects of navigation and impost
duties. These views were strenuously
resisted by the republican portion of
the House, and especially by Mr. For
syth. The result was the passage of
a bid giving legislative sanction to the
convention, though not without the
insertion of a phrase on tlie part of
the Senate, stating that it was a de
claratory act —a measure acquiesced in
by the House, after a conference, and
in a spirit of compromise.
Early in the second session of the
fourteenth Congress, the difficulties
became apparent that were to grow
out of the manner in which much of
the stock of the National Bank had |
been subscribed. It was understood
that a large portion of the instalments,
payable by the terms of the charter
in coin, was, in fact, paid by the pro
ceeds of notes discounted !y r the bank
itself on a pledge, of stock. Mr. For
syth brought tiie subject before the
House, and strongly urge l an inquiry,
as well as tlie ad<»piion of measures to
check the - proceeding in the outset;
and he followed it, a few days after
wards, by resolutions direct ini', a with
drawal of the public d-posit \s if this
did not take place. 11 is suggestions
were not adopted ; had they been, at
that tone, it may be reasonably aver
red that many, if not all, the d.flieul
ties which called for the interposition
of Congress two years after, would
have been avoided. Among the use
ful measures which lie especially urged
upon the House at this session, in ad
dition to his participation in all the
leading questions of the day, was a
bill embracing more adequate provis
ions for the relief of distressed Amer
ican seamen in foreign countries ; an-1
other to strengthen our resources for j
naval warfare, by requiring the era
ployment of a certain numb r of boys
on board of every merehant vessel;
j and a third, growing out of the wild
land unrestrained system of privateer
| ing practis 'd under the color of South
| American Hags," which was the fbuiula
| tioii of the existing laws for the preven
i tioii of arming or selling vessels of war
jto biliigefent nations. In the discus
sions that arose in regard to the ac
knowledgment of the independence of
those countries, lie took the lead in
sustaining the policy of the’adminis
tration against the ardent opposition-of
some of the ablest men in the House,
and induced it 1o support the* Kxec.u-
EATONTON, GA„ SATURDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1854.
five in the just and prudent course
which was pursued.
On the twenty-third of November,
1818, Mr. Forsyth resigned his seat
in the House of Representatives, and
took his place in the Senate of the
United States, to which he had been
lately elected. Though he remained
in that body less than three months,
he participated largely in its debates
and business. Os one only of his
speeches has a report been preserved.
It is that on the resolution proposing
an amendment of the Constitution, by
which each State was to be divided
into districts embracing a population
as nearly equal as might be, for the
purpose of choosing a representative
in. Congress and ah elector of the Chief
Magistrate. This plan was opposed
by Mr. Forsyth, because, in his opin
ion, it connected together uselessly,
and contrary to the spirit of the Con
stitution, the election of the National
Legislature and Executive; because
it interfered with, and essentially con
trolled, the States in their own plans
for the maintenance of heir legitimate
inlluei.ee in the Federal (government;
and because it increased very greatly
the chances of an election of President
by a minority of the popular voters
in the United States. Tiie resolution
passed the Senate, but was not adopt
ed by the House.
During the winter of this year the
negotiations between the United States
and Spain, fora settlement.of existing
differences, and for the cession of the
Flo ri das, had been actively prosecuted
at Wiishihgtpu; and on the fifteenth
of February, 1819, the project of a
treaty having been definitely arranged,
the President determined to send a
minister immediately to Madrid. Mr.
Forsyth was accordingly nominated to
the Sci ate and confirmed. On the
twenty-fourth the treaty was ratified,
and the time for the exchange of rat
itioaiions being limited to six months,
it became necessary for him to proceed
to Spain without delay. Instead of
the immediate ratification which had
been expected from that government,
he met with embarrassment and refu
sal. He became involved in an angry
controversy which was prolonged un
til October, 1820; and it was not until
the revolution produced anew gov
ernment and the organization of the
Cortes, that the treaty was transmitted
to the United States.
The point at issue may very easily
be understood. The offer of the ces
sion of Florida to the United States by
the Spanish minister at Washington,
Don Luis de Onis, was made on the
twenty-fourth January, 1818. His
instructions from his court to make the
offer could not have been of a later
date than some time in the preceding
November. One important feature in
the treaty was that the United States
should assume a large amount of
claims of American citizens upon
Spain, the justice of which had been
acknowledged as far back as 1804, the
vacant lands of Florida affording the
land from which they should be set
tled. In the winter of 1817 some of
the favorite courtiers of the Spanish
King petitioned their mast r for grants
of these same Florida lands, and in the
months of February arid April most
enormous grants, comprehending the
greater part of the whole, were made
to the Duke of Alagon, Count Punen
Rostro,andSenor Var as. These became
known abroad only through general
rumor. The treaty was signed on the
twenty-second February, 1819, by the
plenipotentiaries at Washington, and
was ratified on our part on the twenty
fourth of the same month. Its-eighth
article declared all grants of land in
the Floridas subsequent to the date of
twenty-fotftth January, 1818, null and
void. A rumor having become cur
rent in Washington that the three
grants above referred to w ere of the
ticent/j-durd of January, thus evading
'the important stipulation of the eighth
article, the Secret: ry of State, Mr.
Adams, applied to Don Onis, to know
v. h thor there had not been a full and
distinct understanding, throughout the
negociations, that tin s.; three particu
lar grams were expsessly excluded by
the eighth article, as having#!) -en of
subsequent date to the nvnty-fourth
of January. The Spanish ambassa
dor did not hesitate in Ins reply to as
sent unequivocally to this understand
ing. Mr. Forsyth was instructed, in
presenting the treaty for ratification,
to make an explic t written statement
of this tin lersiandiiigm relation to the
three grants referred to, those of Ala
gon, Punon Rostro and Vargas. On
the eighteenth of May Mr. Forsyth,
! at Madrid, requested that the exchange
lof the ratifications should take place
im early as convenient, as a vessel of
war was waiting at Cadiz to carry the
rati lied treaty back. It was not till
after a month that he received a reply
that his niaj -sty ‘was under the indis
pensable necessity of examining it
with the greatest caution and delibe
ration • before he proceeded to ratify
if.’ It was here evident that it was
determined not to ratify the treaty,
.but to play bit upon the United States
the solemn farce of Spanish diplomacy,
with the view to evade entirely the
perf -rmance of its plighted faith. The
American minister proved not quite
so easy a subject of courtly ‘bambooz
' ling’ as had probably been anticipated;
“WITHOUT TJE'/IK, T+IVOIS. OSi .IFI'IWTBO.Y ”
and the manner in which he intimated
in his reply, the spirit with which the
United States, and their representative,
were determined to maintain their
rights, could scarcely fail to be appre
ciated. The following i.s au extract:
‘The ’ill consequences which will
ensue from this postponement, and
the impression likely to be made by it,
can be easily foreseen. Your excel
lency may correctly estimate the con
jectures to which it will give birth in
the United States from what is passing
here; You,' perhaps" arejyot to learn
that the delay of last rnoiuh has given
rise, at the seat of his Majesty’s Gov
ernment, among his own subjects, to
the most monstrous and absurd sup
positions. Among the subjects of
Spain, those who best know the integ
rity of the King, and the purity of
his councils it is asserted, that an act
required by the policy of this Govern
meat, essential to the interests of this
kingdom, and demanded by the honor
of the King, 'will not be performed.
Yes, sir ; the King is calumniated in
his very capital by a most unjust sur
mise, that there will be a refusal to do
that which the reputation of Spain re
quires—that which Spain dare not re
fuse to do. Your excellency will not
understand this as threatening his
Majesty’s Government- with the c n
sequ.euc:es which might ensue from fine
resentment of the United States, if it
were possible for Spain to act in this
business with bad faith. Threats are
used by conscious weakness, and not
by conscious strength. 1 know too
well the abundant resources, the ex
panding power, the youthful vigor of
my country, to degrade her character
by using language unworthy of it ;
if not by my respect for Spain, I
should be prevented by the fear of the
deserved resentment of my country.
1 should not be easily forgiven for
condesending to say how she would
punish an act of perfidy.’
The twenty-second of August was
the extreme date within which the rat
ifications were to be exchanged, by
the terms of the treaty. It was still
refused by the Spanish court, and Mr.
Forsyth was informed that the King
would send a plenipotentiary to Wash
ington to obtain some ‘explanations’
deemed requisite. The English arid
Russian ministers interfered in the
negociation, with attempts to induce
the Spanish court to make the ratifica
tion, for its own credit, and for the sake
of the general pacific policy of Europe;
but without effect —the latter, T’atis
cheff, remarking to Mr. Forsyth in
reference to the Spanish ministers, that
there was ‘no reasoning with ignorance
and presumption.’ The principal
stumbling block, in addition to the
private influence of the courtiers in
terested, was a desire to extort from
the. United States a promise not to
recognise the independence of the
South American republics. It proved,
in fine, impossible to obtain any satis
faction from Spanish ministers, and
the correspondence assumed a more
and more angry character. In Octo
ber, for instance, Mr. Forsyth reques
ted copies of the grants in question,
which were refused on the ground of
its not being' compatible with the ‘dig
nity’ of his majesty to add any more
authentic certificate than his word, in
the matter of the grants. The follow
ing extract from Mr. Forsyth' reply
was certainly sufficiently to the point:
■‘The American minister considers
the refusal to furnish copies of the
grants of the Duke of Alagon, Count
Punon Rostro, and Mr. Vargas, for
whieli he applied, as singular as the
reason that is assigned for it. These
donations having unfortunately pro
duced new differences between the
United States and Spam, lie believed
that he had a right to expect copies of
them whenever an application was
made to procure them, lie is not
aware that the royal word has been
given in this business, and would now
request to be informed where it is to
be found, if lie was confident it could
be done without offending the royal
dignity —a dignity so refined and
etrierial as to be above the comprehen
sion of an American minister.’
After some further correspondence
on wmeh it is unnecessary to dwell—
Mr. Forsyth presenting a strong re
monstrance, going over the whole
ground, and utterly annihilating the
positions assumed by the Spanish
court.* —the appointment of anew min
ister to Washington, General Ytves,
who was supposed to carry out full
powers, and who left Madrid oil tlie
2oth January, 1820, suspended the fur
ther prosecution of the matter at Mad
rid ; when in March a total change of
affairs was made by the re-establish-
ment of the constitution of 1812. —
Gen. Vives’ mission at Washington
proved a mere evasion, as he evidently
came for no other purpose than to re
open the illimitable field of negotia*-
tio.i. But the now liberal government
in Spain evinced a very diiferent dis
position towards the United States aud
tlie treaty, from that which had char
acterized the fprmer proceedings; and
thouglwsome delay arose out of tire
embarrassed state of affairs in Spain,
Mr. Forsyth at length succeeded in
procuring the ratification, with the al
most unanimous approval of the Cortes,
on the fifteenth of October, 1820,
We ought not to omit to add, that
notwithstanding the severity which
marked this correspondence, and the
unpleasant relation in which it unne
cessarily placed the bold and plain
spoken American minister towards the
Spanish court, few American residents
at Madrid have“left behind them a
more agreeable personal impression
than the subject of the present me
moir.
On the successful completion of this
important ana most intricate negocia
tion lie obtained permission to "return
home on leave of absence. After a
short residence here he again repaired
to Madrid, accompanied by his family,
from which lie had been previously
separated. He continued there until
the month of March, 1823, engaged
principally in negociations connected
with the fulfilment of the various stip
ulations embraced in the Florida trea
ty. Their progress was attended with
many obstacles and difficulties, but
they were finally brought to a success
ful termination. Having heard that,
in expectation of his return he had
been elected, while still absent, by his
fellow-citizens, as a member of the
House ofi Representative's, he hastened
back to the United' Slates,- making
.only a brief visit iq France and Eng
land, and reaching home in the mouth
of June.
On taking his Seat again in Congress,
in December, 1823, he v as restored to
the position he had formerly filled with
so much ability, as Chairman of the
Committee of Foreign Affairs, and lie
continued to occupy it as lie remained
iu the House. After the election of
President Adams he took a leading
part iii opposition to his administra
tion, and participated in most of the
general debate on questions of political
and national interest. The principal
object, however, to which he devoted
himself, was the settlement of the dif
ficult questions that arose from the oc
cupation of a large portion of Georgia
by the Indian tribes, and the rapid
increase ol the white inhabitants
around them. He prepared an able
report on the subject of the original
compact by which the United States
had agreed, twenty years before, to ex
tinguish the Indian title, ami exhibit
ed, in a brief but lucid narrative, the
true position of the question as it now
presented itself in an aspect which
would admit of no further delay. He
maintained, with great ability and el
oquence, the right of Georgia to the
sovereignty over all the inhabitants
within her limits, and resisted the no
tion that it could ever be within the
spirit or letter of the Constitution to
permit the independent existence of a
savage tribe in the heart of one of the
States of the Union, not participating
in its institutions nor amenable to any
of its laws.
Being elected in October, 1827,
Governor of Georgia, he was called
by his official position to sustain, on
behalf of the State, the ground he
had taken in Congress, relative to the
Indian question, and it formed the
most prominent and important subject
of his Executive duties. Whatever
diversity of Opinion may have existed
at the time, it is probable that few will
now doubt that the result has been
advantageous to' the Indians them
selves; has preserved the faith of the
General Government to one of the
members of the Union, as pledged
twenty y ms before; and has substi
tuted for an unnatural and uncertain
relation between civilized and savage
communities, a separate existence,
equally conducive so the prosperity of
both.
After filling the honorable post of
Governor for two years, Mr. Forsyth
again returned to Washington. He
was elected in the fall of 18211 as the
successor of Mr. Berrien, in the Sen
ate of the United States. That place
lie continued to fill until the summer
of 183d. One of his first acts was the
vindication of Georgia in regard to the
Indians, and the discussion of the sub
ject of the removal beyond the Missis
sippi. Ilis speech delivered soon after
he took his seat is preserved, and con
tains an exposition of the whole policy
and proceedings in relation to that
measure, marked by great abiiiiy and
eloquence. Inthe debate concerning
the appropriation for compensating the
agents employed by the Executive m
negociating a treaty with Turkey, lie
defended, with success, the coarse
adopted by the Administration, as
well as the policy of the measure in a
commercial and political view. In
the discussions relative - to tin tariff lie
strongly advocated the reduction of
the revenue to the absolute wants of
the Government, denying the princi
ple of protection, and seeking to adopt
such measures as would prevent the
accumulation of a surplus revenue in
Treasury. On all the questions that
grew out of this subject he took an
active part in debate, and, indeed, du
ring the last three years of his contin
uance in Congress, perhaps, no Sena
tor, whose views agreed with the Ad
ministration, held a more prominent
place in all the discussions that oecur
( red. His thorough acquaintance with
| the legislative! find political history- of
i the country since tjie termination of
the war; liis personal participation in
all its most prominent events; the
consistency av hich had distingujshed
throughout his conduct as a public
man; and his great facility in debate
—gave him uncommon weight and in
fluence, not merely among his: own
party, but with people of the United
States. In the stirring scenes which
attended the rejection of Mr. Van Bu
re n by the influence of his political
rivals in the Senate, Mr. Forsyth was
not more conspicuous for his ardent
and eloquent defence of a man to
whom he had been long per. Glial3y
attached, than for his,vigorous vindi
cation of the public conduct of that
distinguished statesman; a vindication
wliiph he has had the satisfaction to see
his countrymen unequivocally confirm.
Throughput the daily and hourly ex
citement of the panic session of 1834,
when 'he eloquence and activity of
the presidential candidates on the floor
of the Senate were so signally display
ed, Mr. Forsyth was always at his post,
and evinced in an uncommon degree
the talents of a parliamentary leader.
He secured for himself a high and
merited reputation; and when he with
draw from the Senate he closed in a
rilliant manner his legislative career
of twenty a ears.
On the resignation of Mr. McLane,
asSecretary of State, in the summer
of 1884, Mr. Forsyth was called to that
department, by President Jackson.—
He filled it during the residue of his
Executive term, and has continued to
hold it under his successor. Perhaps
at no period since the war have our
foreign negociations involved ques
tions of greater interest and impor
tance ; and certainly in none have
they been conducted with more pa
triotism, honor and success. The con
test with France which seriously threat
ened for a while a breach of the ami
cable relations ot the two countries,
and which was surfoundad with un
common difficulties, resulted in a man
ner justly accordant with the princi
ples of international justice, and m
every respect gratifying to the Ameri
can people. A similar termination
seems to await the protracted and com
plicated difficulties with Mexico; and
throughout the late events which have
disturbed the frontiers of Carnda, we
may perhaps attribute to the wisdom,
temper, and spirit, that nave marked
the negociations conducted through
the department of State, the escape of
the two nations from mutual causes ol
grave irritation and serious complaint.
To Mr. Forsyth’s talent as a debater
we have already alluded. His man
ner is remarkable lor ease and self
possession; he is fluent in delivery,
and happy in retort; free from all ap
pearance of study, but with a mind
well stored by observation and reflec
tion; on subjects requiring elaborate
discussion and research, his speeches
have been distinguished by great clear
ness of statement as well as power of
argument; and where his feelings are
strongly interested he speaks with elo
quence and fervor. In his state papers
be is generally brief, and they are al
ways marked by a direct and candid
expression of his views, and a vigor
ous style. Asa politician he lias al
ways supported the principles of the
old Republican school, contending
strenuously against every mcacure at
variance with the strictest economy,
or tending to increase the power of the
General Government, and impair the
ascendency and sovereignty of the
States.
Personal Sketches.
JERROLI).
Douglas Jerrold, a well known con
tributor to Bunch, and editor of vari
ous publications, is a man about 50
years of age, and in person is rather
spare and diminutive. His face is
sharp, angular, and his eyes of grayish
hue. He is one of the most caustic
writers, and frequently pens, under the
impulse of the moment, articles which
his cooler judgment condemns. Alto
gether a believer in hydropathy, his
habits do not conform to the internal
application of Adam’s ale. His cau
dle lectures have been read by every
one. In conversation he is quick at
retort, —not always refined. He is a
husband and grand-father.
MACAULAY.
The Hon. T. B. Macaulay is short
in stature, and with a growing tenden
cy to Aldormanic disproportion. His
head has the same rotundity as his
body, and seems stuck on it as a pin
head. This is nearly the sum of his
personal defects; as nearly all else,
except his voice, which is certainly mo
notonous and disagreeable, is in his
favor. Ilis face seems literally instinct
with expression; the eve, above all,
full of thought and meaning. As he
walks, or rather struggles along the
street, he seems as if in a state of total
abstraction, unmindful of everything j
that is going on around him, and sole
ly occupied with his own working
.mind. Yomeaimot help thinking that
literature is, with him, not a mere pro
fession or pursuit, but that it has al
most grown to be a part of himself,
as though historical problems or ana
lytical criticisms were apart ot his dai
ly intellectual food. 1
DE QUINCY. . .
He is one of the smallest-legged,
smallest-bodied, and’ most attenuated
TERMS, 82,00 A YEAR.
NUMBER 35.
effigies of the human form divine, that
one could meet in a crowded city in a
day’s walk. And if one adds to this
figure clothes that arc neither fashion
ably cut nor fashionably adjusted, he
will have a tolerably fair idea of De
Quincy’s outer man. But then his
brow, that punches his obtrusive hat
to the back of his head—and his gray
eyes, that do not seem to look out, but
to be turned inward, sounding the
depths of his imagination, and search
ing put the mystery of the most ab
struse logic,* are something that you
would search a week to find the mates
to, and then you would be disappoint
ed. Do Quincy now resides at Lass
wode, a romantic rural village, once
the residence of Sir Walter Scott,
about seven miles from Edinburgh,
Scotland, where an affectionate daugh
ter watches over him, and where he is
the wonder of the country people for
miles around.
LAMARTINE.
Lamartine is—yes, young ladies,
positively a prim looking man, with
a long face, short gray hair, a slender
figure, and a suit of black. Put a pen
behind his ear, and he would look like
a ‘ confidential clerk.’ Give his face
more character and he would look like
Henry Clay. He lias a line head—
phrenologically speaking—large and
round at the top, and a scant allotment
of cheek. Prim is the word though.
There is nothing in his appearance,
which is ever so remotely connected
with the romantic. He is not even
pale : and as for a rolling shirt collar
or a Byronic tie,- he is evidently not
the man to think of such things. Ro
mance, in fact, is the article he lives
by, and, like other men, he chooses to
sink the shop, at least when he sits for
a portrait.
DUMAS,
On the contrary, is a burly fellow.
His large, red, round cheeks stand ful
ly out, till they seem to stretch the
very skin that covers them, and it
looks as smooth as a polished apple.
His black crisped hair is piled high
above his forehead, and stands divided
into two unequal masses, one inclining
to the right and the other to the left.
His eyes arc dark, and his mouth sen
suous, but not to the degree of vulgar
ity. Ilis person is large, and his flow
ing mantle red. He is a gentleman to
lay bare the throat and look romantic,
not Byronically so, but piraticallj.
Yet he looks good humored, and like
a man whose capacity for physical
enjoyment of some kinds is boundless.
Ilis negro blood is evident enough
to one who knows lie has it, but it'
would not be detected by one who
knew it not. It appears in the pecu
liar rotundity of the man, in all his
parts. It crisps and heaps his hair—it
makes him dress in flowing red to have
his picture taken. But his complex
ion is only a shade darker than the
average. The portrait reminds for a
moment of the late Thomas Hamblin,
the actor.
EUGENE SUE
Is neither prim nor burly. He is a
man of large frame, over which, a loose
black coat is carelessly buttoned. —
Complexion light, eves blue, hair once
blnok now pepper-ana-salt, AvlnsKera
voluminous, eyebrows black, and thick
good forehead, and the lower face am
ple. This conveys no better idea ol
the man’s aj 'pcarance than a French
passport. But the truth is, Sue’s coun
t> nance and figure have none ot thoso
peculiarities which make description
possible. He looks in his portrait
like a careless, comfortable, elderly
gentleman—taking his case in an easy
chair, and an easy 'coat, lie does not
look like an author —authors seldom
do. He is only forty-five years of age,
but he has lived fast, and looks fifty
live.
ID; was a Stranger to Her.—
Those who are termed “simple minded
people” adopt a curiously innocent
mode of expression occasionally, which
comes so near art, at times, as to ren
der its “ simplicity ” doubtful.
We heard of a young married couple,
from the 'country of course, who re
cently attended an exhibition of “Dis
solving Views.” The bride, being
pretty, attracted the attention of a
stylish looking city gent, who happen
ed to occupy the same seat with the
twain. During the exhibition, the
audience part of the hall being already
obscured, by some accident the light
was entirely extinguished. Pending
its recovery,'which occupied some lit
tle time, the city gentleman (perhaps
accidentally) gently pressed the hand
of the bride, who was too much alarm
ed to offer any resistance. This bold
act was followed by a bolder, certainly
not accidental, for the city Lothario
absolutely kissed the bride! This was
loo’ much, and the young wile resolved
to tell her husband, which she did,
when the following whispered colloquy
took place:
“John 1” P
“ What?”
“ This feller here’s kissm me.,
“Well,” said John, who Avas a little
■shy of the citizen, “tell him to quit!”
“No, John, youM\ UunM
“Tell him yourself! ’ •
“.NAJohn, I don’t like to; you tell
him. . The geuVcmay $a perfect stranger
■Mo weT — I torch ester. Tru riser ij4.