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WESTERN GEORGIAN
Rome, February 24, SS3B* 1
The following named gentlemen will act as
Agents for the Western Georgian:
Howell Cobb, Esq., of Athens, Georgia.
E. M. Johnson, Esq., ®f Gainesville, do.
S. Ripley, Esq., of Jefferson, do.
A. Erwin, Esq., of Cumming, do.
John S. Bell, Esq., of Spring Place, do.
R. M. Aycock, Esq., of La Fayette, do.
Turman Walthall, Esq., of Cedar Town.
Paulding County, do.
Leroy Patti I 10, P. M. Monroe, do.
Charles Mmphey of Decatur, do.
Humors.
It is rumored here that Gen. Chas. 11. Nel*
son, was killed in a recent engagement with
the Indians.
It is also said that John Ridge was shot in
Arkansas, while engaged in addressing a
council of his countrymen. A further report
has reached us from the Cherokee Agency,
that John Ross, “principal chief of the Chero
kees,” had committed suicide. We hope the
two first are false, and that the last is true.
United States Bank and Sub-Treasu
ry Scheme.
We publish in to-day’s paper, an abstract
ofthc Sub-Trcasury bill as it is termed, from
the “Augusta Constitutionalist.”
'Die deranged condition of the monitary af
fairs of the country, rooms to demand of the
Government an appropriate retredy. It has
the exclusive controul of the currency, and
the people has a right to look to it for relief.
An institution founded upon the plan of the
old United States Bank, we believe to be ob
jectionable for the following reasons;
Ist. A private corporation cannot manage
the fiscal concerns of the Government, with a
less capital than thirty five millions of dollais.
2d. It is conttary to the spirit of our Gov
ernment to grant a charter of Incorporation
for Banking purposes, for an indefinite period.
3d. If such a corporation should be charter
ed for a limited period, it would have the pow
er, and as experience has shown, it would exer
cise it, to the oppression of local banking in
stitutions, and endeavor to force the Govern
ment to rccharter it, and if the Representatives
of the people should deem its management in
compatible with the public good, another “mo
ncy pressure” would be the consequence.
These are briefly our objections to a Na
tional Bank upon the old plan. The Sub-
Treasury scheme we also object to, under our
present understanding of it. It is new in the
history of political economy, and the ultimate
results which may be produced by its opera
tions, arc at best uncertain. The principal
feature in it to which we object, is its tenden
cy to increase Executive patronage. It is a
matter well settled, that Republican Govern
ments arc in more danger of being destroyed
by an undue exercise of power, than from the
want of it. In addition to this, it seems from
the bill alluded to, that the President and the
Senate of the United Stales will have exclus
ively, the right to appoint all and every offi
cer to carry into effect the Sub-Treasury
plan. Wc should like it better if the direct
Representatives of the people had a voice in
the selection of those officers.
The Cherokees.
In the report of the principal Disbursing A
gent for the Western Territory, communicated
to Congress by the Secretary of the War De
partment, and published in Document, No. 3,
wc notice a description of the country set a
part as the western home of the Cherokees,
and the situation of those Indians who have re
moved hither. Wo quote it.
•’I HK VtIKKOKEES.
“To this tribe has been allotted a very ex
tensive, as well as a very fine tract of country.
Those parts over which I have travelled pos
s ss a sod of very superior quality, adapted to
the production es wheat, small grain of various
kinds, and corn of the largest growth. The
whole country is finely and abundantly tim
bered, and well watered, and the climate is
4<cecdingly favorable to stock.
‘ But a small number of this tribe have, as
yet. removed to the new country. Those that
, have settled there, however, and many of them |
have been in the country several years, are, in
a pecuniary point of view, well off; they raise
wheat and corn in great abundance, and their
stocks of cattle, of hogs, of sheep, &c. are nu
merous. —The people find a market for their
surplus productions in the Government, by
I supplying the garrisons situated in their
country, and supplying the new emigrants
with corn, beef, &c.
“The greater portion of the Cherokees west
arc farmers, have good and comfortable hous
es, and live many of them, as well, and as gen
teel, and, in a pecuniary point of view, will
compare with the better class of farmers in the
States. As a people, generally, they are ag
riculturists, and as such, their resources are e
qual, if not superior, to one fourth of the til
lers of the soil in the old States.”
Wc have quoted this for the purpose of
showing the opponents of the treaty with
the Cherokees of 1835, that the Government
does not seek to remove the Indians to a coun
try in which they may not enjoy every bles
sing of civilized life, to a much greater extent
than they do here. The abject situation of a
majority of the Cherokees in Georgia is well
known to every one who has visited the coun
try.
The example of the Whites, if they were
permitted to remain, would never influence
them to any exertions calculated to bring a
bout improvement. Indian history demon
strates the fact that where Indians are permit
ted to remain in contact with the Whiles,they
become debased, degraded and finally extinct.
Florida.
We learn from the Jacksonville Republican
of the 15th inst. that Gen. Nelson has had an
other engagement with the Indians, in which
he lost thirty killed, and one hundred and thir
ty wounded. Loss of the enemy not ascer
tained. The Indians were headed by Sam
Jones, and thought to be eight hundred strong.
We have been informed that the memorial
of John Ross and his Anti-trca’y associates,
has finally been laid upon the table of the
House of Representatives indefinitely.
This we suppose is a settlement of the ques-1
tion, and the Government will require at the
hands of the Cherokees a strict compliance
with the terms of the trea'y of 1835.
liuliau Ancc.'lote.
A son of the Emerald Isle, travelling in the
Cherokee country, met a native, “Good mor
nio,” said the traveller.
O-sce-u, replied the Indian (meaning good
morning.)
“You sec me,” replied the Irishman, “be
Jasus, I see you too.”
Mentf-wnaAe,” (meaning mean White man)
said the Indian, somewhat offended at the j
rough language of his fellow traveller.
“Skin my neckcr'nnl the Irishman in a
burst of passion. “By the height of the hill of
Ilouth. I’ll skin your own neck first,” and he
forthwith, began to pummel the unfortunate na
tive most unmercifully.
“xVofc-wa” (meaning quit) yelled the Indian.
“Yes,” said the Irishman, “damn your eyes,
I'll knock you till your heart’s contented with
the bating. I’ll give ye
For the Western Georgian.
Mr. Editor: — As the practice has been es
tablished by Our low country friends, of pro.
posing the names of suitable candidates for the
May Convention, permit me to announce
.through vour columns, a ticket which it is be
lieved will meet the approbation of a large
number of the the votcis of the up country.
Robert M. Charlton of Chatham.
Chas. J. McDonald, of Bibb.
Col. Campbell, of Houston.
JtNItS Hillyer, ofClark.
Chas. 11. N elso.n, of Cherokee-
Francis 11. Cone, of Greene.
Hopkins Holsev, of Harris.
Col. Pattersan, of Early,
For the Western Georgian.
_Vr. Editor:— Permit me to introduce to the
Democratic Convention to be held in Milledge
' ville, in May next, through your columns, the
' following named gentlemen as suitable j>ersous
i from which to select a candidate for Congress
for the Cherokee circuit. I am for each judi
cial district being represented in Congress.
Nothing else can insure a continuation ot the
present mode of electing our members, (by ge
neral ticket.)
I Col. Z. B. Hargrove, ofCass.
, “ J NO. 11. LIMPKIN, of Floyd.
“ S. Fariss, of Walker.
’Gen. C. IL Nelson, of Cherokee.
Col. Joseph Waters, of Floyd.
Respectful! v,
EQUAL REPRESENTATION. ,
For the Western Georgian.
Mr. Editor:— The people of this section of
the country, should look to the Union Conven
tion, to be held in May next at the seat of Go
vernment with much solicitude. And that they
may bestow upon this matter a due regard, I
have thought it advisable to call their atten
tion to this subject, through the columns of
your paper. The country in which it is our
boast and pride to live, is'daily and rapidly in
creasing in strength, in wealth, and in impor
tance. Already do our numbers make the
practised politicians of every party, lend a lis
tening car to our wants, and a ready response
is given to our most trifling wishes. And we
did hope as wc had perfect right to expect,that
the time had at length arrived, when the De
mocracy of numbers would ensure us equal re
presentation in the Congress of the United
States, with other sections of the State. But
our claims instead of being acquiesced in by
universal consent, is disparaged by every
Newspaper Editor and hireling scribbler in the
whole country. They seem to lament with
Godly sincerity, that they are unable to pres
ent a name from the Cherokee country to be
supported by the Union party on our next
Congressional Ticket. — And why?—Because
no individual can.be found here of sufficient
character, talents and probity to give the ticket
additional strength throughout the State. Ad
mit their position to be correct, and we still
contend that the Union party of Georgia,
would act very unwisely to set aside the claims
of the Cherokee country upon its immediate
notice anJ cordial support, But the position
of this herd o's writers, who claim fur them
selves the sole and entire government of the
Union party is not true in fact. We have men
ol character and talent here, that have been
long known to the country as able and effici
ent statesmen, and whose hnirs have grown
grey in the service of their cPuPtry. And we
have you ig men of high moral pnu intellectu
al attainments, whose minds would grow am.
expand under a generous support, untu 1 in man
ly maturity, thev would become the prop and
support of our much cherished principles.
The true policy ofevery political party is, tc
have joung men of genius and promise, con
stantly schooled in their service, so that when
those that arc now active and useful, shall pass
away in the decline of life, tie people may
have men to whom they may stid look with
virtuous confidence, in the darkest hours ol
their adversity. From what section ol the
State should a selection of this kind be made?
Not from the counties or sections ol the Slat,
where our political friends arc in the minoiity;
nor, yet from the judicial circuits where we
have but a doubtful or lean majority: but we
should by all means, select him from those that
arc willing to give him their cordial and al
most unanimous support. And 1 contend, we
possess many such in the Cherokee country,
who arc not only talented and deserving, but
persons who could draw around them the un
divided support of this whole country. Wc
have borne with the indignities of lltdt portion
of the Union party, who arc always striving
to defer our claims, and underate our abilities,
as long as reason and justice demands. We
have not publicly disparaged the claim of any
individual to the favorable notice of the party
at that Convention. Neither have we object
ed that any section of the country should be
consulted and equally represented; but we do
say fearlessly and boldly, unless the members
ofthc Convention should nominate a candidate i
from tnis country, the party must sink under
its own mismanagement. The Cherokee Cir
cuit under such a state of things, which may
the fates avert! would be compelled to nomin
ate a ticket for .themselves, from this country,
and refute the base slanders that have been
cast on us in high places—that they were no
better than the savage tribe that surround us,
and could only be governed by the stern dic
tates of military law. We will, on that con
tingency present to the Union party, a ticket
that will convince them that we have not only
one man, but many, to whom we will at least
accord our cheerful support. Individuals who
at least will convince Mr. Everett and the
people of the United States, that he and his
coadjutors elsewhere, arc base and unprinci
pled calumniators. And such men as Liddell,
Hrrgrove, Farris, Nelson, McConnell, and a
host of others can be found in this country,
who will respond to the call of their country
men, and fight to win laurels for themselves
and honor to their country.
For the Western Georgian.
WILLIAM BROOKLYN,
Or the victim of circumstantial testi
mony.
(CONCLVDED.)
Turn we now to a distant scene. In the
dungeon of a county jail, some hundred miles
off, lay a poor emaciated being, who seemed
nigh the portals of eternity. It was Harris,
the murderer of Wells. He had been arraign
ed and tried for a similar offence in the coun
ty where he now was Conviction followed
his trial, and in a few days he was to suffer
the common punishment of such convicts.
He was alone; but the very loneliness of his
prison rendered his confinement mnre intoler
able. The disease which preyed upon him,
and the certain prospect of an approaching
death, had for once softened his flinty heart.
Hd had heard of the trial and conviction of
William Brooklyn, and his imagination was
hourly haunted with the image of an innocent
victim suffering the most ignominious death, to
expiate the foulest crime that he had ever com-
mined. Remorse—tfie most agonizing re
morse, now alone occupied his mind; and he
felt that if heaven would only vouchsafe to him
an opportunity of clearing the innocent, and
snatching a noble youth ftom a grave of infa
my, that half his torments would be remitted.
In the progress of his own trial, he had used
every artifice and wile to extricate, but they
had failed him. The evidence on his trial
contained every ingredient that was necessary
to constitute murder, and he saw that, for him
there was no chance but to die the felon’s
death—a death which he had with the cunning
and perseverance of a deamon, prepared for
Brooklyn.
Labouring under feelings of this kind, he de
termined to make an effort to save his life. In
a short time he was attended by the jailor, and
he requested that functionary to bring as soon
as possible, a magistrate and a witness or two
to his dungeon, as he had something ol impor
tance to communicate.
In a short time he was attended by a justice
of the peace and two other persons, and the
penitent Harris proceeded to lay before them
all the facts relative to the intirder of Wells.
He explained to them the cause of his seeking
such dire revenge, and as the conviction ol
Brooklyn for the murder of his step father was
known throughout the country, ns well us his
approaching execution, the magistrate hasten
ed with all despatch to take down the confes
sion of Hai ri&, that the life of an innocent youth
might not be sacrificed. It was soon comple
ted, and a short consultation was held as to the
best means of using it with success. It was
found upon examination, that the execution of
Brooklyn was to take place on the day after,
and it was then late. No time was to be lost,
and a messenger was immediately despatched,
on a fleet horse with the confession of Harris.
The day for the execution of Brooklyn at
length arrived: The sun rose with cloudless
splendor, and nature arrayed in the gayest
garb of spring, seemed to invite the hearts of
men to the indulgence of sensations far differ
ent from those which are fell at a public exo
cution. Long before the time arrived for the
prisoner to be led forth, thousands had gather
ed around the gallows to witness the closing
scene of the tragedy. Their curiosity was
soon satisfied by the appearance of the prison,
cr. He appeared before his fellow citizens in
the habiliments ofthc grave, seated on his cof
tpi, with a rope around his neck, with the
“hangman’s knot” tied in the most approved
fashioJ by the ketch of the day. lie was
drawn ju old crazy vehicle, and though he
was about suffer the most ignominious of all
deaths, his appearance —his calm and dignified
manner, produced in the by-standes an uni
versal sentiment of pity and comm seration.
By his side sat an aged divine whose withered
cheeks were wet with tears. He had been
administering to Brooklyn the 1 st consoln-I
lions of religion, and from the conversations]
he had frequently had with him, he now be
lieved him innocent.
The prisoner was pale, but his gojoral a;>.
pearance was calm and resigned Between
him and his God, he felt that accounts we/e ba’-
lanced. The hour of trial had arrived and
he felt himself called on to show that the chris
taiu can meet death in its worst form, when
his hope is upheld by a consciousness of inno. !
cencc, and a firm reliance on the father of all. 1
The vehicle which contained him slopped ,
under the gallows. Brooklyn sat motionless,
while the aged divine rose and made a few
touching remarks to the multitude in relation!
to the condition of the victim, lie was about
to render up to God the soul lie had given, and
the anticipation of such a meeting, he said,
was well calculated to excite the warmest sym
pathics of every one. He then proposed that
all should kneel and implore the father of
mankind to receive life approaching spirit of
the sufferer. However aggravated may have
been the crime of the convict—however un
provoked and diabolical itfay have been the
character of the offence which brings him to
the galiows, those who assemble to witness his
death Aba. I’imishrrient under the
law is not intended to satisfy revenge, but to
deter others from the commission of crime.
But wc venture the assertion that in every
case of public execution, the feelings of the
multitude are in favour of the victim. So it
was with Brooklyn. When his venerable ad
viser knelt at the foot of his coffin, not one in
the croud around refused to bend the knee,
and few could suppress the tear of anguish
conjured up by the scene. W hen the feeling
petition was ended, Brooklyn arose and addres
sed his fellow citizens. lam about, said he,
to suffer for a crime I never committed. That
God before whom I expect, in a few moments,
to appear, knows that lam innocent. 1 have
prepared myself for this event, and I do not
fear death. Still, however, human feelings
cling around my heart. 1 have ever tried to i
deserve the good opinions of my fellow men;
and to dio thus, with the foul stain of murder
on my name is more than I am willing to bear.
I repeat that I am innocent, and 1 believe that
sooner or later, the true murderer will be dis.
covered. To those who have accused me, I
say that I forgive you. To all,l bid a long
farewell. lam now, continued he, ready to
subject myself to the sentence of the law.
The time had arrived in which the sentence
was to be executed. The rope was adjusted
to the gallows. The face of Brooklyn was en
veloped in the .cap of death, and the word was
given for the driver to remove from under
him—the only bold he had on life. The vehi
cle passed on at the word, and left the body of
William Brooklyn hanging between heaven
and earth as if fit for neither. For a second
all was still—then came a few convulsive
struggles, and again all appeared to be stjll.
Just as the spirit seemed to have left the bo
dy—just as the gushing tears of thousands
flowed to the ground in : gonizing sympa’hy
for the fate of Brooklyn, a long, loud and shrill
cry was heard, of “Stop! stop the execution
for God’s sake, he is innocent!” Every eye
was directed towards the point from which
these words issued. A horseman appeared
spurring at full speed. He again culled out ?
“Stop the execution,” and when he raised his
eyes to the gallows he again vociferated “cut
him down he is innocent!” The horse he
rode appeared to have made the last exertion
he was capable of, and as the croud separated
for him to enter, he fell beneath his rider in a
state of complete exhaustion. “Cut him
down,” cried the messenger, as he struggled
to release himself from the fallen animal, “he
is innocent, I have papers to prove it.” An
involuntary rtlsh was made by the
to the now inanimate body-of Brooklyn. He
was immediately disengaged from the fatal <
noose ami laid gently on the ground. Medi
cal men were at hand, and all their skill was
put in requisition to resuscitate tile unfortunate
victim. But they all failed—the vital spark
was extinct—the mortal spirit had gone for
ever to Him who gave it; & when the confes
sion of Harris was made known, one universal
groan of anguish burst from every heart, and
one universal prayer rushed up to heaven in
attendance on the disembodied and spotless
soul of Wilfiam Brooklyn. Thus perished
the victim of circumstantial testimony.
ARTHUR.
THE PRE-EMPTION BILL.
Wc have to congratulate the meritorious
settlers of the new Slates upon the passage of
this bill. It was ordered to a third reading in
the Senate after dark on Saturday evening,
the whole day having been devoted to it, as
the two preceding days had been. These
throe days presented in the Senate one of the 7
most interesting debates which has ever been
witnessed th?re. Mr- Clay appeared as the
great antagonist of the bill, and spared no ef
fort, of any kind,, to defeat it. He for
got himself as to use the mdst degrading lan
guage against the settlers on the public lan h,
such as no other Senator used, and which
would be almost in •redible to relate. “Law
less intruders”—“land robbers”—“as nriclt
robbers as ifthey had broken into the Treat:- 1
ury and taken the. public money, or as if they
had taken the public ships; forts and arms”—-
‘■frauds upon the Government,” etc. Such
were the epithets which a Western Senator
bestowed upon the citizens of the new Suites
who have settled upon the public lands. Os
course this language could not be beard by
the Senators from those States without being
indignantly repelled; and repelled it was with
a spirit and success which must be gratifying
to all good citiz-'iis, and espe .iallv S) to the
meritorious cultivators of tiie soil who w< re
thus assailed. The debate will speak for it
self, and will be highly honorable to many Se
nators who vindicated tlvir c.msti 1 ue its from
the infuriate andfhcaith ss n'haeks of M r. Clay..
When it came to the fin d vo‘e. he ibuud him.
self in a miserable minority of twelve vote.-!
We believe it has seldom orewrrej that. Mr.
Clay has exerted himself so much to defeat a
measure. His innate op|M>si;ion to the settlers
was stimulated on th s occasion by political
considerations. Mr. \an B iron had recom
mended the measure; it was, therefore, an Ad
ministration measure, and as such drew forth
new attacks. It was supported by the Demo,
eraev, as a Democratic measure, and as such
was further opposed by bin. It was a death
blow to his distribution schemes; and that vex
ed him. Finally, it was lavoiable to the wes
tern farmers; and o r these Mr. Clay has appro,
ved himself to be the tmi'denliiig cnemv ever
since year 1821), when he was the most vio.
lent of all the opponents to the reduction of the
price ofthc public lands from two dollais to
§1,25 pc-r acre. He also attacked the (Grad
uation I ill, and the President’s recommenda
tion in favor of that bill; all which was the na
tural consequence of his present position as
the champion of the Federalists, and of the
English Bank ofthc United States in Philadel
phia, and, therefore, the natural opponent of
every thing that is favorable to the Democrat
ic interest. In this point of view, all the laws
which aid the farmers and cultivators of tho
soil, are odious and offensive.
We-repeat, the debate will speak for itself.
It will be read with profound interest in all the
new States, and a portion of it will command
atten'ion in every S ate. We speak of that
part of the discussion which grew up on Mr.
Merrick’s motion to exclude foreigners from
the rights of pre-emption. 'Phis motion gave
rise to an animated debate, and from the man
ner in which Mr. Ulay took up the cudgels for
Mr. Merrick,Wid thanked him for making tho
motidn.it was evident that the motion was
prompted by himself, according to his usual
artifice of pushing forward others to make the
motions of which hecdo.es not choose to appear*
I openly as the Mr. Merrick’s motion
to exclude foreigners" from the benefits cf tho
bill, was decided by yeas and nays, and shar
: ed the fate which it musf*always receive wheff
Republicans are in the majority: it was trium
phantly rejee'ed. The Speeches of tho Re-,
publican Senators on this point, are worthy of
themselves and of the occasion.
They denounced it as Federal doctrine—as
the renewal of the odious spirit of the execra
ble alien law of 1798 —as an attempt to curtail
the mere acquisition <f properly by foreigners,
and therefore more detestable than an attempt
to limit their political rights. finally, it was
shown that this motion to exclude foreigners
from the rights of pre-emption, was made and
supported by the man and the party who were
in favor of giving to another description of for
eigners, to wit: The London capitalists, the
command of the currency, the revenues, and*
the politics of the United States; trom the par
tv who gave to an aristocracy of foreigners
the first and secund national b; fik/ and novr