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SOUTHERN SCHOOL NEWS—NOVEMBER, 1962—RASE II
ALABAMA
Negroes Seek Admission
To State’s Public Schools
(Continued From Page 10)
law with me but it is now and has
been and will be a matter of deep
principle with me as it is to all true
Alabamians.”
To some observers, the statements
of Allen and Flowers seem to imply
final acceptance of desegregation after
all legal moves had been made. There
seemed no such implication in the
statements of Governor-nominate
George C. Wallace, who continued to
pledge all-out resistance to segrega
tion, to denounce the federal judiciary
in general, and to attack the Meredith
order and the government’s use of
marshals and troops. He has promised
to organize a state militia to handle
racial situations.
Wallace said those who died in Mis
sissippi “were crucified on the cross
of hypocrisy and political expediency.”
He called on the president to withdraw
the troops immediately and said the
bloodshed was a “direct result of the
federal government and those who con
tinue to seek to use the South as a
method of obtaining the NAACP bloc
vote.”
While President Kennedy “piously”
called on the people to obey laws they
disagree with, Wallace said, the admin
istration had done nothing to stop
“flagrant mass violations of city and
state laws in Albany, Montgomery and
Jackson by Martin Luther King and
his group of outside agitators.”
King had advocated violation of
“unjust laws,” Wallace said, adding:
“The only difference is Martin Luther
King is black and the people of Mis
sissippi and the South who resent this
invasion are white.”
Stands With Barnett
Wallace has repeatedly said he stands
with Gov. Barnett. During his cam
paign for the Democratic nomination
for governor, and on occasions since
then, Wallace has repeated his plans
to “stand in the school house door”
to thwart a federal court order and
to go to jail.
One of his top assistants, and his
choice for finance director during his
administration, told a Dallas County
Citizens’ Council audience in Selma
that Southerners should ostracize fed-
er al judges, their families and friends.
The speaker, Seymour Trammell,
asked:
How can a white man in the South
Perform in the manner they (federal
judges) are conducting themselves?
These federa
judges should lx
scorned and they
and their familie
and their friend
ostracized by re
sponsible South
erners.”
Trammell, 43
solicitor for thoi
Third Judicia
Circuit, was Wal
TRAMMEtt lace’s campaigr
o . manager. In hi.
, e ma address, Trammell called Presi
en Kennedy “power crazy . . . vote
,,°^ ln f ers looking for the bloc vote,
to get ”^* e Sa * d ’ '"Hmy w tU do anything
white children of the South are
the'*’ “ e ^d literally as hostages with
the \ a , nsom being—forced to mix with
black. The black and malignant
Political Activity
hearts of the federal judges, coerced
by the crowd in Washington, are seek
ing to destroy the South. We will not
be destroyed. There is no shame when
right is overwhelmed by military
might.”
Mississippi and Alabama “are stand
ing up proudly and strongly against
the encroachments of the rights of
states,” Trammell said, “but when fed
eral judges hand down an edict which
is unconstitutional, we in the South
will rebel.”
The South must prove that it is
a powerful minority vote too, Tram
mell said: “Then and only then will
(they) get off the backs of the whites
in the South.”
Wallace Supporters
Appeal for Order
In Tuscaloosa, supporters of Wallace
were reported making frequent appeals
to the next governor to maintain law
and order in the event of enrollment
of Negroes at the University of Ala
bama, the main campus of which is
at Tuscaloosa.
An unidentified spokesman for the
group said that several prominent busi
ness and civic leaders were attempting
to influence Wallace to “come down
some” in his adamant stand. The group,
which met Oct. 22, reportedly discussed
ways to prevent “another Oxford.” A
statewide effort was planned to influ
ence Wallace. In Tuscaloosa the group,
according to aspokesman, “is exploring
ways to organize, take the right course
and determine the best plan for pre
senting our ideas to the public.”
John Caldwell, general manager of
the Tuscaloosa Chamber of Commerce,
said, in a civic club address, “We
cannot afford to let Tuscaloosa or Ala
bama become a battleground.” He con
tinued:
“We must take a stand. We must
tell the politicians, now that (strong
segregation promises) was good during
campaigning and you were elected.
But you are hurting my business. You
just keep your mouth shut.” He ob
viously referred to recent speeches by
Wallace.
Caldwell was critical of leadership in
Tuscaloosa, which he described as
sporadic:
“The only time our leaders rise up
and speak is when there is a selfish
or special interest involved. Who will
be the voice here? Who will we fol
low? Each of us has a place in the
power structure. We all influence
someone. But Tuscaloosa’s power struc
ture is sick. A prolonged apathy is
sickness. . . .
“The secret of attracting industry is
to build a community that will attract
industry. The attitude of the people is
the foundation of the community.
‘Take out your pocketbook. Hold
it tight. That’s where you are going to
hurt if conditions change. You don’t
want Tuscaloosa to become a battle
ground. Lawlessness and good business
are not compatible. We may not get
our test in the next 90 days or it may
be 10 months.
“The people of Oxford said, ‘Look at
what the outsiders have done.’
“Hogwash! The people there let it
happen by their apathy. They let the
bully boys, the politicians, the prank
sters bring it on.
School Desegregation Issue
Major Role in Election
Th
Mw"* lssu e—school desegregate
Pant r ] • con *-* nue d to play a dorr
6 ° c ' Hie campaign for the Nc
era l election.
st ronep~. er ?K Republicans, making the
bent n bl ° ™ y ears > linked incur
with the Kennei
Miggj—■ Petion, with the University
bemocrJr C ^ Se and with the nation
die “N p c party’s alleged coveting
<he Drp .f, r ,° bl °c vote” in the North
lce Southern whites.
- res sionai at f]’ “'eluding the entire co:
'tse 0 f relegation, denounced t
b Ppi K m ars . abs an d troops in Missi
Com >nitw POmt . ed . to Li Hle Rock, th<
°1 fighting p Sen ;° rit y, aud their reco
Sena ® T Urights Nation.
P a L u ter Hili said the Repu
'Ying ^ , as a “100-year record
** the South “Ration on Alabar
He mentioned form
President Eisenhower, Richard Nixon
and Gov. Nelson Rockefeller to sup
port his contention that “the Repub
lican Party offers no relief and no
refuge to Alabamians on the question
of civil rights.”
Hill narrowly won re-election over
Gadsden businessman James Martin
who was quick to wire Gov. Ross Bar
nett his support for the Mississippi
position. Hill responded in similar vein,
as did all the incumbent Democratic
representatives from Alabama.
Republican Martin’s near-victory was
one of the most surprising election de
velopments in the South.
White voters were noticeably con
cerned by race issue, but it was im
possible to assess the effect of the
issue, particularly after the adminis
tration’s strong action against Cuba.
# # #
Under Survey
State-Sponsored Study Calls
Negro Intellectually Inferior
George and Wallace
As to anthropology.
“Our police chief made a brave
statement the other day in saying he
would preserve law and order. But
what if the people don’t back him up?
What if he can’t get a conviction? . . .
If we have trouble here, we will get
together, but then it will be too late.
“People walk into my office every
day and ask why don’t we get new
industry. ... If we have lawlessness
here, you won’t have to ask me that
question for the next three genera
tions.”
Caldwell made his remarks before
the Tuscaloosa Civitan Club.
★ ★ ★
Ministers in Huntsville, site of vast
space complex, issued a resolution Oct.
18 appealing for law and order in the
event of desegregation attempts in
Alabama. The resolution, mailed to
Gov.-nominate Wallace and others in
the incoming administration, said in
part:
“Although there are sincere people
who disagree with the changing social
pattern which will soon bring about
desegregation of the University and
schools of Alabama, we nevertheless
feel that defiance is neither the answer
nor the solution, nor are inflammatory
and rebellious statements the type of
preparation that will save us from
violence, discord and confusion.”
★ ★ ★
The Montgomery Baptist Pastors
Conference unanimously approved an
open letter Oct. 29 to Gov. John Pat
terson, Gov.-nominate Wallace and
Montgomery’s City Commission, ex
pressing much the same sentiments as
those in the Huntsville resolution.
Noting existing race tensions, the “re
cent tragedy in Mississippi” and “other
possible crises in our own state,” the
Baptist ministers called on all officials
to maintain law and order and prevent
violence and mob action.
‘Equalitarian
The state of Alabama employed
Dr. Wesley Critz George, professor
of histology and embryology, emer
itus, formerly head of the Depart
ment of Anatomy ef the University
of North Carolina Medical School,
to write a report on “The Biology
of the Race Problem.” The George
report now has been published. Dr.
George marshals many authorities
to refute the findings and teachings
of the late Dr. Franz Boas, whom
Dr. George calls “founder of the
American school of equalitarian
anthropology." The excerpts from
the George report printed below
were selected to present the con
clusions and generalizations that
the author draws from the author
ities he cites. Subheads have been
added.
INTRODUCTION
The United States Supreme Court’s
ruling on the school integration cases
is potentially one of the most fateful
decisions ever made by a court. It
could largely determine the nature of
the flesh, bone, blood, and mind of
future generations of Americans. Sup
port for that decision and adherence
to or rejection of the programs that
it imposes should be based upon the
most complete and reliable knowledge
and understanding that it is possible
to obtain. There is no record that the
Court or the Federal government has
at any time sought to get that knowl
edge and understanding, although the
opinions of certain “authorities” were
cited as justification for the ruling.
When the Justices of the Supreme
Court abandoned former legal prece
dents and the historic meaning of the
Constitution, and based their decision
Dr. Wesley Critz George, a retired
University of North Carolina profes
sor, released on Oct. 3 a state-spon
sored study in which he concluded that
Negroes are intellectually inferior to
whites.
The study, “The Biology Of The Race
Problem,” had been ordered by Gov.
John Patterson. George was paid $3,000
for the 87-page report. However, it
was officially turned over to Gov.-
nominate George C. Wallace, with no
explanation as to why it did not go to
Patterson. George explained only that
“a few days ago it was decided that
this study should be released to the
public now for whatever help it might
be in the present crises.”
Dr. George, former head of the De
partment of Anatomy at the University
of North Carolina Medical School, also
testified in a school desegregation case
in Birmingham.
In his report he said:
“Large and significant differences do
not disappear when social and eco
nomic factors are equated.”
“Integration is evil and doing evil is
not Christian.”
“The white man has demonstrated
his superiority to the Negro in capac
ity to create and maintain civilization
of the types found in the modern
Western World.”
Franz Boas (1858-1942) was pro
fessor of anthropology at Columbia
University from 1899 until 1936.
The following excerpts are from
his “The Mind of Primitive Man,”
published in 1911, in which he ex
presses some of the ideas attacked
by Dr. Wesley Critz George in his
report on “The Biology of the Race
Problem,” written for the state of
Alabama. Subheads have beer in
serted.
... In how far are we justified in
considering those anatomical traits in
regard to which foreign races differ
from the white race as marks of in
feriority? . . . We have recognized that
achievement alone does not justify us
in assuming greater mental ability for
the white race than for others, unless
we can sustain our claim by other
proofs. It follows from this, that dif
ferences between the white race and
other races must not be interpreted to
Anthropology 9
in Brown vs. Board of Education upon
“science” and the opinions of “au
thorities,” they inevitably made the
validity of their ruling dependent upon
the truth and validity of their scientific
material. This should have been sub
jected to critical examination and was
not. In addition there was a great deal
of established fact and pertinent evi
dence bearing on the issue which the
court neglected entirely.
One of the most important problems
facing Americans today is, Shall we
pursue programs that would result in
mixing the genes of the Negro race
with those of the White race and so
convert the population of the United
States into a mixed-blooded people?
Before saying yes to that question,
before making any revolutionary deci
sions relative to so important and irre
versible a matter, the information we
have that bears on the issue should be
carefully examined and critically eval
uated.
As a contribution to presenting such
evidence and for the purpose of weigh
ing the merit of dogmas built up and
imposed upon the public as a basis for
revolutionary social and political pro
grams, it is the object of this study
to ask certain questions of a funda
mental biological nature and to see
what answers are given by the facts
as discovered and reported by the most
credible scientists. . . .
During the last four decades, while
knowledge of heredity has been ac
cumulating rapidly, there has been a
widespread and intensive campaign to
break down belief in the importance
of heredity in the affairs of men and
to establish environment as the major
if not the only factor of significance
in determining the nature of their lives
(See GEORGE, Page 12)
Intermarriage, he said, would result
in “the invariable deterioration in those
races which intermarry with Negroes
(and) bring about deterioration in the
quality of our genetic pool.”
A study of “thousands of examina
tions” given members of both races
over a period of many years showed,
he said:
1. “Only about 10 per cent to 20 per
cent of Negroes examined exceed the
white median of intelligence (equality
would require 50 per cent.)
2. “About six times as many whites
as Negroes fall in the gifted child
category.
3. “About six times as many Negroes
as whites fall beow 70 I.Q.—that is, in
the feeble-minded group.”
200,000 Years Behind
Dr. George contended that the Ne
gro is, from an anthropological stand
point, at least 200,000 years behind
white advancement:
“Through all recorded time the Ne
gro never invented the wheel, the
sail, the plow or a system of writing.
“He never produced a great religious
leader or philosopher. He remained a
relative savage through the ages in
which the Caucasian and Mongol were
building their civilizations.”
For further details, see the accom
panying texts.
mean superiority of the former, in
feriority of the latter, unless this rela
tion can be proved by anatomical or
physiological considerations. . . .
There is, of course, no doubt that
great differences exist in the physical
characteristics of the races of man. The
color of the skin, the form of the hair,
and the configuration of lips and nose,
distinguish the African clearly from
the European. The question to decide
is, What relations have these features
to the mental aptitude of a race? . . .
Notwithstanding the numerous at
tempts that have been made to find
structural differences between the
brains of different races of man that
could be directly interpreted in psy
chological terms, no conclusive results
of any kind have been attained. The
status of our present knowledge has
been well summed up by Franklin P.
Mall . . . He holds, that, on account
of the great variability of the indi
viduals constiuting each race, racial
differences are exceedingly difficult to
discover, and that up to the present
time none have been found that will
endure serious criticism.
* * ¥
When we turn our attention to the
Negro problem as it presents itself in
the United States, we must remember
our previous considerations, in which
we found that no proof of an inferi
ority of the Negro type could be given,
except that it seemed possible that per
haps the race would not produce quite
so many men of highest genius as
other races, while there was nothing
at all that could be interpreted as sug
gesting any material difference in the
mental capacity of the bulk of the Ne
gro population as compared to the bulk
of the white population. . . .
. . . the essential point that anthro
pology can contribute to the practical
discussion of the adaptability of the
Negro is a decision of the question how
far the undesirable traits that Eire at
present undoubtedly found in our Ne
gro population are due to racial traits,
and how far they are due to social
surroundings for which we are respon
sible. To this question anthropology can
give the decided answer that the traits
of African culture as observed in the
aboriginal home of the Negro are those
of a healthy primitive people, with a
considerable degree of personal initia
tive, with a talent for organization,
and with imaginative power, with tech
nical skill and thrift. Neither is a war
like spirit absent in the race, as is
proved by the mighty conquerors who
overthrew states and founded new em
pires, and by the courage of the armies
that follow the bidding of their leaders.
There is nothing to prove that licen
tiousness, shiftless laziness, lack of ini
tiative, are fundamental characteristics
of the race. Everything points out that
these qualities are the result of social
conditions rather than of hereditary
traits.
It may be well to state here once
(See BOAS, Page 12)
Dr. George’s Report Attacks
Excerpts Given From Boas’s
‘Mind of Primitive Man’