Newspaper Page Text
Friday, May 14,
1965
THE SOUTHERN ISRAELITE
AS WE WERE SAYING — by Robert E. Segal
Title VI and Title VII
(A Seven Arts Feature)
Education and Jobs. Title VI
and Title VII of the U. S. Civil
Rights Law, enacted nearly a
year ago. Why is the news about
the school and employment as
pects of the law more momentous
SO,Us
OPEN ALL NIGHT
Ponce de Leon at HighlanH
now then a year ago? Do the
school systems of Southern states
and industries of the North really
feel the impact yet? When will
they learn? How?
There is a whip in the Title
VI of the Civil Rights I^iws—the
section dealing with education: if
public schools do not desegregate,
federal funds customarily pro
vided to the states will be cut
off. That’s why there will be
much scurrying about among
.Southern school board people
and state officials this spring and
summer to see what can be done
about complying with the law.
Title VII, dealing with job dis
crimination, may well have an
even greater impact than Title
VI The wheels will really begin
to turn on July 2, 1965. On that
date, employers and unions with
100 or more workers will be cov
ered by the new, comprehensive
federal law. Coverage will be
extended gradually; and by July
2, 1968, employers and unions
with 25 workers will be cover
ed.
Will Washington mean busi
ness on this issue? Judging by
the size of the army of new con
verts won for the cause of equal
ity of opportunity by the Selma
outrages and the drive for pas
sage of the voting registration
law, few can doubt that the fed
eral government will discharge
its vast responsibility. Senator
Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania was
on the right track when he ad
vocated early in April that
President Johnson move then to
establish the U. S. Equal Em
ployment Opportunities Commis
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sion, required by the 1964 law.
This five-member commission
will be responsible for enforcing
the law’s ban on discrimination
m employment because of race,
color, religion, sex or national
origin.
There are many other reasons
suggesting the advisability of
tnoying forward now on the em
ployment front: Young people—
the huge crop of war babies —
now coming on to the job market
in great numbers are not absorb
ed by the military establishment
as were their dads. It is estimated
that 15% of all youngsters seek
ing work now can’t find it. Our
national unemployment rate con
tinues to hang around 5%. Auto
mation is chewing up 30,000 to
40,000 jobs a week. Some mach
ines in their cold, mechanical
selves represent the equivalent
of a high school education; and
that’s formidable competion.
Moreover, unless our govern
ment people at the top move fast,
our Federal Manpower Training
Program, so helpful in the race
against time, will be off the
books. This law, which makes
training possible at pay of $24
to $44 a week, will expire June
30, 1966, just about a year after
Title VII of the federal Civil
Rights Law takes its first big
bite.
But government alone cannot
be expected to pull off the mir
acle of ending job discrimination,
providing job motivation, setting
up training programs, securing
job advancement. From here on
out, much depends upon the at
titudes and vision and manage
ment and the trade unions. In
forum after forum, business
leaders have been told that end
ing job discrimination is not only
proper ethics but good business.
In many cities, especially where
civil rights groups have done a
thorough job of prodding, Ne
groes for the first time are find
ing places as bank tellers, as ac
countants, as personnel represen
tatives. A burst of steam by the
National Urban League has seen
one out of five Negroes register
ed with that agency’s National
Skills Bank placed in better jobs.
The building trades unions are
certain to be tested again and
again until openings are made
for Negroes. Up to now, it is
pretty well indicated that only
token gains have been made in
several of the unions. But labor’s
traditional commitment to human
rights plus the vulnerability of
people bossing the big construc
tion contracts into which govern
ment money flows suggest the
ingredients for a break-through
soon on that front. Nor can any
reasonable observer of the civil
rights battle doubt that the con
struction of school buildings and
other public edifices will go for
ward smoothly from now on if
discrimination is not eliminated.
An aroused public will not suf
fer the perpetuation of such hy
pocrisy.
We seem certain to find then
that as the power of Title VII
impresses itself on the public
mind, the curse of employment
discrimination in America will be
eased. Nearly a quarter of a cen
tury of battling for such advance
ment lias preceeded this promis
ing upturn. President Roosevelt’s
wisdom in issuing the first exec
utive order requiring equal op
portunity in employment on fed
eral government contracts in
1941 is a part of that story of
progress. Add to the federal ac
tion then and under Presidents
Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy,
and Johnson, the dramatic acts
by 21 states and a number of our
great cities in passing Fair Em
ployment Practices Laws; and
you see some of the reasons for
progress.
But along with the strength
brought to the fight by the ac
tuality of federal and state laws
lies the quiet determination of
business leaders, union states
men, and civil rights proponents
to end the scandal of job bias
and to get on with other unfin
ished work in America.
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