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. tution of the United Slates it the work of
"Ttrejority of the people, and not the majority of
alatea, the right of sovereign rontract on the
part of the state* is at onre destroyed; and
that under the arquiessenca of the Supreme
court,f in whirh ca*e the usurpation* of the
General Government by a majority, would he
supreme, without the possibility of redress or
even appenl on the part of the states. An
endeavour to expose the Hilaries of this and
other doctrines of the same order, is not our
. present purpose whatever we may hereafter
attempt. It is simply to sketch their churac
ter, and point out their tendencies.
To every reflecting and impartial person
most be obvious, that those who endeavoured
to inculcate by precept and example such prin
ciples aa these, are no friends to that true,free
and republican form of government which the
framers of the Constitution intended should
govern the political association of theso Uni
ted Slates, The party which advocate these
doctrines have, before the hirth of the Con
•tiliitmn, until the present period, showed
derided opposition to its true character, and
an unmitigated resistance to tho principles of
its formation. Nor have we nrrived nt such
a conclusion hy any process of mere abstract
reasoning. It is an art of involuntary faith,
over which wo can exert no influence as ti
believing or not believing; it has been literally
forced upon the mind, by an array of factu in
the political history of this country, which
examined will Rlike overthrow the doubts of
the skeptic, and the sophistry of hypocrites.
Nor are we entirely without the support of
respectable opinion; on the contrary,
have that kind of testimony from the highest
source. Mr. Jefferson, than whom wo pro
sume there ia no higher authority, in a letter
to R. M. Johnson, expresses himself in rela.
tion to this party, in no very equivocal Inn
gunge. After in some sort complaining of
the abuse which they had *howercd with a li
ber il hand on him, for the pure and repuhlt
can mnnnrr in which the affairs of Govern
ment were administered, he umkes these re.
marks: “ Rill I camn In the government un
dor rirrunislanres calculated to generate pc
cttliar nctimony. I found all its oflices in the
possession of n political sort, who wished to
transform it ultimately into the shapo of their
darling model, the English government; nnd
in the mean time to familiarize the public
mind to the change, by administering it on
English prinriples, and in English forms. ”J
The 11 political seel” in which Jelf'i son here
alluded, was the parly which opposed his elec
tion to the Presidency, prefering to him nn in
dividual every way inimical In the parly which
Jefferson represented, nnd under whose ad
ministration tho Constitution was so " palpa
bly" and violently infringed, in the ennetmenf
of tho alien and sedition laws—which parly
was then as now, denominated Federalists.—
Again, in a conversation which this same dis-
tinguished individual had with General Wash
ington nn the 1st of Octobor, 1702, he ex
presses the same sentiments, in giving his
reasons why ho thought thnl Washington
should continue nt the helm of government,
and guido its infant footsteps nl least one term
longer; and when ho hinted nt 'lie existence of
auch principles as the above, Washington ob
served "that aa to the idea of transforming
this government into n monarchy, ho did not
believe there were ten men ip the United
States, whose opinion* were worth attention,
who entertained such a thought,’’ “I told him,”
any* Mr. Jefferson, “ that there woro tnanv
more than he imagined." I then referred him
to a conversation which occurred nl his own
table, between General Schuyler, on ono side,
and Ptnrkney and myself on the other, where
in the former maintained the potition, that he
reditary discent was as likely to produce good
magistrates, as election. I told him that though
the people were sound, there were a nttmsr-
ous seel who had tnonarchy in contemplation.
That the Secretary ol tho Treasury (Air. E.
Randolph) was ono of these. That 1 had
heurd him say that tho Constitution was a
shilli-shalli thing of mere'milk and wnter,
that could not last, mid teas only good as a
step to something belter. That when we ro.
fleeted that ho had endeavoured ill the con
vention to make an English Constitution of
it, and when failing in that, we saw all his
measures tonding to bring it to the same thing,
it was natural for us to be jealous, nnd parti
cularly when we saw that those measures had
established corruption in the Legislature,
where there was n squad devoted to the nnd
of the Treasurer, doing whatever lie directed,
and ready to do whatever ha should direct."§
The apparent difference uf opinion which ia
liere manifested between these two illustrious
personage*, might in some persons produce a
lessened respect for the opinions ol Mr, Jef
ferson, were It not for the fact that in subse
quent conversations between them. Washing
ton expressed himself in n very different man
ner, || and in much more unreserved language.
On this subject, using the tame arguments to
to detain Jefferson in the Cabinet, aa ho (Jef
ferson) had employed with him.
Arguments of this kind might be produced
to almost any extent, were it necessary, but
believing, that those we have i.ffurcd will he
fully sufficient for our purpose, wn w ill leave
this part uf the subject. But before proceed
ing however, to,point out the final results
which wo think will inevitably follow should
tho various doctrines advocated by the “ Fe
deral party," become the acting principles by
which this government shall be kept in mo
tion, and the political destinies of the people
composing these United Stales be governed ;
we beg leave to make a few digres-ional re
marks.
We have been short and concise in our
sketch of that patty, for two reasons—1st
Experience has proved to us, that long and
elaborate articles, however meritorious, nro
comparatively seldom read, when found in the
columns of a newspaper; and 2ndlv, The
design of the writer has been more to intro
duce the subject than to discuss it nt length.
Considerable excitement has manifested itself
of Into throughout the state in regard to the
Tariff Tho people have become aroused
somewhat, by what all deem nn attempt to
impose upon them n system originiating from
power usurped by the General Government,
and in itself utterly subversive of those rights
nnd immunities, which as citizens of a sover
eign slate, they feel to be their legacy. It is ob
vious to all, that tho Tariff is almost the exclu
sive subject which has produced this excite
ment and theso alarms ; and bv turning their
nttonlioo entirely to this, they-lose sight to a
great extent of other matters, not so promi
nent indeed, but equally important to Consti
tutional liberty. It may serve to torn public
attention to the politienl history of o ,r coun
try, to collect and arrange facta, and arrive at
conclusions will, certainly in relation to tho
ohiects which men and parlies have had in
view when they have advocated certain prin
ciples and doctrines ; and lie that will take the
trouble to do this, will ascertain ns wo before
hinted, thnl the same party which opposed the
the Constitution in 1787, which elevated John
Adame to the Presidency, and under whose
auspices and fostering were passed the memo
ruble alien and sedition lows, which opposed
the election of Thomas Jefferson, and sup.
ported Burr, which opposed (he Inst war. nnd
got up the Hartford Convention, which Imvo
advocated and still advocate tho doctrine o
unlimited construction of the Constitution
order to produce the hank oflhe United Stales,
nnd the system of internal improvement, are
the same which advocate front principle ns
well us policy, the Tariff of 1828 nnd ’32.
Wo shall now endeavour to point out whnt
we concnivnln ho the legitimaln results,towtiich
the doctrines of the Federal party tend. In
doing this, we shall ns far as wo nro capable,
divest ourselves of prejudice and partiality ;
which are more or less inmates of every bo-
soni, and he guided hy the light of reason only.
We commence with the doctrine of con
struction, and endeavour to show whnt may
bo its influence in the operations of the go
vernment, if suffered to proceed unmolested.
Wo shnll take an instance or two and reason
mpartinlly. And first, wo will lake the sedi
lion law of’OS for nn exnmple. Tho Admin
istration of tho government nnd tbo major
to be looked on ns ono of the national guards.
It wns certainly a frail project in the framers
uf the Constitution to guard with vigilance,
and scrutinize with such zealous patriotism, in
order to define tho various powers which the
government was to exercise, if tho instrument
containing such defined powers is to lie sub
jected to the laiiiudinarian constructions
which gave truth tti such a law ns Lei
the whole instrument be treated in the same
way, (and indeed the practice has gone to an
alarming extent already.) and the character of
the government, under which our posterity in
the course of a few more generations may
live, will he no more like that which wasexerris-
ed in the days of Jefferson’s administration,than
the government of Rome under the first consuls
was liko the government of Rome under the
Ivrnnny of Nero or Caliguln. And when wo re
flect that the sedition law was not only the first
-step to the usurpation of power hy construe-
non, but that tho system of internal improve
ment, tiie National Bank and the Tariff Sys-
tpm, nil spring from the same origin, and that
tiie ndvoentes of these measures seem more
steadfast, and determined to pursue their
course of late than formerly, in dcfianco of the
alarming excitement which they have occa
sioned in some slates to the danger of the
Union ; the most friged skeptic must see
nnd feel that Ihere in much cause to dread ap
proaching anarchy and confusion, or whnt is
worse, because it is hard to remedy a consoli
dation of the states, and the final instil utton
of a government of complete nnd total despo
tism. Tho doctrine ndvocated by Mr. Web
ster and others, declaring that our government
is National and not Federal, emulating direct
ly from the people of the United Stales, instead
of Iroin the Stales as independent sovereigns,
attd is therefore a goverment of the people em
phatically, is admirably calculated to suit the
views nnd further tho interests of latiludina-
rians or constructionists. The same part of
tho Constitution, from which is deriied thn
power to make appropriations for (lie construe,
lion of roads, canals, brtdgos &c. will also admit
of a construction to build edifices nnd estab
lish schools and seminaries of learning, both
in science and the fino arts. Now, if our go
verninont is national, tho welfare of the ma
jority is tho “ general welfare,” and thus the
funds in the treasury might ho appropriated to
the erection of seminaries of loarning in all its
branches, all over those statos who have a re
presentative majority in ‘Congress; and that
part of the Union composing tho minority,
stand their rights—all the better feelings of
their hearts must be hurried beneath the an
gry, malignant name of passion, in order to
make them feel as men ought to feel. We
have Clay’s, and Calhoun’s, and Webster’s,
and McDuffie's, Hayne’s and Hamilton’s, nnd
Berrien’s, who cannot without pain, behold
the good people of this country suffering un
der all the misrule of Jackson, while tney
would he willing to sacrifice nil their love of
retirement, nnd oven nccept of tho Presidency
and offices of the Cabinet, to give their coun
try the advantage of their talents and patriot
ism. O, how it grieves thorn to see such
men ns Jackson, nnd Cass, nnd Livingston, at
part of its offices, were at that time " in tho and opposed to those doctrines, have no pus.
possession of a political sect,” whoso charac-1 sihlo mode of redress short of revolution.—
1 Vide the cj|Aj*«ed opinion of th* Ssprtms Court
in the csss of McCulloch, ts. the Stats nfMartland.
t VWeJetTsrson's works, Vol. 4th. ptjr* 109/
4 VkU Jefferson's works, Voh 4tb, page 493.
| Ibid.
ter wo have endenvored to delineate. They
had accepted tho greatest honors and emolu
ments of the government, whoso very cxis.
lence they had endeavoured to prevent. Tho
instrument from which this government deri
ved all its powers, though particular in all its
' atures, and express in all its bearings, is by
them made the subject of the most strict nnd
critical examination, for the purpose of ascer
taining how far its defective or unguarded phra
seology would admit of constructions, upon
hiclt might bo predicated the power to pass
certain laws which that instrument did not ex•
pressly authorize. By proceeding in this way,
the enactment of a law is procured, which de
clares “ that if any person shall write, print,
litter or pahlish, nr shall cause or procure to
bo written, printed, uttered or published, or
slrnll knowingly or willingly nssist or aid in
writing, uttering nr publishing any false scan
dalous nnd malicious writings against tho go
vernment of tho United Slates, or the Pros?
dent ofthe United States, with an intent to
drfamo the said government, or cither housca
of Congress, or tho said President, to bring
them or either of them into contempt or disre-
puto nr e.rcile against them the haired of the
people of the United Stales, $c. 1J-c. ; llton
such person on conviction thordofbeforo any
court of tho United Slntcs, having jurisdiction
(hereof, shall be punished by fine not exceed
ing two thousand dollars, nnd by imprison
ment not exceeding two years." The effoel of
this law (as is obvious to nil) wns of a double
nnture ; it almost entirely prevented that ex
pression of public opinion in relation to tho
officers of government, (who derived their
power directly from the people,) so necessary
to the preservation of the liberties of the peo
ple, and the purity of h free government; hy
it the liberty of press wns olmnst entirely
abolished, which liberty has ever been consi
dered the grentesi disseminator of intelligence
and sound policy. It also, bad thn effect of
giving the incumbents of tho governmental of
fices, (however execrable their conduct or
principles might be) a decided sdvnntngo over
political opponents, however meritorious, or
however virtuous and well founded their claims
might have been. Now, when we see affor
ded as a pretext for the passage of this law,
that aecluin* of the Constitution, which snys,
that Congress shall have power, to make all
laws which shall be necessnry and proper, for
enrrying into execution the foregoing powers,
that one of the foregoing powers woa to “ pro
vide for the common defence and general wel
fare." That the sedition law wns one of the
means of providing for the common defence,
and that the punishment of seditious writers"
was suppressing insurrections, within the
meaning uf the Constitution ; wo are naturally
led to conclude that the power* of our govern
ment are perfectly unlimited, subject only to
tho pleasure of those who control its opera
tions, and subject m political mutation* and
inconsistencies, just in proportion as the hu
man intellect is diversified, and the opinions of
mankind niter from the force of circumstances.
We cannot treat this attempted justification of
the sedition law with any sort of gravity.—
There is something too facetious for argument
in the discovery that the sedition law belong
ed lo the military power of government, that
one means of national defence was indictment,
and that a district attorney, whether casemen-
ted or mounted on the folds of hi* writs, was
• Vide lb* 18th Sect, ofthe 8th Art
Tho proceedings of the Constructionists, alias
the Federal party, so far, nro nothing more
than what wo havo been taught to expect; for
never did a lenrned astronomer predict tho
eclipse of the sun with more fidelity and accu
racy, than did Patrick Honry point out the
consequences of adopting the present Consti
tution, in his celebrated speeches In tho Vir
ginia house of delegates. It seems as il, *• by
inspiration taught," ho cited thnt assembly to
the very sections which wns to suffer first by
mal-construction. Though tcfloctions of this
kind are naturally calculated to arouse the
dormant energies of freemen, and make them
anxiously look nround for some " method” by
whirh these evils may bo arrested, nnd our
government brought back to its original purity,
we should bo cautious and prudent in our ac
tions, lest by endonvoring to avoid Scylla, we
strike and are split on Chnrybdis. Nothing in
the moral world is exempt from mutation of
some kind, when homogeneously compared,
and accordingly “ all experience hath shown
that the rarest thing in the history of man, uud
the most difficult thing in nature to preserve,
is a popular government worth living under.”
It is true, that wo commenced our political
enreer as a nation, under circumstances pe
culiarly auspicious over that of nny nation
who proceeded us. Tho origin of our govern
mental rules, are not obscure and uncertain,
but known to every one ; our laws as a nation
are not derived from fictitious legends or tra
ditions, hatched in tho cradle of ignorance,
and brought up by the bonds of superstition
nnd prejudice; but they come from authorized
legislators of the people, to operate on the
public. We should recollect that if the reve
lation of the Deity himself to man, has been
made the subject of angry discussion, discor-
taut opinion, and warfaring sects, how rea
sonably may we calculate on the perversion
of an instrument of human composition,depen
dant for immutability on the uncertain tenure
of man’s wisdom. Let us, therefore, he gui
ded by prudonco, profiting by the occurren
ces of the past.
MARCELLUS.
—&3&—
ron THE SOUTHERN BANNER.
Messrs. Editors,—I have for somo time
considered the union of these United States in
danger, not indeed, because the people of eve
ry section of the country may not he happy
and prosperous under our Stnto, and General
Government; but because we havo too many
groat men for our offices ; and because these
greet men nro permitted by the common peo
ple, to give Iona nnd direction to public sent?
ment upon subjects, concerning which, every
man in the commu'nitv is perfectly able to
judge for himself. But these pretended watch'
lul guardians of the people’s rights, these dis
interested, sympathising politicians who la
bour alone for th.t people’s good, are unwil
ling that tho country .should runmtn quiet, and
that our citizens shopld pursue' the even tenor
of their way in the enjoyment of all the bles
sings, which any nation could roasonably
desire.
They, the common people, say these lea
ders are sore oppressed, and they dont know
it. They are loosing our services a* public
officers. They must be aroused ; such tal
ents os ours ought not lo be unemployed.—
Hence a whirlwind must be raised—a dust
mutt be thrown in the eyes of the common
people, to enable them to aee—their reason
must be nullified, to enable them to under-
ibe head of Government ! Their chivnlric
hearts bent high with the love of country, their
disinterested patriotism fires at (he sight of a
good dinner, nnd the thundering wine glass
moves all the energies of (heir daring souls!!
A voice from the graves of their ancestors
calls upon them to whet their swords upon the
tomb stonos of sires who burst the iron chains
of British despotism, and for shame to sunder
those cotton nnd woollen cords, with which
the hard hearted Yankees are binding them !! I
Disinterested, daring spirits I! Behold with
whnt firmness they aim the mnzzlo of the
wine glass nt every enemy of their country,
and with what courage they pour upon her
pitiless oppressors the wasting grapeshot of
damning, nullifying toasts !! Whnt n misfor
tune that such men cannot ho at tho head of
government 1 How much better to hove
twenly-four8uch Presidents, guiding the des,
tinios nnd blessing the citizens of theso So
vereign Slates, than lo he under tho rule of
feeblo old Jackson !! How foolish in the citi
zens of the South to hesitate one moment to
sever the Union, for the purpose of obtaining
the scrvicos of such men in office? What
would not Calhoun do, were he President of
the Uliited Republic of South Carolina and
Georgia ? Only put McDuffie at the head of
the Slate department, and would not he, who
can convert 14,000 into n million,be able to de
vise ways nnd means to fill our pockets with
cash f What would not his grant national
constitutional bank do for us, citizens cf the
South ? Only make Ilayno nr Hamilton So,
rrctary of War, and they would survey every
rond in our land, und bring a canal or rail road
through every corn field and “ cotton patch"
in all this mighty Republic of tho South
Just make Berrien Attorney General, and
you would never have any more contests,
tnalo or female in all this delightful Govern
ment!! Why he’d nullify “ them Yankees,
if they even brought a wooden nutmeg, or
horn gun flint across your line, as soon ns he
silenced Mrs. Eaton, nr.d taught old Hickory
what ladies could be permitted to stay
Washington!—Pardon me, Mr. Editor, for
turning a subject serious as tho liberties of my
country into ridicule. I cannot, howover, with
out feeling the keen edge of satire sharpening
my pen, attempt to write upon this subject!
cannot, without a feeling of contempt, hear
men gravely inquiring “ what has been the
advantage of the Union to the South?"
cannot, without more than contempt nnd in
dignntion, behold tnen attempting to incite
their countrymen to civil war. for evils which
they know to be in n great measure imaginary,
and which, if real, will tiocessnrily remedy
themselves in n short time, without tho deso
Inlions of civil wnr, and the horrid spectacle
brother cutting the throat of brother. 1 can
not, without a feeling better felt, than expres
sed, behold a few nspiring demagogues at,
tempting to tnflamo the public mind.fhrthepur
pose of consuming those obstacles which im
pedo their ambitious strides to places of power
and profit! 1 rannot'see men who profess
ho the friends and, some " o pudor,” tho min
isters of the Prince o( peace, seizing tho torch
of discord end civil war, without contempt
Yos, to soo a pitiful driveller of nullification
mingling with '.he sons of wnr end drunkenness,
lo-doy, and to-morrow standing in the place
of mercy and peace, is indeed sickening to the
heart of patriotism as wejl as Christianity !—
Who can fail to frown upon that man, whom
his country has raised from poverty and in,
significance, to wealth and power, publicly
preaching the doctrines of disunion and civil
war—attempting to inflame the minds of the
young, and lo blind the eyes of the ignorant,
and to work upon the sordid avarice of the mi
ser! Look at the heartless demagogue pledg,
ing “ his life, his fortune, and his sacred lion,
or,” yet with no more intention of breasting
the storm, which his own foul breath is raising,
than of ceasing to look alone at his own per,
sonal agrandisement ? Who will not blush
for the men, who, in the face of facts, will
continue to assert what they know to he false
Who, without pity, can behold men in the en
joyment of the richest blessings, a kind Provi
dence ever bestowed upon a penpl e, suffering
themselves to be seduced bv thosowho have
fattened upon their kindness, and risen upon
their credulity ? Whose heart does not sicken
when he looks at his country, blessed with all
that can make a nation free, arid honorable,
and happy, torn with intestine feuds, dtslrnc,
ted with contending factions, and perhaps
about to be plunged into all the horrors of ci
vil war? And why all this commotion ? Why
all Ibis rage, and strife, and noise of men? I
look in vain for the reality of that picture of
suffering, which the ambitious demagogue and
the apostate Priest pourtrny over their wine
I ask in vain for the dangers to which our li
berties are exposed I For, I see a country
extensive and powerful, and enlightened, with
a Constitution the purest which has ever been
granted to a nation.* I know ihere are dif
ferences of opinion in the interpretation of this
instrument, which are considered important.
I know ihere are aecticnal interests and sec
tional jealousies. But can these things lead
to the enslaving of any portion ofthe country!
Are there not so many common, as well as
conflicting interests, that a majority cannot
* I know the Tariff is unequal and therefor* unjust,
but not to the extent pretended by Nullifiers.
long greatly oppress and injure the mino™,,
And nre the sections) jealousies more nut>
ous or more disastrous, than would be th
which would arise in any portion of the 00°*'
try, were that portion to secede f ror ,
Union ? What have been the feelings betw/
Clark men and Troup men in Georgia ? lyu*
is now the feeling between the large ceuntie!
and the smnll ? Have not the upper count. I
been paying to tho lower, a heavier tax th **
ever the Tariff imposed ? What has been th"
feeling betweon South Carolina men ad
Georgia mon ? la it reasonable to suppng
that men who have treated each other as b»
the leading men of the two great parties i (l .k**
State, or in this Stale and South Carolin *
would live long under the same governme
witho’it differences more ruinous than tho"'
which now distract the United States ? v* 6
as well might you mingle oil and water ai t
make these men harmonize. Could the cii°
zens of Georgia and South Carolina, five nl !'
ceab'y and amicably under the same form
government, were they alone to constitute th
State ? Would there be no jeatauny, no ,1'
interest, which would creep in and forever d *
stray tho welfare of both ? Wo all knon g,*!
a common quarrel lends to unite those who'
other respects ore opposed. And yet, | )ow ™
it in this case with Carolina ana Georgia! | 3
there not as much bitterness even now on the
subject of tho National Bank, and the doc.
trine of Internal Improvement, between *. ln) e
of the champions of Nullification and Dim.
nion, as Ihere is between Tariff and Anti-Ta*
riff? And hud they not been engaged in tfo
quarrel with the General Government, would
not these bones of contention havo produced
as much bitterness as is now mingled with the
other ? Do we not know that as you narrow
the area on which the contest takes place, you
increase the heat and zeal, and bitterness of
strife ? Form your Southern Republic, and
bow soon would the rhivalric Nullifiers of
South Carolina, who are tho fathers of Inter,
nal Improvement, draw upon your Southern
Treasury, for Rail Ronds to Charleston, the
great port of ontry for the South ? A few mil-
lions of taxes would no doubt he recommend
ed in President Calhoun’s first message, for
fortifications around the Queen of Cities—
Would there be no rivalry between the inhabi
tants of our sea board and those of Sooth.
Carolina? Would Savannah be willing to
have her resources all dried up, for the salt of
pouring the wealth of Geogiainto the great em-
porium of the great Southern Republic ? Should
wo not need ships and fortifications at so mi.
ny points, as to puzzle even Secretory Mc
Duffie, to provide the ways and moans? Ab
surd I worse than absurd, to suppose thnt S.
Carolina and Georgia could form a Union
which would not be a rope of sand ! The lo
cation of a sent of Government—the election
of the first Chief Magistrate, would rend in
pieces a Union composed of materials discor-
tant and repulsive, as positive and negative
electricity. But, perhaps it will be said that
the remedy proposed by Nullifiers is peaceful
nnd will not result in disunion. Be not de
ceived ! It can no longer be doubted that the
object is disunion. They wish no other effect,
and there can be none. Have tboy not shown
in Congress thnt they desire no peace with
other portions of the Union ? Do they not de
clare that war is the resort, if they ure resisted
by .the General Government ? And will Gen.
Jackson suffer any stato or states, to nullify
an act of Congress? Ask his letter to the
Union men of Charleston? Will Hewy
Clay ? Where is the Icasi ground of hope that
an act of resistance will not be met, end met
with energy by the General Government!
What was the language of the South concern
ing tho Hartford convention ? Should wn not
despise that government, which would not re
sist and put down treason within its own bor
ders ? Resistance is as inevitable as the set
of Nullification is certain. And it is mean
ness in thoso who daro not come out openly,
to attempt to deceive the people. They talk
of peaceful remedies, whilo attempting to in
flame our minds and to lend us on until we
have taken steps, from which we cannot with
dignity recede. They hand us the glass of
friendship, and tell us not that it is mingled
with the blood end tears of our .fathers sod
mothers! Let us be not deceived! their ob
ject is disunion, their expectation is war ! and
when the fatal blow is struck, it may be too
late. 1 believe I can show clearly that they
ure attempting to impose upon us, and thit
every difficulty which they can throw in the
wny of peace and harmony is done. But if 1
attempt this I must do it in another number.
A Friend of Union and Equal Rights;
But one who believes, that when oppression i»
such ns to rendor Union no longer desirable,
we have the right to recede, and thnt we
should do it openly ; hut who also believe*
that that lime has not arrived.
Fon THE SOUTHERN BANNER. *
Mrssrs. Editors,—Our fellow-citizens, ia
many part9 of the State, we ere gratified to
learn, ere calling upon the Candidates for
Congress and the Legislature to express their
sentiments upon the subject of nullification-—
This is worthy of imitation. The time has «•
rived, when evety voter should know the sen
timents of those for whom ho votes, especially
upon such a subject as nullification, which i*
full of danger, death, and destruction. ft
would increase our confidence in the candi
dates of this county to have a public expres
sion of their sentiments upon this subject.—
They are nil believed to be opposed to that
wonder-working remedy of J. C. Calhoun, but
to make “ assurance doubly sure," they should
either individually or collectively give the
county a fair and full exposition of their views.
Many voter* are reaolved lo support no moo
who is a nulhfier, and who ia not known to be
pposed to nullification. They believe that
no nullifier can consistently support Gen.
Jachson, who is a decided anti-nullifier. Our
candidates are requested to afford the iofor*
