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ing any step whatever for their enforcement?
For myself, I am free to say, I do not thu9
read my oath to support the constitution of the
United States. I do not thus understand my
duty to my couutry, or the interest and the
honor of my own state. What, sir, will be
the consequence if South Carolina be permit
ted, without opposition, to nullify the revenue
laws of the Union ? Will not that uniformity
of imposts, and^hat equality in the fiscal and
commercial regulations of the Union, which
are guaranteed by the constitution, be at once
abolished by the arbitrary act of fc?outh Caro-
lina, to her own advantage and to the detri.
meat of other states ? Sir, os a representa
tive of Virginia, I am not willing that V irgin-
ia shall he compelled to pay taxes, while Car.
oli*:i, by her own illegal and unauthorized ac
tion, is suffered to go quit of them. Yet this
must be the consequence of acquiescence in
nullification ; or otherwise a result still more
distressing to the whole country will ensue—
the entire commerce of the country will be
drawn to the free ports of South Carolina ;
the ports of the other states, with all the im
portant branches of industry connected with
them, wi-1 be consigned to ruin; and, at the
same time, the whole revenue of the Nation
will be cut off and destroyed.
Bad os these consequences, or any of them,
may be, there (s yet another view of this sub- 1
ject of still higher importance. The exa*,i-
pie would inflict a mortal wound on the Con
stitution. The Government would be thence-
forward virtually dissolved, and wa should in
evitably fi ll back into the anarchy and con-
fusion of the Articles of Confederation—if,
indeed, after such an example of weakness,
the states should continue connected by any
tie whatever.
For one, therefore, I feel myself constrain
ed, by the highest considerations of duty, to
give my assent to such measures a3 may be
necessary and proper to provide for the exe
cution of the laws, while they remain uarc-
^tcaled. There are some provisions in the bill
now,' nnder consideration, of which I do not
approve, as 16'iall have occasion to say more
- fully, when I conic to explain my own ideas
of die legislation best.adapted to meet the cri
sis. But we are met at the threshold with a
preliminary denial of the right of the Govern
ment to adopt any measures whatever, for the
execution of a law of the United Stares, which
shall have been nullified by the authorities of
a state. This position has been maintained by
both of the honorable Senators from South
Carolina, and especially by the honorable Sen
ator who spoke first, (Mr. Calhoun) in the re-
marks made by him at the time of submitting
his resolutions, which arc now lying on your
table.
IIow, Sir, has this extraordinary position
been attempted to be sustained ? One would
have supposed that a power so radic dl v a libe
ling the whole operation of our system, as an
absolute State veto on the laws of the Union,
would have been, in some form or other, ex
pressed in the Constitution. Instead of this,
we find an express declaration that the Con
stitution and the l aws of the United States
.shall control, and be supreme over, the Con
stitution and laws of the respective States-
Yet the honorable Senator (Mr. Calnoun)
seeks to do away all this, by setting up the
metaphysical deductions, aad ingenious crea-
tioris ofhis own mind, i:i the place of the pos
itive terms, of the instrument, itself. Sir, I
propose to folio.v the* honorable Senator,
step by step, in the process of reasoning by
which he has attained so singular a result.—
And as I am anxious to deal with his argu
ment in a}i possible fairness, I will first state
what l understood that argument to be, in or-
dcr that, if I shall have fallen into a misap
prehension of any part of it, the honorable
. Senator may set me right.
I understand tho honorable Senator, then,
thus—after stating that the problem is to as-
certain where the paramount power of the
system fa, and that that power must be where
the sovereignty is, iie proceeds by saying,
that the Co istitulio 1 of the United St,lies, is
a compact between the several States—that
these Spates only are sovereign—th it the Gov-
■cram out of the United St ates i3 not sover
eign, because, according to the principles of
modern political science, sovereignty is not
the attribute of any Government—that it re.
sides ia the people—that the only people
known to the true theory of our institution's,
is the people of the several states distinctly
—that if the people of any one state in the
Union, therefore, shall, in its sovereign capaci
ty, interpose between its citizens and the
Government of the United States, the act of
a sovereign being ilways binding on its citi
zens, the citizens of that state can no longer
owe obedience to the Government of the U.
States, or be properly subject to its action; but
that if the act of the state, so absolving its cit.
izens firom obedience to the U. States, be a vi
olation of the compact with the other states
it is the State only as a political, community
that is- responsible. I hope, Sir, I have sta
ted the reasoning of the Senator lhirly, as I
2m*e wished and intended to do.
Now, Sir, in regard to the first proposition
laid down by the honorable Senator from S
Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun, ) it gives me pleas-
tire to say that I am entierly of accord with
him. Hero we draw our principles from the
same pure fountain—the republican doctrines
of’99 and ’99 as asserted at that time, by the
legislature of my own state. If there be any
thing in politics or history resting oa grounds
of incontrovertible evidence and conclusive
demonstration, it is that the Constitution of
the United States was adopted by the people
of the United States, not as an aggregate
mass of individuals, l>ut as separate and inde
pendent communities. This, Sir, is the foun
dation stone of our federal system, and every
attempt to displace it has resulted ia acknowl
edged failure, and has only served to estab
lish it the more firmly.
But. Sir, are the other propositions of the
honorable Senator, ( Mr. Calhoun,) equally
distinctly 1 And here, Sir, as the chief source
of difficulty in all discussions of this sort is in
the vague use of terms, let us fix tfrhut we
mean by sovereignty. The dome .t'ary idea
of sovereignly is that of supreme unconirol'ed
power; and when applied to political organi
zations, I agree with the honorable Sena
tor from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) that
it cannot, with propriety, be predicated of Gov
ernment, which is i delegated aud limited trust,
but that it resides exclusively in the body of
the community, which creates and establishes
the Government. 1 readily grant, then, that
the Government of the U. States possesses
no soverei'Tity. The honorable S enator (Mr.
Calhoun) seems to have supposed that this be
ing admitted, it would necessarily follow that
the only sovereignty, kuov.n to our political
system, is in the people of each State distinct
ly, there being, as he contends, no other peo
ple, according to its true theory, than the peo
ple of the several states separately consider
ed. But ibis argument obviously overlooks
the pcculi.j naiure of our complex or
ganization Wjich embraces two distinct
species of communities, the separate com
munities balled the states, formed by the
individuals who compose those stales res
pectively, and the general community called
t:*.e United States, formed by an dissociation of
all tile states into a political Union. There
is one body politic or community as clearly
resulting from the association of states, in the
one case, as there is such body politic or
will of the states individually, as the constitu-1 quivocal language is held in the letter aadres-
tion of a state may be at its individual will.” I sod by the Convention to Con gress, on tn.»t
But why add to tuis list of distinguished au-1 occasion, and si .pied by General Washington
thoritics, farther than to cite the authority .of] as President of the Convention,
the honorable senator from South Carolina I “ It obviously impracticable in the Federal
himself. In his letter to Gov rnor Hamilton I Government ot these states to secure til the
published during the last summer, I find the I rights ot independent sovereignty to each, and
following passage—“The General Govf-i- I yet provide for the interest and safety ot all.
meat is the joint organ of all the states con-1 Individuals enterin; into society must give up cession
federated into one general community.” And I a share of liberty to preserve the rest, &c.
again. “ I i the execution of the delegated I Let not any attempt be made to lessen the
powers, the Union is no longer regarded in I weight of this declaration, by representing it
reference toils parts, but as forming one great I as the expression ot the individual sentiment
community, to lie governed by a common I of General Washington by whom the letter
will,” &c. I was signed. The draft of the letter was care
If, then, the United States do form “one com- fully prepared, under the orders of the coaven
munity, governed by a common will,” sover-1 lion,by the same Committee,wluch w*as ea.re-
cignty
comini
Union
as sovereignty
vidual state, for ^ , , -
then, and I flatter mvself a conclusive one, to known to the people : ami understood by them
the urgument of the honorable Senator, is that | when the states ratified and adopted the
Co .stitution.
[To be concluded next tceeJc.]
ind fast frie id throu .hout her whole struggle;
a struggle that involved ..er inte rity, and ve-
r being as a state. He has sf»nd by her at
his own hazard, through 'rood and through
bad report, and nas, so far, seen her throujh
the night of her troubles, and lias now invited
a Cherokee delegation to Washi ngton, we
understand, in the hope of at last, obtaining a
Captiously to leave him now is not
to be thou ht of. But lie is mid to have left
us. This should be looked into, and it his
reui expositor, his conduct, proves it to be
so, then let the state take her lasting leave
of him with the dignity of sorrow and regret,
a id not even then with the virulence of vin
dictive spite. His inaugural speech is now
before the public, and what every state’s right
republican must approve.
exists in the people of an indi- It was then the solem « explan .tio i or their own
r state purposes. Mv answer, act by the Convention u.emselves, made
11 _ • - It 1 - aL . ..n,l iinMorolAA/1 hv tllPlYl
the sovereignty of our Federal system is nci-
th
ncral tcU'Htticc*
community resulting from the association of
individuals in the other. In the body of the
community, the sovereignty of each system
resiles—that of the federal system in the
community culle 1 the Untied States, that of
the state systems in the body of the commu
nity called the state. You will remark, Mr.
President, that I here speak of the United
States, as contradistinguished from the Gov
ernment of the United States; and I contend
dint the term United dates, as used in our
politic.1 nomenclature, designates one body
politic, one integral community, (although a
community composed of states,) in which sove
reignty resides, as to certain purposes, as tru
ly as it resi les in the states, or several com
munities composed of individuals, for the pur
poses oi‘ their organiz ition.
I should not think it accessary, Mr. Presi
dent, to dwell on an idea, which, to my mind,
is so obvious, if I did not know that the sug
gestion of any unity in our fe deral organiza
tion had recently given rise to much dissatis
faction, and if we did not live in times when
inc best settled principles have been boldly
called in question. It may not be amiss,
therefore, to bring a few proofs to the support
of what I have ventured to assert—that the
Uuited Slates do form, to, certain purposes,
one community—one integral political body
We are all. agreed that the United States
form a confederate republic. Now, sir, what
is the definition of a confederate republic by
that writer, wlib, among the political philoso
phers of modern times, seems to have best
understood its characteristics, and to have
most justly appreciated its advantages? Mon
tesquieu says, “a confederate republic is a con
vention by which several smaller states agre
to become members of a Larger one, waicn
they intend to form. It is a kind of assem
blage of societies, that constitute a new oac,”
&c. The writers of the Federalist, in th
9th No. referring to what Mo itesquieu says
oa this subject, add: “The definition of
confederate republic seems simply to be ‘au
assemblage of societies,’ or an associ vtioa of
two or more states iato one state.
But, sir, let us appeal to a distinguished
authority which is ofte n involved by the politi
cians of South C irolina, and for which I caal
lengc a portion of their respect oathc present
occasion. .Mr. Jederson, sir, in a letter to
Mr. Edvnu id Randolph, which will be loan
in the 3-i volume of his publishe 1 corrcspo id
ence, written on the 18th August, 1793,
the very crisis of that great stru ggle for con
stitutional principles which terminated in the
“civil revolution” of 1801, and when he must
be supposed to have weighed well all the
bcari igs of his words, uses the following I in
guage: “Before the revolution, there existed
no such nation as the United States: they
then first associated as a nation, but for
special purposes only. They had all their
laws to make, as Virginia had on her first
establishment as a notion. But they did not
as Virginia had done, proceed to adopt
er in the Government of the United States,
nor in the people of the individual st ttes sep
arately considered, but in that “ great com
munity,” or body politic, called the United! From the Georgia Journal.
States, resulting from the association of all The Status «guo.—As the clouds of the
the states, for special purposes. Mr. Jeffer- last year’s tempest are cle ring away, we
son, in the letter to Mr. Randolph, from which >re disposed to take an obs rv ition, to uscer-
read the extract cited a few moments ago, tain somethin? of the latitude of the ship o‘
says, very properly, that “the whole body state, and to notice the be.-rings of the prora-
fthe nutio or community, “ is the sove- | inent points around us. The cause of repuh-
reijn power for itself.” - I ficaa government, we find, has -gainedground;
There is u practical criterion, of very easy ap- it now st aids better assured to ourselves, and
licatiunia our American institutions, for deter- vindicated to the world. The gre it regula-
mining where sovereignty resides. Sov r.d jnty ting, co trolling conservative principle found
resides where the power of amending the Con- in that settled love of the Union, aid a due
siiiutiou or fundamental law resides. In a single appreciation of its importance, has interposed
state, this power resides in the people ofthe state, its powerful otlice, to stay the storm, and
and of course the sovereignty resides in them bring both extremes to a p.usc. What next?
also. In the Union, this power resides in the We find an officer at the head of the govem-
ederal community composed of all the states, ment- who has very recently been placed
and according to an express provision in the there, by acclamation ; but he is said
Constitution, requires for its exercise the con- have since proved recreant to the pri .ciples j
currence of three fourths ofthe states. Ac- that won the confideuc * oi' the r jpubiic-ns of
cording to this plain, practical test, then, the | this country, and gone ov r to t ie l’cd.nl
actual sovereignty of the Union is in three- Consolidationists. If this be so, it is pi. in
fourths ofthe states. I his friends cannot follow him. If Wushi-n .-
Here-, again, I am happy to fortify myself ton himself was to return, they would not sup-
by an authority which, if not that of the ho i- port such doctrines iu liis person. They
orihle Senathor himself, as it is generally must remain where they are. They must
understood to be, must at least command his buckle their armour the firmer on ; and
very high respect. I allude to the Report and though it mig it be in a lean mi rarity, they
Exposition adopted by the Le gislature of S. I must stand firm us of the old time, and fight
Curoliua in Dec. 1828. From that document, out the ,ood light to the end, whether it be
beg leave to read to the Senate the following in the hi h places of their recent .scendaiicy,
extract: I or upon the bleak field of opposition. If
“ Our system, then, consists of two distinct Jackson has in truth, taken the left hand
and independent sovereignties. The general path, we must bid aim alien; not indeed
powers conferred on the General Government with those male fictions and revili-i s winch
are subject to its sole and exclusive coitrol and .re unworthy o ' ourselves ; b .t with a r col-
t!ie states cannot, without viol .ting the Con- lection of the ..rood he has do .e, and witii a
stitution, interpose tiieir authority to check, | deep regret that such a patriot h ts so strayed
they expect Georgia, by means of the Judi
ciary bill to be sgain embroiled with the
General Government—Chas. Courier.
From the Washington Globe.
Messrs. Grundy ofthe Senate, Speight and
Hubbard of the House of Representatives,
the committee appointed by the two Houses
of Congress, to wait on the President :nd
Vice President elect, culled on Mr. Van Bu-
ren since his arrival in the city, in discharge
ofthe duty assigned them.
Mr. Speight, the Chairman, addressing the
Vice President, said.
Mr. Van Buren :
As the organ of the Joint Committee of
both Houses of Congress, I have the honor
Accident.—In firing the cannon the oth-
er evening, in honor of the passage of Mr.
Clay s bill by Congress, a young man ofthe
name or Wilder had h» arm so badly mutila
ted, that immediate amputation ofit became
necessary. Though his foe* and person were
otherwise severely scorched and injured, it
is expected he will recover Macon Tel.
By the arrival at Charleston of the British,
’KXVlT LlVer P° ol > P a P c r3 of that
place to the 24 Jan. and London to the 23d.
have been received.
The British Parliament was to meet on the
29th of Jan. 1 0n tho
*&**££*’** csny tMt of
i pwverty destroyed during the recent
re .dtui nr - at Liv rpooi, is now estimated at
a qu rt- r ol a million. r PhA iiicm-nnAn ...
qu rt r oi a million. The insurance on it
does not exceed 140.000/.
The celebr ted Mrs. Hannah Moore was
very near the period of her demise. She is
in her 84th ear.
An armistice had been proposed hv Lord
to inform you that on the 13th fast.-the votes J e , Coute ^ n ? fijrcc8 'o»' Don
J ~ — • 1 Miguel and Don Pedro. The Miguelite Min.
be * ” : — ! * • * * ■ ■ ■
given by the several States for Vice Presi- j • . ' ., .
dent ofthe U. States, for four years, from - . , ! ,l shoul ' 1 be
and after 4th March next, were canvassed in D ... “ . * lea ua j* P omts werc
the House of Representatives agreeably to!.. . ' , ou ' l Jave Portugal, and
the provisions of the Constitution, when j 1 l ™ e Maria
was found that you were duly elected, h wing ' .. C , a PP°* 1 e * 0! P^ro s affairs
_ - ,. J - * k— 51 **usud 10 ho in-a bad state.
r -ceived a majority of the whole number of ( ,, , ro
J • a -i 1 Torauiand ot Sinm was not exnectod m ro
The spontaneous expression of the I .. .... , . . 1 , * 10 re
K 1 1 cov r ironi the late s ock his .he .1th Ins re.
votes.
or in any manner counteract its movement!
so long as they are confined to its proper sphere;
so also the peculiar mil local powers, reserved
to the states, are subject to their exclusive
con.rol; nor can the General Government
interfere with mem. without on its part also vi
olating the Consfituiiou. In order to have
fiift. and clear conception of our institutions,
it will be proper to remark that th-T" is in our
system a striking distinction between -Me gov
ernment and the sovereign power. What-
-ind fallen. But outfit we to pronounce a
hasty senie.icc against au old friend? Ought
we rashly to cast him o.i and so force him,
and with dm, the udmi is:r tion o the rov-
ernmeat, i to the hands o. tne Federalists?—
The government must bic rriMo.i in some
body, and our caster n i hfiors will cheer,
fuliy undertake t.ut labor if we tiiink proper
to devolve it on thorn.
it seems to us, that Andrew Jacksoa, of ail
men in the world, is that one who ought, to ho
ever may be the true doctrine in regard to the judged by his measures. We all Know ue
soveroi tutv of die states indivi lua iy, it is m- is a plain, strai ;ht onward, practical man, but
qu stioaablv clear, that wiiile the Govornmeu nothin i; l.k so keen scented a logician as his
oftlio Union is vested in its legislative, execu- predecessor, Mr. Ad.mis. The recent events
tive and political departments, the actual sov- are new in our history. W • may very well
ereign power resides in the several states, suppose, that such a person when placed in a
who ere ite 1 it in their separate and distinct I conjuncture admitted to be as mom mtous and
political character. But By an express pro-1 urgent os it was new, would naturally be
v.sio l ofthe Constitution, it may be amended looking, rather to what was then to be done,
or changed by threc-fourt'is of the st it *s ;— diau to refinements of argument lor or a gainst
aad each state, bv issenting to the Co istit l- j my p urticul j mpL* of doin/ it. Now if we
tion with this pr msion, h at s irre idere i its look to tne sentiment and, i'eelin : that runs
original ri r its as a sov r .i gn, which made its throu jh the Proclamation, we mast see that
iadivi lual consent necessary to my change in | as devotion aid habitual promptitude to duty
confidence which your follow-citizens repose I . ,
in you bv calUag you to fill the second office f , , lllere g' “‘.'"i'' 0 '" 9 01 ' roubl «
within their A is u sufficient guarmtee on hat “W 09 ,lls •^'“•ton.-Tbere had
their part, ot the estimation which they place
in vo r moral worth and capacity, to dis
charge the duties incident to the station to
which they have called you.
Mr Van Buren replied:
Gentlemen—You are
authorized to
of Vice
nounce mv acceptance of the o.lice
President of he United States.
I cannot r .Train from s -izi ig tho occasion
to express my deep and grateful sense of th
honor conferred upon me by my fel!ow-citi.
zens, and my determination that no' exertion
been disturb mens in Madrid uni Toledo.
The pro] ct of a Convention submitted by
Lord Palmerston and Prince Talleyrand, to
the Belgian and Dutch Governments, had
not been deci led on by the powers interested
on the 19lh of Jan. A counter project is sta.
an-1 ted to h ivc been offered by Holland.
Ti.eD itch Government had issued an order
pernuiti ig all vesse's to navi ar,.- tile Scheldt,
except those bearing the British, Freuca. and
3 1 ion lings.
London, J.in. 22—By former accounts
from tne East it a; peared that Ibrahim Pacha
lud broke i up his cuuto. ments Kouish, and
shall be spared to render myself worthy of
the generous confidence they have reposed I adv inped upon Constantinople, but advices
iu nte. from Alexandria, coming down to the 20th
I beg you, gentlemen, to accept my thanks I Dec. r present the Turkish army to have ad.
for the friendly manner in which you have vancod more r ipiJly than the Pacha had ex-
been phased to discharge the duty assigued j p e cted, which obli red him to fall back and re-
to you.
From tiic Bolti nore American. "
The following are the vo es i 1 the House
of Representatives, on the bill more ellectu-
all to provide for the collection of revenue,
commonly c died the Forca bill, arranged ac
cording to the States.
reiguty, known to our political system, than
(hat which resides ia the people of each state
whole system of laws ready in lie to their
hand; as their associ ition as a nation was on
ly for speci d purposes,” &e.
Sir, it would be easy to show, if the time
of the senate were not too precious to be
consumed in unnecessary disc ission, that th
recognition here made of the United Stales as
forming one nation, for certain purposes, is
|> urticul.tr weight, from the nature of the
question which .Mr. Jefferson was then dis
cussing, and wliich would have re.tiered his
course of argument much shorter and simpler
if he could have denied altogether the exist
ence of any nutioual individuality in the Uni-
ted States.
But, sir, without insisting on the p articular
weight of Mr. Jefferson’s authority in this view
ofit, I would ask if the same language has not
been habitually used by'all of our great men who
were cotemporary with the formation of the
constitution, and with the vital questions of
construction to which the first ten years of
its operation gave rise? We ill remember,
Mr. President, that Gen. Washington, in that
noble monument of patriotism and wisdom,
his farewell address,.speaks ofthe “unity of
government which constitutes us one people,”
and ofthe states as bound together by “au
indissoluble community of interest as one na
tion.” Mr. Madison, than whom -certainly
no higher authority can bo appealed to, in re
gard to that constitution which is the work-
manship of his own hands, thus writes in liis
letter to the Editor, of the North American
Review : « The Constitution ofthe U. States,
being a compact among the states, ia their
true? Is it true that there is no other sove. .highest sovereign capacity, and constituting
the people thereof oae people for certain pur
poses, camiot be altered or annulled at the
its polilic.il co idition, and has placed this im
portant power in the hands of three-fourtns of |
the states, in which the sovereignty of the U ..
ion u tier the Constitution dues now actually
reside.’’
Here, then, Mr. President, we have a dis.
tinct acknowledgment, in accordance witii the
principles 1 have laid down, that the sover-
eiguty ofthe Federal system is not in the peo
ple of any one of the st ites, acting separately,
us the honor foie senator now conte ids, but in
three-fourths of the states acting concurs ally
Tne ho mr tble senator nos Lold us that tin
paramos it power of controlling the General
Government must reside, where the sover-
ci ;nty of the system resi los. The problem
stated by tii n was to ascertain where tli a
power does reside, and is here couclusivel,
solved by his ow.i st ite, in a solemn exposi
tion drawn up by himself. The plain resui*
is ihut the pinraou.it or sovereign power is
not in the people of any one state, but in three-
fourths of Ml the st hes.
Tuis important document, also, in acknowl
edging that “ there are two distinct and unL
pendent sovereignties,’.’in our complex or r .ii
zation, recognizes the correctness of another oi
staa is out is its praminent and disti iguisliing
-ture. The geuer -a pervading tone we
liuxik bclo igs to A drew Jackson; L-ut the
octriuM dialectic p rts smack of other han Is.
These portions wer to be sure, admiitc Un
to it by him ; but probably without weighing
them in Mr. Ad uns* gol !e.i scales, and with
out th .t fair searctiia , scru iny o. tneir uli-
nate be a rings that they woul. have received
roin Mr. Malison. We have never had .m>
* r i it confidei.ee in Jackson’s, polemics.
When he took the Baraucas, he co isidere-
Florida, and so set it dow-i in an olfici.llet-
:r written at the lime, as,a co..quere i prov
t .ce. Now that single pre licate fully carri
ed out, would have wonderfully abrid :ed o.ir
;q -. roversies, by cashiering hot t houses of
Jo.igress, the Executive, JudicLiry and all.
it could readily have been built up iu a beau-
iful specimen of concentrated coasolidatio.
of the power of peace and war, and the right
of Jurisdiction and territory itself in the breas.
of a commanding General ia the field. It
w s certainly a wide mistake ; but what then?
Dil the American people Listen on the spcc-
ul itive abstraction, and lift and loom it aloft
io contradict i fife of constant action ? Not
Maine
Avos
7
Noes
0
New Ilam?,shire
4
1
Massachusetts
13
0
Vermont
5
0
Connecticut
5
0
Rirade Island
0
0
New York
27
3
NAw Jersey
1
2
Pennsylvania
25
1
Del xware
1
0
Mar/lond
‘8
0
Virginia
8
13
North Carolina
8
4
South Carolina
3
6
Georgia
1
G
Alabama
0
3
Louisi ma
3
0
Mississippi
0
1
Tennessee
7
O
Missouri
1
0
Indiunia
O
0
Illinois ■ y.j
0
1
Kentucky
7
4
Ohio
11
1
119
48
0
1
0
0
1
0
4
3
0
0
1
0*
1
0
0
0
0
0
0 -
0
1
0
1
2
15
1 Speaker.
may lead to piracy.
the positions I have laid down; that there is sove- at all. They saw that he had indeed made
rei?nty in the United States, in regard to the j
purposes of the Union, as well as sovereigutv
in the sovcral states, for state purposes. I
has become fashionable, of late, to deny tint
there is any sovereignty in the United States
I speak of course, of the U. States os n polit- j
ic j community, cud not of the Government
of the United States, and to claim for the
states separately, an absolute, complete, and j
unqualified sovereignty, to all inte ts and pur.
a wrong stitch in :iis or 'ument; but they saw
t-io> that the ge neral web of his conduct was
of ri ght good cloth. They did no*, want a
professor of logic, but u president to adminis-
erlne executive branch of the government.
They wanted one who draught the Souiii
suould be relieved; aud who held that the
Union should be preserved by and throu h
the preservation ofthe rights of tho states
T ie republican part of tuis Union has alwa s
poses whatever. Sir, this .is .a novelty un- judged Jackson by his acts, and not by his
known to the founders of the Constitution, and syllogisms ; and they should co ;tuiue to do sn
has spruu^ up in the hot bed of excited, local in justice to him, and in justice to themselves,
politics. At the period of the adoption of the I We will not disguise the paiu we felt at the
Constitution, it was distinctly made known and rank smelt of consolidation that we tivmd i
universally understood, that to the extent to some folds of the Proclamation, bun were
which sovereignty was vested in the Uniou, slow to believe that the author had taken his
that of the states severMly, fvas relinquished I degree in the high School of Hamiltoniaq
and diminished.- Wh-Tt is said, sir, by the I Federalism.
Convention which framed the Constitution, in I Wo havo all along thought that Georgia,
communicating their work to Congress to be I of all the states, should be slow to anger on
submitted to the people ? The following une- j this occasion. Jackson has been her steady
the President to employ the means provided that Rice had been sold that morning at
by the acts of 1795 and 1807, to suppress u .. —that a small cargo just arrived irom avan-
lawful or forcible opposition to the laws of th i'V was held -it 13—and adding t at a repo^
U. States. Neither of these provisio istoucli I w s current that WAR •
the Cherokee case. The Supreme Court ra-1 >UT BETWEEN FRANCE AND
fused to take cognizance ofthe case, becaust
the Cherokees were not a “ foreign state,”
’vit'iin the meaning of the Constitution, and
therefore could not be a party in Court; and
it is almost needless to remark, that the Judi
ciary Bill neither has changed, nor couW
c iange this aspect of the case.
We feel a strong issurance that the harmo-
ny of the countr) is rat about again to be dis.
irbed from this quarter. The President will
t ike care to ward o-fthe blow, whether aime
a. private m.Jice or false philanthropy, if
c ia do soconstitutioually, and that we do not
doubt. Besides, the military part of the eufor-
ctag bil will expire by its own limitatica with the
. ext session of Con Tress before a new Cher nke
c se could be brought to a decision, and fiui.
icism be enabled to light anew the torch old
discord. Those false friends of the Union,
who, while professing «ardent attachment’
o it, hesitate not to nullify its laws, and threat-
eu secession, will be signally disappointed if]
enter Koni-ih, aft. r which it appears he passed
to the Southward, with the view of dr.nviag
the Vizier i; ito a ditncult country, uidin which
he would be deprived of the benefit ofhis cav-
airy. At he ilen irtare of the accounts, the
news of a-decisive b ittle was doily looked
for at Alcxandri i. The report of the Treaty
of peace therefore tumes out *o be unfo tnded.
Letters have been receive;! from Saio .tea, ta
the 17th Dec by which it appears that ::rcat
activity ot' prepar ;tio prevails in the interior,
and consider fide reinforcements are on the
inarch, to joiu the standard of the Sultan, who
will unfit.»* ar- effort to arrest ib«* progress of
the coiHiiier-. r end save th.- Capitol of the Em
pire fre ii f.tlii:rt : to :«s hands.
Letters from Alexar-drir, of 25th Dec. in
IlMian papers, sav, u.-i a Russian uiao-of-war
had arrived there to require of the Pacha in
demnity for losses sust fined by the R issian
merchants t Alex, .urette, frotii the Egyp-
ti i fleet, when -ho Ibrahim took possession
of that town. The Pacha was disposed to
comply with the demand, but desired to- havo
a regular account. Soon fterwards, a Tur
kish brig, under Russian colours, arrived at
Alexandria, which brought o Mehemcd Pa-
Ciia dispatches from the Gr aid Vizier,ii.viting
him to send a Plenipotentiary to Constantino
ple.
Patras, Dec. 15.—-Tranquillity is far from
being restored in Greece. Tzavell-s still
keeps possession ofthe Citadel of Patras, and
levies contributions on the inhabit eta oi tho
own and neighborhood. He also gires or
ders to.the Governor ofthe castle ofthe Morsa.
0- >ri th has been once more taken by the op-
The Chekok.ee Case.—The National I
Gazette speaks of the Cnerokee case, said to |>osit partv, which leaves the road from Far
oe in contemplation, as an “extremely do-fol-1 r sto Nepoli at the mercy of Ml this irreitlar
fol story, which s *1- apocryphal writer at band, which in the last instance depends on
.Vashiigtoa (the “Spy in VVashin ton”) has I Colocotroni.
put in circulation.’’ It also gives place to a The other side of the golf is not in a
communication from a correspondent, shewing I more peaceable state. Grivas occupies th©
ta.it the fourth and fifth s ctions ofthe en-1 Government town of Missoloughi, but it is sur-
forcing bill, do not “open the Cherokee case so rounded b; the Captains ofthe party ot Co-
,s to enable the question of title to the Geor-1 'ocotroni; it is feared that the pr senee oi
gia Gold Mines to be brought before the Su-11 rase enemies, who have no resources left,
preme Court ofthe U. S.” as alleged by th-
Washington letter writer. The 4th see. er- ]
-hies tne FederM Courts to proceed on affida
vit, were copies of the recor I3 of State Court?
cannot be obtained.
Important if true.t—We were shewn
esterdiv, a letter from Havana, which con-
The 5th sec. authoriz< s tained a Postscript of the 15th inst. s * lt,n 8
SIA—the information is stated to have been
contained i. a London paper of the 27
This is four days later from that ©'V
>ur accounts by the Nimrod. 0 p
however, no warlike indication 311
icr Siiili ig.—C. Cour.cr•
Cherokee ^herifs tales,
for may.
335 33 3
50 18 1
John Baiss do. Willard Boynton.
do. R- Blacks lock, do. A. F. Woolly-
74 14 2 and i099 l 9 2, property RWbonJ^*
178 3 3
. 180 14 1
311 ,5 3
175 24 2
970 3 3
22 19 2
485 3 3
307 11 4
257 28 3
kinson in favor of J .W. Worthso.
do. Mary P»g®do.S. HiJoms.
do. J. Roe, do. E. fcH. By*e.
do. Samuel Forba do. Joim Bode,
do- H. W. Witerton do. Joan Boilc-
do. G. D. Lister, do. d '*' d ®*
do. James Eakin do. Hide & Bode,
do. W. VV. Barrott do. John Bode,
do! D. Strickland do.
do, Elijah Nash do. Boyle. & Webb-
j • U
ti .1 , i
. - it