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— —IT wrase mi— i■ m - ■ , , i r»«v>'« i* n*i*i i"” rrwr j ITS _ *
*m*"**mmmp**™*mmmmm-Wim » inmm m
the south—abolition*
“ I consider slavery a curse —a .curse
to {he master— a wrong, a grievous wrong |
to the slave. In the abstract it is am. ■
wrong,, bud no possible contingency can i
make it right.” —Extract from day's ;
speech, delivered ala meeting of the (
Colonization Society in Lexington, Era- I
lucky.
“I had a conversation with Mr. ClayV ;
son-in-law. whom you know to be violent-1
ly opposed to the Administration, lie i
said there was no chance for While or j
Harrison ; that he considered Van Burcn |
had no opposition, for neither of those ,
men could run. lie communicated some 1
facts in relation to Mr. Clay's |K>litical
course of which I was ignorant; and
which were calculated to remove in a very
great degree, some of my ancient preju
dices against that distinguished individu
al. Clay’s abhorcnce of nullification and
the South Carolina doctrine palliates ninny
of his political transgressions.”— Extract |
of a letter to the editor of the Federal \
( Georgia) Union, doled Saratoga, -V. Y,
COMMENT.
We insert three extracts which, al the
present time, deserve the special attention
of the people of the sbvcliulding Stales.
These are Mr. Clay’s speech on coloniza
tion—an editorial article from the Boston
Atlas, nnd a letter addressed to the editor
of ihe Federal Union, dated at Saratoga.
In Mr. Clay’s speech we have the bold
declaration that colonization is intended j
us a measure of emancipation, mid that it
receives Ins support upon the principle j
upon which ho acted “ forty years ago, to I
procure the adoption of a gradual system !
of emancipation, on such terms, under ;
such regulations us might consist \\ ilii {
the good order and the highest interest of
the commonwealth.”
Coupled with'these extracts, wc give
nu article, from the Baltimore Republi
can, in which that print, the leading or
ganoftho dominant parly, urges the mi
nority m (he State’s Electoral College to
dissolve the Slate Government upon the
ground that thu refusal to elect a Senate
would authorize Congress to consider
Maryland, ( one of the old thirteen,) as a
territory, nnd ns tuch to organize such a
Government as the present dominant fac
tion may desire to create.
Those papers,furnish much mailer fir
serious reflection. If slavery be u curse—
a wrong —am, wrong us Mr. Clay asserts
it to he, the only question to be consider
ed is the mode of emancipation—and the
only 'difference between Mr. Clay and the
abolitionists, whom lie now denounces, is
the rime. They have both the same end, |
and it requires lint little experience in poli- ,
tics, and lens knowledge of men, to know,
that so far as it relates to the people of the ,
non-slaveholding Stales, colonization will
bo absorbed by abolition. Wo beg our
southern readers to look at the article from
Ihe Boston Adds, The question (hero
has already assumed the shape to w hich ,
wo have long foreseen it would come. (
The bill for the suppression of jncendiury ,
publications is denounced an llio “most ,
important and obnoxious southern measure ,
that came before Congress and Mr. Van c
Huron’s voto fir its third reading is used
as an argument to show that he is not enti
tled to the support of the abolitionists in (
preference to Mr. Webster nnd Everett, ,
who, it is affirmed, are more in favor of .
abolition than Mr. Van Burnt.
Will Mr. Pinckney’s constituents road ,
those extracts and believe that his measure
of non-resistance is (hn best measure of
defence against abolition? When both
parties are contending fur abolition votes,
on the ground that slavery is a curse—
does it not follow that both parties will be
infected and ultimately controlled by abo
lition principles ?
The abolitionists argue thus. The free
States are a majority in the United Stales
—they can elect the President, and (hey j
can control the legislation of Congress ; if (
the free States are united a favor of aholi- ,
lion, tho abolitionists can control the U- ]
nion. Such a Union would necessarily
exclude (ho South, as such, from all poli- t
tical power, and by bringing all (ho patron- |
age of the Government under tho control
of tho abolition society, enrich the aboli
tionists at the expense of the South. Al
though lliis argument is not in terms, yet
it is in fact addressed to both parties now
contending for power in New England;
nnd Mr. Clay conics to their aid by de
claring that he considers slavery a curse
—an evil—all wrong; and denouncing
those who are opposed alike to his and
all other schemes of emancipation, as
“ n new school” recently “ sprung up.”
Wo do not hesitate to slate our belief
that, ol the two, Mr. Clay nnd ids ussoci
catos arc much tho most dangerous aboli
tionists. They come to us in tho guise
ot friends ; (hey mingle professions of love,
patriotism and religion, in their crusade
against our rights and institutions. They
appeal to our sympathies—they disarm
our fears—they appeal to our interests and
consciences—and they are tho more dan
gerous the greater the sincerity aiid'puritv |
ot their motives. This is a question which j
it becomes the South to understand—if
slavery is a curse—if it bo wrong, in any {
sense, in politics, morals or religion, it I
should be abolished—and 'as the South I
cannot prevent its becoming, in (lie other
States, the question 'absorbing all others,
nnd as it depends upon themselves, they
should understand it and meet it now.
Wo have quoted (he article from the
Baltimore Republican to show-how futile i
is the barrier set by (ho “ submitsionists'’ \
ot the South. It has already been deci- j
ded by the court in Now Jersey, that no
master can retake a runaway slave ; and 1
the court in Massachusetts have decided
that a slave coming into (hat State, by the 1
consent of his master, becomes ipso facto 1
free. The Republican shows that the :
party would dissolve iho Slate govern
ment-resolve society into its original <
elements, for the sake of power; and Mr. '
Dallas in a lato parly letter argues that
the party can repel vested and chartered I
rights; and that the party can create a :
supreme court of the United States toen- <
force their mandates; for says he, Gon. I
Jackson has already appointed five of the ii
seven members of (hat court. Is there a j
slave-holder in (lie South who would place j ■
his political rights knd the power to pro
tect them in such a tribunal I
We say again, let the South read—and
remember that if the South are united, |
the moral influence of that union will crush I
abolition, and preserve (ho Government.
We will say more—wo must look to tho '
South to protect us not only against auo- '
mtios hut against agrarianism. In tho •
South, the distinction between master and t
slave U color; there is ao conflict between IL
in nsOi—i iii ii .my ■— nmm ■mmo »
capital and labor ; (he slave, is excluded | 1
from the polls, and hero there is more
' firmness and stability in our institutions — \
i there is no war upon properly. In the
i North, this war arrays the community in -,
;to two nearly cquaLparties, and experi-
( once proves that thtfjp parties are so near
ly balanced, that The moral influence ofi
J the South thrown into the scale of either!
will make it preponderate. Let Ihe South |
; lie true to herself and we have nothing to
j fear. United wo stand, divided wc fall,
j Let this he our motto and the republic is
'sate?— U. S, Telegraph.
j From the Jacksonville Courier, /■] r/ra, Sfpt. 11.
LATEST INTELLIUENCE.
We arc happy to learn that (Jen. Call,
in person, at the head of sixteen hundred
.Tennessee Volunteers,is (o take the field,
and to open the winter campaign imme
diately.
I he above intelligence is just furnish
led u.s.—lt is probable that the inlelli- ,
j Hence derived from the Mail currier from
Ncwnansville, given below, may not, >
owing ip Us being verbally communica- 1
ted from one to another, he strictly cor- 1
reel in its detail. No letters arrived in ;
(lie Mail by which we could contain di-;
red the precise stale of allairs. To (he !
general outline, it may, undoubtedly, be '
relied on as correct. "
Ihe following extract from a letter
I was politely furnished us by a friend, to
whom we lender our thanks for his kind-
I ness and attention. It cot,firms thestale
j merits given us by Caps. Feck, and con
j tains particulars better and more correct
j ly expressed, than they are in our own
I article cn the same subject,
j “On the ?>(h hist, a train with a supply
ol provisions, arms and ammunition, lei;
Garey’s Ferry for Ncwnansville. under
(he command of Maj. Fierce. Expect
ing to cncounter the Indians on the march,
Maj. F. directed all the effective force of
I” companies to accompany the train,]
The command consisted ol* about 150 j
Regulars and mounted Florida Vidtiri j
•eers, and two pieces of Artillery. It
reached Ncwnansville on (ho evening of
the nh, and supplied that post with mb
sislcncc for two months, one howitzer,
with 110 rounds of ammunition, caimis
ter shot and shells, and 10,000 musket
hall cartridges, and as large a reinforce
ment ol regular troops was also left as
the commanding officer of that station
considered adequate to its protection. It
is highly gratifying to he enabled to slate
that Ncwnansville continues healthy.”
To the same gentleman we are indebted
fur the copy which will be found below
of a letter from Gen, Call to Maj. Fierce.
It gives us great pleasure to publish in
our columns such letters from officers of
the Army. Wo sincerely hope that the
officers will permit our 'friends to take
copies of them fop us. The approbation
expressed in the letter, colliers great
credit on Maj. Pierce, nnd had not our
friend furnished us with a copy, wc pre
sume Major P. would not, though his mo
desty (such is a sort of false modesty as
we think) have insinuated even a desire 1
of its publication. 1
. “Tallahassee, Cth Sept. 18.3(5. 1
Sir —l have received through Col. '
Crane, a copy ol your Official Report, of
the battle at Fort Diane. Your conduct,
and that of the, officers and men under
your command on that occasion, reflects
on you and upon them the highest credit.
To have beaten Powell, with one-third of '
his force, was a proud achievement—
ami 1 take this occasion to tender my
acknowledgements to you mid to your
command for this gallant service.
I am, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
15. K. CALL, i
Commauder-in-Chief,” i
Maj. R. K. Fierce, U. 8. Army.
T'he Mail carrier from Novvnansville -
via Garey’s Ferry arrived yesterday, re
ports (hat Col. Rawlks left Tallahasae,
last week, and was at Black-Creek on
Monday just. Col. Rawles stales, that
throe officers nl the Tennessee troops
had arrived at Tallahassee, and that 300
ol the troops were expected to reach there
the second day after he left; and that 300
more were expected in a day or two there
alter. Great preparations are being
made at Suwantoe Old Town for their
reception'. They are to march, attended
by the Governor from Tallahassee to
that Post, and thence to the Ouiihlachu
chy. Some regular troops are goin-'' a
. round by water to join them at some, point
I in the vicinity of that river.
I he campaign is vigorously opening—
the curtain is rolled up, and the people
ot Middle Florida are crying “ all hail
to the Tennessee volunteers” advancing
to the front of the stage.
East .Florida, the theatre of the princi
pal part ol the war—of the devastations
—the sufferings—will add their “ all
hail’’ to swell the shout of joy at their ap
pearance. May they not retire from
that stage, nor the curtain drop, till the
j drama is performed— iinishVd ; and not a
| Seminole left to prowl though the ham
I mucks, “ sacking whom he may devour.”
I ami to make their blood-stained foot
l prints in the sands of Florida.
The Mail carrier also states that Ma
jor Fierce has now the command of the
troops in lids section.
MoxoraeuU—luainoti Army, .Ac.
Wc are indebted to the politeness ofj
j Capt. Peck, of the steamboat Essay ons \
| for the following which he derived from i
i the officers at Black-Creek.
1 On Thursday, the Bth inst. Maj. '
! Fierce returned to Garey’s Ferry from
: Ncwnansville, whither he had been to
escort supplies to Fort Gilliland at that!
place. No Indians or Indian signs were [
seen cither going or returning—aud it!
was the opinion that the Indians had left
nt that time the vicinity of Ncwnansville,
otherwise it was the intention of Major
Fierce to give them battle. Tho Major
found Ncwnansville in a salubrious slate, j
ami tffi; troops and citizens healthv—in
circumstances far more easy, comforta
ble, cleanly, and healthlul than those who
are assembled at Black Creek.—Cols.
,33 All HEN and Mills arc there, active, I
jaud doing credit to themselves. i
V\ e were most agreeably disappointed (
m hearing that the people assembled at I
- ewiiansville are in circumstances com- l
paratively so comfortable. M ijor Fi eboe
lelt two broken companies of the U. S. j i
1 coops, making 63 men under Capt. j \
1 omkins, that number being all Capt. T.
wished. He supplied the Fort with a- j
nqtlicr piece of ordnance and l,>o car-I s
fridges—also 10,000 rounds of musket -
ball cartridges. He left 7 wagons and i
.*
horses for the use of the Post, and pro
visions for two months.
On Sunday last, Capt. Peck,-of the
stcamb.it Essayons informs us that as he
was going up Black-Creek, he saw an
Indian standing on the south hank, not
1 more than 25 steps from the boat, it being
j then close to the shore. The Indian, a
nobly and beautifully formed man, miked
except the breech cloth, a tuft of hair
tied in a knot on the top of his head,—
: stood resting on his rifle, and as the boat
passed him, crossing his legs with, the
1 greatest nonchalance, viewed the boat
and crew as she passed. Capt. P. re
-1 marked that he seemed to he smiling at
j them, as he could plainly see his teeth.
On reaching Garey’s Ferrv, the Captain
reported immediately to Head Quarters
I tiif i e.
Ma, jor Pierce ordered down several of
(he companies stationed at that Post to
I scour that section. A thorough search
! was made on Monday last, and a small
i sign of Indians was discovered, but no
Indians nor trail sufficii utly distinct for
i the troops to follow. This was undoubt
| l-dly a spy, or he would have tired on the
- boat, as both (he Captain (who was ill
| that day) and (he Mate were exposed to
j a fair shot from the red skin’s rifle.
XewnmsvtUc. —ln a letter from Lt.
I Col. Mills, dated Fort Gilliland, ‘Jlh
! inst., he says ••—“An expedition under
Capts. Beckham and Gilliland, (during
my absence) an Sunday pursued a party
of Indians, killed one and took six hor
ses from them. No loss on our side.
—«*»###(!—
From thu Southern Kcconler,
TUB MO.NtIttRU.OINTKRKOIJATOmKS
We are requested by Gen. Glascock
to stale, in answer to tho first of the ques
tions propounded by Dr. Lucas Powell,
nnd six others citizens of Jasper, that lie
has stedlaslly and earnestly combatted for
the doctrine that the people have the right
{ to instruct their representatives, and the
| representative is hound to obey the will
| nl the people, when that, will is clearly as
certained, or to resign, if in any instance he
shall believe (he act required of him by
the pooplepa incompatible with the obli
gations of conscience or of honor. He re
gards this as one of (he leading principles
ol (ho Union or Democratic party: and
sin h iu his own attachment to the principle,
• hat he would not abandon it even for the
advancement ot a political friend, however
great his preference might be for him.
He will, therefore, in Iho event of tho elec
tion of President ol the U. Slates devol
ving upon thu House of Representatives
in the present ease, vote for Judge White
if he shall receive a majority of tho Eleu
torul votes to carry his name before the
House of Representatives.
In answer to Iho second enquiry, wc
nrn authorized to slate, that ho believes
that the Congress of tho U. Slates docs
not posses the Constitutional power to a
bolish Slavery in (ho District of Columbia
or in any of (ho Territories of Iho United
Stales, orin any manner to legislate on
the subject. His opinions in relation to
this matter have been so fully and publicly
expressed, and are now so well known to
the people ol tho State, that n further reply
on his part is deemed unnecessary.
From Ihe Georgia Journal.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, ESQ.
This gentleman is at present absent
from (he State. He has been indefatigablv '
engaged during the past summer in effect
ing the accomplishment of works of inter
nal improvement in this State, in this
lie lias succeeded, as will be seen by his '
letter on this subject. His absence we ,
presume will urevent his seeing in time ,
to answer it, the question propounded to
the Anti-Van Btiren candidates for Con
gress. 1
From our acquaintance with Mr. King’s 1
opinions on this subject, we can take the '
liberty, in his absence, of responding to
the Interrogatory. We have frequently 1
conversed with iiini on the subject, anil I
lake great pleasure in assuring our tel- !
low-citizens, that he does not believe
that Congress has (ho constitutional pow- 1
er to abolish slavery in the District of '
Colombia, or in any of die Territories of
the United States. Neither does he con
cede the right to that body to Legislate
on the subject of slavery in any way ;
and it elected to Congress, wo have no
hesitancy in saying, that we believe lie
would vote against the reception of any
petition lor the abolition of slavery. We
lake the occasion to mention our know
ledge ol Mr. King's opinions on this
question, presuming that the rest of our
ticket will speak for themselves; and ,
knowing las entire concurrence with
(hem on this subject, we arc, unwilling
that he should sutler any prejudice bv
reason of his absence from the State.
M adison, Ga!, 15th Sept. 18.36.
Gentlemen— Your letter of the 9th
inst., communicated though the newspa
pers, is hot ore me, and 1 hasten to mako
to it an early answer. To myself, and
thy other gentlemen composing (he State
Rights Congressional ticket, you pro
pound the following interrogatories—
" Do you believe that the Congress of the
United States possesses the Constitution
al power to abolish Slavery in (he Dis
trict ol Columbia, or in any of the Terri
tories ol the United Stales, or to legis
late upon that subject at all ? And will
you, it elected a representative in the
next Congress, vote to receive petitions
for the abolition of Slavery?”
1 recognize cheerfully and fully the
right ot the people, thus to question those i
wlio seek to represent them, in relation i
toidl matters involving political princi- ;
pie and public policy, and therefore re- i
sponded briefly as follows—
I do not believe that Congress posses - i
ses (he constitutional power to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia or in i
(lie Territories of the United States; and i
I do believe that the exercise of such a <
power will be a palpable infraction of I
the Federal compact—a breach of public I
faith, and will of necessity dissolve the i
Union.
Ido not believe that Congress has the I
right to legislate upon the subject of Sla- |
very in the States at all; hut on the con- i
trary, Ido believe that (he right of legis- s
lation on that subject, belongs alone to t
the Slates respectively. i
It elected a representative of the peo- 1
pie of Georgia in the next Congress, I |
will not vote to receive petitions for the \
Abolition of Slavery: a
Because, in my opinion. Congress pos- i
scsses no right of jurisdiction over the I
sufficed matter of such petitions: f
Because, (he reception of them creates «
the necessity, and recognizes the expe
diency of discussion upon their character
and contents; and I hold that the slave
question is not open for debate :
Because. I would not lend my aid to
make the halls of Congress, the theatre
of Abolition agitation, and the Congress
itself, the instrument l»y which the re
pose ot the South may be annually dis
turbed.
Because, I would from a solemn con
viction that the rights of the South—the
sovereignty of the States, and the perpe
tuity of the Union, depend upon the in
tegrity of our domestic institutions, resist
from any and every quarter the begin
ning of aggression upon them.
Respectfully, your fellow-citizen,
E. A. NISBKT.
Messrs, Joshua Itill, Aug. \V. Lane,
Jeremiah Pearson, Thou. If. IK Rivers.
Jus. IK Lewis, H. l\ Kirputriek , of
Jasper county.
10 Joshua Hill, Augustus IV, Lane,
Jeremiah Pearson, Thomas 11. IK
Rivers, James IK Lewis, and 11. P.
Kirkpatrick, oj Jasper county, Geur.
p in : ' ,
Gknti.kmbn:—l find in the Georgia
rournal an article bearing your signature,
addressed to myself among others, re
requiring me to answer the following
question:
“ Do you believe that the Congress of
the United States possesses the constitu
tional power to abolish slavery in the
District o<'Col umbia, or any of the Ter
ritories of the United Slates, or to Legis
late on that subject-fit all ? and will y° 0 u,
if elected Representative of the next
C ongress, vote to receive petitions for the
abolition of slavery r : ’
Recognizing, gentlemen, to the fullest
extent, your right to propound thisintcr
ogatory, and believing it to be my doty
to answer you unreservedly, and enter
taining not one political sentiment which
I would conceal from my fellow citizens
of Georgia, 1 proceed to say, promptly;
that in my judgment, Congress has not
the constitutional power to abolish slave
ry in the District of Columbia ; that Con
gress cannot, constitutionally, deprive
all, or any, of the citizens of that Dis
trict <d property in slaves; that the right
ol property in slaves in that District is a
vested right, as sacred as - is the same
right in the slaveholders of the States ;
and that it is the solemn duty of (he peo
ple of the South, to (he performance of
winch they are pressed by every consul
elation that can weigh with a free people,
i esolved to maintain their own, and the
rights of posterity, (o present, on this
point, forthwith, a determined, unyield
ing, and united opposition. I believe,
gentlemen, (hat Congress' cannot, con
stitiuionally, abolish slavery in any of
the territories ot (his Union—nor can
they impose as a condition of admission of
any territory into the Union, the previ
ous abolition ot slavery therein—nor can
they, either in (he District, or in any Ter
ritory, so legislate as to impair, or in the
least altect, the right of property. Con
gress may, as a local Legislature for the
District of Columbia, pass all necessary
police Laws, and laws for the good order
and government of slaves, ns'does the
State ol Georgia, ami each of the other
Southern States—but the of proper
ly im a subject they jUanmit touch, w ith
out a violation of (fiSf provision of (he
Constitution which declares (hat “private
property shall not be taken for public use
without just compensation.” Abolition
emancipation is not f< public nsc**
within the meaning of (he Constitution.
I u emancipate or abolish would be no
public use ’ it Would be a public curse;
throwing upon the District and the Terri
tories, multitudes of paupers and felons,
impoverishing and demoralizing instead
01, as now, enriching and improving them.
11 elected, gentlemen, I shall be found the
uncompromising opponent of abolition
petitions. I should vote for their rejec
tion without hesitation— as soon as I
would for the rejection of a Petition' to
abolish by Act of Congress the Federal
Constitution, or a Petition to throw the
Revenue ol the Country into the Poto
lomac, or a Petition for the estabishment
ot a National Religion: nor shall I be
lieve the right of petition affected by
such instant rejection. J
I am, Gentlemen,
Your fellow citizen,
JOSEPH W. JACKSON.
Newman, 7th Sept. 1836.
Gentlemen; \ our letter of to-day has
just come to hand informing me that at a
meeting of the friends of the Union par;y
m tins place, on the 6th instant, who en
tertain the opinion that Congress has no
authority under the constitution to abol-
slavery in the district of Columbia,
or interfere therewith in any manner’
vou were appointed a committee to ad
dress the several candidates for Congress,
now before the people upon that subject
and that you are instructed to ask me
whether in my opinion,. Conoress lias the
constitutional power to abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia, and requestim--
an early answer. °
I assure you gentlemen, I have no dif
ficulty in answering your enquiries im
mediately, and I am happy to see the pco
pte amused upon this most important
ot all the political questions of the day.
IJo not believe that Congress has the
right under the Constitution to abolish
slaver}/ in the district of Columbia . and 1
will add, or any where else, and I more
over believe that he who would claim
that right under the constitution for Con
gress on the one hand or concede it upon
the other, is an enemy to the South, and
a traitor lo the Constitution. 1 am also
of opinion that slavery as it now exists in
the United States is a great political ben
efit to die people of all the various sec
tions ot our common country, and espe
cially to the people of the South, and
that not the least of these blessings is
the comparatively happy and contended
condition ot the slaves themselves. Sla
very always has ami always will exist in .
tact, it not in the law, in evqry nation of
people, and flie most deplorable condition
ot slavery is in that country where neccs
sitv lorces men to be slaves, where it is
forbidden'by law, and the most cruel of
masters is he, who has not right to the
labor ol his servant and qp interest in the
property. lam also of opinion that sla
'toy is consonant with the scriptures
and that oar maker contemplated its ex- 1
istence in his command to servants to o
bej their masters, &c. &c. From these
tacts and opinions, gentlemen, vou may
easily perceive that which is my true o
pinion, that Congress has no right under j
the constitution or under any other au- ,
thority human or divine, to abolish sla- j
very in the district of Columbia or any
where else. . I
Connected with this subject is the j
measure ot thy last session ol congress in
which Mr. Pinckney, and other southern
members voted to consider, and report
upon petitions praying congress to abol
ish slavery in the district of Columbia.
I consider this a most fatal step, the con
summation of the final designs ot the ab
olitionists. The history ot the federal
government lias proven already that when
once a measure can be brought before
congress to be considered and debated,
the Constitution can he construed to fa
vor any doctrine which an interested or
ambitious combination wish to carry.—
This proposition is abundantly proven by
the passage of the various tariff acts in
violation of the letter and spirit ot the
constitution and if after Mr. Van Daren
should he elected President (if lie should)
his only friends were to rally around, and
desire other Missouri restrictions, other
laws to grant free negroes to vote in
elections will lie not in pursuance of the
same measures favor the abolition ol
slavery? Will not the same spirit that
prompted him to support the right of free
negroes prompt him still to encourage
such measures qs will secure their free
dom ? the conclusion is natural at id irre
sistible—and I greatly (car that the south
has conceded too much already, and 1
am deliberately of opinion that we should
lose no time in redeeming ourselves from
this condition by enforcing in congress
and every where else, our constitutional
rights to hold our property inviolate.
Very respectfully vour oh’t servant.
JULIUS C. ALFORD.
,d. M. England, Wm. i\immnns, W,
Kilgore, Committee,
MiLLEmffevn.LE, Sept. ID, 1836.
To Messrs. Lucas Powell, (I. Simonton,
; James McKennie., David Meriwether,
William Jl. Moore, John Hines and
c. ji: c. might.
Gentlemen: —Acknowledging in its
lullest extent the right nt the constituent
to be informed of the political opinions
of candidates fur office, 1 cheerfully re
i spond to the question* propounded in
your communication of the Bth inst.
; In the event contemplated in your first
enquiry, of the election of next President
f devolving upon the House of Represeu
. tatives, I shall consider it my duty to
, conform to the will of the people of the
State as it may be expressed in the choice
i ot Electors in November next; and I
shall vote for (he candidate who receives
the electoral vote, of the Slate, .whether
it be Mr. Van Huron or Judge White,
not only on the first ballot, but so long
as there is any prospect of Ids election.
This I believe to be the intention of all
the members of our representation, as
several of us had a conversation on this
subject before we left Washington, and
all were of opinion, that obedience to the
will of our constituents was, in this, as in
other cases, a paramount duty, to which
our personal predilections must yield.
To your second inquiry, I reply that
Congress does nnt, in my opinion, pos
sess the constitutional power to abolish
slavery in tfie District ol Columbia, or in
any of the (efritories of the United States,
or in any manner to legislate upon the
subject.
I am, gentlemen, with great respect,
your oh’t. servant,
S. GRANTLAND.
Sparta, September 14, 18.36.
Messrs. Lucas Do welt, If. Simonton,
James Me Aclinic, David Meriwether,
II illiam Moure, John Hines and
C. W. C. Wright.
Gentlemen :—I recognise, to the ful
lest extent, the right ot the constituent
body to instruct the representative, sub
ject to the single condition, that the latter
shall resign, if he cannot conscientiously
obey—and in whatever mode the people
of Georgia shall express their will, touch
ing any public act to be performed by
me as their representative, I will obey
that will, or resign. So much for the
general doctrine, lying at the root of the
first interrogatory contnaied in your com
munication of the Btli instant, addressed
to my colleagues and myself, as publish
ed in the Southern Recorder of yesterday.
Presuming that you exclude Mr. Web
ster and General Harrison from the con
tingency contemplated in vour first in
terrogatory, I answer, that if the election
of President of the United States shall
devolve on the House of Representatives,
and the candidate voted for by the Elec
toral College ot Georgia, ora majority
of them,-shall be one of the three highest
on the list, I give my vote for him, so
long as his name may be run,.unless it is
clearly ascertained that by so doing, an
election will be entirely prevented.
lo vour second interrogatory, I an
swer, tiiat I do not believe Congress pos
sesses any constitutional power to alter
or abolish slavery in the District of Co-'
l umbin, or in any of (lie Territories of
the United States—nor power so to le
gislate therein, as to aflect (lie institution
of slavery in any manner whatever.
Very respectfully,
Vour obedient servant,
CHARLES E. HAYNES.
fj) ®«*-
Lowndes County, Aug 30th, 1836.
His Excellency Governor Schley;
Sin-—I have to inform you that a party
ot Indians were seen in (he upper part of
this county on Wednesday evening, 2 Uh
instant. Next morning, an hour by sun,
there was a company of eighteen or twen
ty men of us in pursuit of them. We
trailed them about lliree miles when we
came to their camp where they encamped
for the night and appeared to have col
lected together at (hat place. We sup
posed from the there were about
sixty-five or seventy of them. We pur
sued their trail, after dispatching an ex
press to captain Knight at his post to
join us with his company, which he did
forthwith. We pursued' them until Sa
turday, 2rth instant, about half past two
o clock in the evening we came in si'dit
of them where they had stopped to re
fresh themselves near the line of Ware -
and Lowndes counties on the side of a 1
large cypress swamp, known bv the name 1
of the Cow Creek. A\ hen we first saw
t lem at the distance of three or four hun
dred yards, they were running some for
the swamp and some from the swamp, i
As we were marching by heads of com- t
panics, a charge was ordered at full s
speed, which soon brought us within for- i
] ty or fifty paces of their line where they j
l had posted themselves in the swamp—a
j battle ensued which lasted for ten or sis
-1 teen minutes, which was fought with
' much bravery on the part of the whites.
| We completely routed die enemy and
| gained the victory. The loss on our side
was one man wounded & one horse kill
ed. On the part of the enemy, was two
killed in the field that we got.one woman
wounded that we captured that died the
next day about eleven o’clock. There
were signs seen where there were two
more dragged into the swamp that we
supposed were killed. We succeeded in
taking six prisoners with the ond that
died; the other remaining five, for their
better security and safe keeping, 1 have
sent to Thomasville jail, Thomas coun
ty, Georgia, where your Excellency can
make that exposition of them that is
thought most requisite.
The information obtained from the pri
soners, with regard to the number of In
dians, was thirty-three warriors, thirty
live women and children—sixty-eight in
the whole. Our forces consisted of a
bout sixty or sixty-five men; the ad
vance commanded*by Capt. Lindsay,
■ and right Hank by Caps. Levi J. Knight,
and left by myself.
Very respectfully, vour obedient ser
vant, ‘HENRY BLAIR.
Col. Commanding Qlul Regiment % G. M.
AIJOUSTA:
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, IS3B.
“Be just, and fear not.' 1
CONQ RESSIOsrA L TICK BT.
JUI.IUS G. ALFORD, of Troup,
EDWARD J. BLACK, of Scrivon.
W. T. COLQUITT, of Muscogee.
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JOSEPH W. JACKSON, of Chatham.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
EUGENICS A. NESBIT, of Morgan.
THE MAIL.
No Mail yesterday, north of Fayetteville, N.
0. We have no Northern papers later than the
14th, when we ought to have been in possession
of those of the 16th, yesterday morning.—By
the way of Charleston we have intelligence from
New York as late as the 17th.
TENNESSEE VOLUNTEERS, Sic.
The Tallahassee Floridian of the 17th instant
, states that the Tennessee Brigade had arrived,
and were encamped six miles east of that place.—
Gov. Cali,, commander-in-chief, and Gen. Read,
were at that time, confined by indisposion. The
Floridian supposes that offensive operations will
commence shortly.
TROOPS IN FLORIDA.
A letter to the editor of the Jacksonville Cou
rier, dated “Garey’s Ferry, Sept. 13,” says:—
“ The condition of the troops at this post is de
plorable beyond description. It is now expected
that the winter campaign will open on the 25th
inst., and out of tho eleven companies of Artille
ry now at this post, (the quota of which is GOS
men) wo have only 110 fighting men; and
whore wo should have 55 ufiieors, wo have only
six for company duty. There arc eight compa
nies at this post without an officer,”
WILSON LUMPKIN.
The Georgia Journal of tho 20th hist, says :
'Ye sec tins gentleman’s name still held up as
a candidate for elector of President on the Van
Boren Ticket. Does ho not know that lie is con
stitutionally ineligible to that office, or has not
tho profound constitutional knowledge of his ‘ad
visors’ discovered the fact. No man holding an
office of profit under the Federal Government
shall he an elector of President and Vice President.
Mr, Lumpkin is Cherokee Commissioner, with a
salary wo believe, of eight dollars a day.”
MORE STORE BREAKING.
Pile shoe store of Messrs. Robertson- &
Benedict was broken open on Tuesday night
last, and robbed of sundry articles. The rascals
rummaged every drawer and desk in tho store,
but fortunately found no money to reward their
labor. Tho store of Messrs. Beard & Pitts,
three doors above, in the same range, was also
broken open some time last week, and the robbers
succeeded with hammers and chisels in forcing
open the Iron Sale, hut hero again they wcro*uu
rewarded for their labor, for they found no money.
c notice tho breaking open of the above stores
in order to put our citizens on their guard—if they
wish to secure their properly, they imrst not place
too much reliance on our City Police. — Consti
tutionalist of yesterday,
MEETING IN CHARLESTON,
A meeting of the Stale Rights party was held
in Charleston, on Tuesday last, and Is vac E.
Holmes, Esq. was nominated as a candidate for
Congress, in opposition to Mr. H. L. Pinckney.
The following resolutions, among others, were a
dopted by the meeting :
“ V Resolved, That in tiro opinion of this
meeting tire only safe and honorable contest for a
■ Southern Representative in Congress, is to resist
at the threshold, every interference witlr slavery ;
that the ground occupied by the majority of our
delegation, .with reference to the Petitions for the
Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia
was the true and only safe ground, and that in de
serting that ground to conciliate a parly majority,
tho Hon. Henry L. Pinckney has compromised
our rights, disappointed our confidence, and mis
represented our opinions.
5. Resolved, That as the rc-election of Mr.
Pinckney, will and must be regarded as a surren
der by this District, of tire principles of the Stale
Rights party, and as a transfer of its inlluenco to
to the interests of tho Executive nominee for the
f residency, it is duo to the principles of that par
ty to oppose his re-election.”
GLASCOCK.
All objections being now removed, by the gen
erous and disinterested withdrawal of Col. How-
Ann > t(> ; ' lO Slat « Eights men voting for Gen.
Glascock, wc hope they will all do so, to a man.
Tire admirable course pursued by him on the
Abolition question, strongly contrasted as it is
with that ot all his colleagues, and a large por
tion of his party, and dccidly in accordance with
the views and principles of ours, eminently enti
ties him to our regard and support—particularly, ,
too, as no other political principle or opinion he ,
entertains is likely to come in conflict with any ,
of ours, in the Congressional term, for which he \
is a candidate. Were it otherwise, we would -
be among tho last to recommend him to the sup- i
port of our friends, or to vote for him ourselves • <
and it is well known that no one has more uni-’ ,
formly and rigidly adhered to our principles, re- ,
gardless of men, and of all consequences, than ,
wo have. Could we perceive the slightest incon- tl
ststency m supporting him, or the remotest like- f,
luood of its prejudicing our principles, or bring.
I ing him in conflict with them, we assuredly
would not only not support him, but earnestly
urge all other of our friends to a like course. But;
so far from this being tire case, situated as he and
us now are, every principle of consistency, pro
pnety, prudence, justice, and safety, require us to'
give him our open approbation and support.'
I rue, lie is no Nullifier, but when or how can he
come in conflict with the doctrines of nullification,'
in Congress, in the term for which he is a can
didate 1 and, while all action on those doctrines'
must sleep in ail probability for many years, the
question of Abolition, on winch ho has acted so
intrepidly and nobly, (and on which he has gone,
and evidently will and must go, as far as the most
devoted and ultra of our public men possibly can
go,) is now the great test question of the South
and the whole country—the most vital and impor
tant of all others to the Southern people—and the
very one of all others on which parties must here
after form, and all elections turn. Ours is em
phatically the Southern' partt ; it mailers not
how decidedly a man may be "a nullifier, if he
hesitates on this question, he is opposed to us;
and to that party; and however opposed to nulli
fication, if he comes up to us, shoulder to shoul
der, iu opposition to Abolition, lib is virtually
with us, and with that party, for the time. It i3f
impossible for us any longer, with justice to our
selves and the South, to exclude all who are op
posed to nullification. Wc must stand by that,'
when it becomes a question, and this now, while
it is so; and should nullification become the main
question again, when it does so, we shall be a
raong tile first to raise its glorious standard, and
rally its old friends around it. As tire Southern
party, inflexibly devoted to the South, its interests'
and institutions, we must, now, and always, pro-'
sent our front to the point of danger, whichever,’
and wherever, it may he ; and though, if true to'
ourselves and our principles, no one of those
points will ever be inconsistent with any other, or
bring us in conflict with ourselves,“yet we must
not exclude others from acting with us on any
one point, who cannot do so on others, but should
promptly sustain them, so far as they sustain us,
our principles, and the South, and leave them to
do lire same. Looking to ‘‘principles, not men,”
wc should unhesitatingly sustain any man, wluy
sustains our principles, and, so far as they sustain
our principles, and no farther—openly applaud
ing and voting for them when they do so, and
withdrawing ail aid and countenance when they
do not.
On these grounds should we support Gen.
Glascock, regardless of ids party views or opin
ions on other subjects; and how else can wc
prove ourselves more devoted to principles, than
men or party, or encourage others to support our
principles, when they approve any part of them
in opposition to their party 1 If we now with
hold our support from Gen. Glascock, when wc
can honestly and consistently give it to him, will
not such conduct give the lie to our professions,
and shew that wc value party toorc than princi
ple—and at the same time discourage all others
from doing as he has done, from a fear of tho
consequences—the enmity and abuse of their
own parly, unopposed by the sympathy and sup
port of any other 1 Such a course would not
only be ungenerous and unjust, hvft impolitic in
the extreme, as well as deleterious to our princi
ples, and discouraging and destructive to ptibliO
virtue. He is therefore justly entitled to our sup
port, and we earnestly hope will receive it— all of
it, to a man ; for it is not to tho large majority of
our friends (who already agree with us,) that we
address these remarks, but to the very few of
them who do not —anxious as wo are that every
one of them should vote for him, and thereby pre
sent, at these polls, the only correct and unques
tionable evidence that can he given, of the light in
which his conduct and principles, on the Aboli
tion question, in contrast with those of Iris col
leagues, arc hold by tire people of Georgia I
Is not this an object of the deafest importance
to us and our principles! What if he can and
will be elected without it; that is not the point;
for, merely to ho elected, without a triumphant
majority, will ho claimed by his party friends as a
mere party triumph, effected by themselves, and
not indicating any approbation of his conduct
and principles over those of his opponents
This would he virtually a defeat of the former, as
contrasted with the latter, and claimed as shewing
that his party tolerated it, though they did not ap
prove it, and had re-elected him in despite of it—
when in all probability a large portion of his parly
expecting him certainly to bo elected with the aid
of ours, and fearing the contrast just alluded to—
a contrast so fatal to them,'and triumphant to us!
will silently drop him, at the polls 1 Yea, unless
we support him waimly, and unanimously, they
may, in this way, even defeat him, or at least give
him such a vote, in contrast with those of his col
leagues, as would seem a defeat of his conduct
and principles, and humble him before them. Is
it not natural, disapproving of his conduct as
they and his colleagues do, that they should de
sire (if not to defeat him,) allcast, to humble him
and his opinions, lest they otherwise stand
forth with such a majority as would be the most
popular and Humiliating censure of them and
theirs I And would not tho humbling of him
and his.principles, on this point, at the same
time equally humble us and ours, and discourage
him and others from supporting those principles
hereafter, and the people of Georgia from looking
up to them witlr a favorable and confident eye T
Would not his and their defeat, be oar defeat, and
his and their triumph, be our triumph; and is it
not theiefore of the utmost importance to us and
our principles, that wo should give him every
vote wc possibly can, and as large a majority as
possible over all his colleagues 1 Is it not highly
desirable, that it should ho perfectly understood
by the public, and all parties, that all our party
vote for him, to a man, and that each one of it
should not only so declare himself to our oppo
nents, but shew his ticket openly at the polls, so
that it he does not then got the entire vote of
both parties ,'as shewn by tile vote for botli tick
ets, it will be evident that his own party friends
have dropped him at the polls, and even discard
ed him, if it shall be found that ho has not
votes enough to elect him, exclusive of ours, or as
many as his colleagues, with that exclusion I
Let them but -do this, and though there is every
reasonable hope of success for our ticket, yet
even if it should be defeated by a mere party
vole, the great majority of Gen. Glascock, over
Ins colleagues, will he a glorious triumph of his
and our principles, over those of his colleagues
and his parly, and put them and their principles
completely down, in future ! Is not this a great,
a glorious triumph to be gained, for Southern in
terests, principles, and institutions, over Aboli
tionism, Van Unrenism, and Pinckeyism ?—a
triumph worthy of a great and glorious struggle
for its attainment I
But there is reason to believe that the Union