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Speech of Lord Holland —Concluded.
i must say, in justice to his Ma
jesty’s Government, and especially
in justice to a Noble Lord now no
tftore, that I do not believe there
wus the slightest intention ol pro
ducing the present state of things.
When Lord Castlereagh entered
into a negociation lor peace with
Bonaparte, he thought, and thong lit
wisely, that it was necessary to
form a confederacy of the other
owers of Europe, which might ba
lance the great physical force of
France, directed as it was by the
wonderful talents of that extraor
dinary man. Hut when, by that
course of events which I shall al
ways consider most unfortunate,
the King of France became the
mere nominee of that confederacy,
the aspec t of affairs, was entirely
changed. What is the principle
on which the Holy Alliance is
formed ? “ That those persons
who are now invested with power
over mankind should continue to
hold it by their own will, without j
any responsibility for their actions.’
My Lords, unlers this is their prin
ciple, their treaty of concurrence is>
a dead letter. To prove that such;
is their principle, look at their!
deeds. When first this new sys-l
tem made its appearance, it assum
ed the shape of an Autograph Trea- j
iv. These Dcsjnits arrogated to’
themselves the character of the He-j
ly Alliance The Secretary of State !
for this country, Lord Castlereagh,’
at its commencement, considered it;
as altogether harmless. He could!
not subscribe to the fears of those j
who saw danger in such a combina-.;
lion. “There was nothing at all
in it,” said the Foreign Secretary,!
and it was only because the Go-,
vernment of this country was pre-!
eluded, from the shape and form it 1
wore, by the Constitution (which,
prescribed, that to every act of con-:
nexion with a foreign power the !
signature of a responsible Minister I
was necessary,) that Great Britain!
was not a party to it. This very !
objection though founded upon lor-’
mality,involved the very principle!
of the question. What Minister
would have ventured to have put’
Ids signature to such a document r
At that moment Ministers were
•not aware of its character and na
ture. They never supposed that in i
its covert terms it had disguised !
those objects which both admission j
and practice had since realised. It)
soon began to disclose itself. It
was forsooth, an alliance for the
conservation of the Monarchical
principle. Monarchical principle!’
What was that principle ? As un-!
derstood then, and since avowed j
by these conspiratois, it was the 1
right gfone man to govern millions,
not with respect to their interests
or their opinions, but solely in the
gratification of his own will or ca
price. Legitimacy thev dared to
name, using die term, not in its
mie and hallowed signification, of!
regard to those laws and precepts
which the reason ol mankind had
sanctioned, “nut upon the wicked
assumption that hereditary power
was, under every circumstance and
in every situation to be upheld
and perpetrated merely because’
there existed an hereditary claim ;
disregarding altogether the conduct
of the person possessing it, no mat
ter what his misdeeds were—no
matter what miseries he heaped up
on his unhappy subjects—his right
to continue in his misrule was ne
ver to be .forfeited, and those whose
happiness Ik? had destroyed were
to be assailed if they ventured up
on that natural remedy, a change of
dynasty.
Look at the history p's Naples
hear, hear !) look at the advan
ces these wretched principles have
made, since the independence ol
that country was violated ! Then,
indeed the light first broke in upon
the Executive government of this
. ountry, as to the real purposes of
the llolv Alliance—then it was,
chat, for the first time, the Minister
lor Foreign Affairs, Lord Castle
tengh, perceived that that Auto
graph Treaty was not that very
harmless,unmeaning, peaceful com*
hnaiion which he had at first ima
gined and described, lie felt that
it had given out tokens which left a
British Minister no doubt that at
least Great Britain could not he a
party to it. It was true that the noble
Secretary did not even then manifest
much de-ire to contradict such preten
sions ; although hi was at length con
vinced that it embraced a rule ot poli
tical action ivith which the policy of
that cdtntry could not be reconciled.
The effort was consequently made,not
to oppose such a principle, but, il it
were possible, to slip out of the diffi
culty. There was, indeed, an appear
ance, in some vague, indeterminate,ge
neral language, to express a disappro
bation of the principle, but tins disap
probation was coupled with the excep
tion that there were peculiar circum
stances in the relations in which Aus
tria stood with respect to Naples, in
which the principle was modified.—
7'here might exist some considerations
of that kind : but still J hold that when,
for the first time we were called upon
to pronounce an opinion on such a prin
ciple, it should have been free from all 1
appearance of ambiguity and misinter
pretation. We should have avoided
the exhibition of persons, who
“ Not accepting, did but half refuse!”
I bust 1 feel as strongly as any man,
the injustice of that violation ; I hold
in equal abhorrence such nicked ag
gressions on the rights of independent
feta tea, whether the people ot those
countries be near or remote—whether
they hold a greater or a lesser rank
| among the nations of the civilized
! world. The injustice, the danger, is
in the principle, and the attempt,under
all circumstances, should he the ob
ject of reprobation. It is very true,
however, that in the case of Naples,
there were peculiar circumstances, as
was truly stated by Ids Majesty’s Mi
nisters, which did not cull upon this
country for the most active interposi
tion, as compared with more recent
transactions. Naples, whether from j
its remoteness, ov its slighter connex-j
ion with this. country, was, without
using the words in an tnvi lucus sense,
in a stale of comparative insignificance
as contrasted with our relations with
Spain. V* e had not time, besides,from
the rapid advance of the Austrian Ar
my, to take an active course. The mi
litary occupation of that country by
Austria, left us no opportunity for re
monstrance, or even an examination of
their pretexts for aggression. No man
could view those pretexts with more
disgust than I do; and though 1 argue
the question on the principle of policy
at this moment, I am as fully persua
ded that in the success of that inva
sion, the honour, the rights, and the
happiness of all independent fetates
were put in jeopardy (hear, hear!) It
is however admitted,that perhaps there
is no power in Europe less calculated
by any of its movements, to excite the
apprehensions of this country, than
Austria; but despotic as that power
is, it is in the principle that it has
avowed and acted upon as to Naples,
that every reasonable mind must dis
cover the danger. Naples having thus
been treacherously and unjustly inva
ded —the success in that first essay
next led to the attack of the Holy Al
liance upon fepain and Portugal. Rus
sia, at first covertly, but feeling its
way, soon made a declaration of its in
tention, nay, of the obligation it was
under to interfere with the revolution
of Spain.
It is no part of my case to inquire
what were the actual feelings of the
Spanish people as to the merits of that
Constitution, which that revolution ob
tained. 1 care not what was the pre
ponderating influence of parties. 1
care not how numerous were the le
gions of fanaticism, and it forms no
part of the question with me, w hat and
how many zealots evinced adesiieto
restore the old despotism, to perpetu
ate the system of arbitrary power, and
sacrifice to tiie domination of one the
interests of mankind. I hese are con- ■
situations wholly out of a just view of
ihe subject. Grant all that the oppo
nents of that Constitution assume, yet
where in the divisions of a people, on a
question affecting the improvement of
their own Constitution, are these des
pots to find a justification for the at-j
attacks upon the rights of independent’
States, and the subversion by force, of
those institutions which were acknowl
edged bv the organs of the public will
(hear, hear!) 1 say again, I will not*
stop to inquire how the people of Spain
viewed the Revolutionary Constitu
tion. \Yh atever difference of opinion
prevailed, the armies of the Holy Alli
ance w ere not the arbiters (hear, hear.)
l’lie Despots thought otherwise ; they
issued their anathemas against the peo
ple of Spain, and they decided on the
subversion of its constitution by force.
The Princes of the House of Bourbon
true to the principles of that House,
became foremost in the crusade against
the liberties of mankind (hear, hear !)
True, they first hesitated—they were
alarmed at the avowal of their own pur
poses,; partly from the fear of conse
quences, and not from any distaste of
the principle itself, and partly from an
apprehensive suspicion that Great Hri
tuin, in unison with her ancient police,
would oppose the attempt, they re
mained appaientlv undetermined. —
When, however, they got at the depth
of our policy, and by such knowledge
these difficulties were surmounted,the
House of Hourbon at once put iu exe
cution principles congenial with their
ancient character. Aggrandizement,
no matter what the object, no matter
what the pretext —and it is 100 true
that they acted upon a principle, the
only one in which the people over
whom they have been forcer!, could
unhappily be brought to agree with
tlietn—aggrandizement was their ob
ject (hear!) The materiel was in
France. These were the Ultra fol
lowers of these Princes, and worldly
minded and fanatical priests, who ne
ver cease, if possible, to realise their
own objects, with a relay of bad nienof
all parties, Republicans and Napoleon
ists, who, following the impulse of the
national character, thought not, cared
not for the desolation they effected,
provided their love of plunder, spolia
tion, and conquest on an unoffending
country was successful. Acting upon
that conviction, M. Chateaubriand
hailed the invasion of Spain as a means
of producing national unanimity. It
was to he the recovering point for
Bourbon influence They were to hand
over the independence of weaker but
independent countries, as a spoil lr>r
French soldiery, to recover a security
and a permanence for themselves,
(hear !) “ Dominationem super alios
ad servitium suum, mercedem dant”
(hear !) Hut why speak of freedom
when talking of the States of the Con
tinent ? Where over its whole extent
does freedom exist ? (hear.) No where
through that vast tract. Is freedom to
be found in Russia,Austria,or France?
1 deny it* Tell me not of the sem
blance of freedom, in what we know to
be the nomina in Cham
bers or Assemblies, where one is at a
less to decide whether the profligacy
of its connivance, or the disgusting ex
cesses of individuals, are more the sub
ject of reprobation with every enlight
ened mind. • ask >' , g a ' n where free
dom is to he found in any part of Eu
rope at this moment, but in England r
Is there a spot where any man would
dare to sav the sort of things that I am
saying now ? (a laugh, and cries of hear
hear !) It is probable that lam at this
moment speakingwhat the Noble Lord
(Liverpool) does not approve —what is
not pleasing (and though I am persua
ded that even were lie a despot, he
would not send me to prison, much
less to execution) (a laugh, and hear,
hear!) vet I tell mv Noble Friend, I
feel a much better security in know
ing that lie durst not, cannot, (hear,
hear!
Surely, Noble Lords must feel that
they insult the sacred name of liberty,
mlicii thev venture to assert that the
concerns of the people form any part
of the views of that combination that
domineers over Europe —fur where
can these concerns have a friend,
where there is neither recognized the
liberty, the reason, or law ? In my
general view of the oppressed Contin
ent of Europe., lam most willing, on
reconsideration, to except the King
dom of the Netherlands. So far as its
power and its means extended, I sin
cere! v believe there exists a willing
ness and solicitude to extend *he li
berties of the subject, and to increase
the happiness of the people (hear,
hear!) The Noble Earl at the head
of his Majesty’s Government in his
speech lias panegyrised the Prince who
commanded the French army in its in
vasion of Spain. lam not disposed
to dispute the claims that that person
age has to panegyric for his immedi
ate and personal conduct in the com
mand of that campaign ; but I do de
clare that I listened to the prediction,
that those claims afforded future hopes
in his presumptive character, when
I proceeding from a British Minister,
with consternation, (hear, hear!) Is
the Noble Lord not aware of what
France has effected, and by what
means? Does she not, at this moment,
hold mil itary occupation of the whole
kingdom of Spain, its fortresses and
! harbours? Has she not a supreme
! ascendency, not alone in Spain, but in
Portugal (near!) Are not her influ
ence, her power, and her ambition,
upheld by a Priesthood vehement and
eager to sustain and increase that as
cendency by all those means which
they knowhow to employ, and which
are too successful over the mass of
mankind (hear, hear!) Is not that
ambitious Government supported al
so by a nominal Legislature, which so
far possesses the power of Represen
tation as to be able to lay at the feet
of the Monarch all the resources of a
fertile and industrious country, with
out the virtu e or the ability to check
the misapplication. Such is the Go
vernment of France; the head, I
would sny ; but at all events, a Mem
ber of that wicked confederacy that
holds at nought all those principles and
rights which were, heretofore at least,
acknowledged to be founded on the
laws of nature, and of nations ; I ask,
then, is that a state of [the world that
in a British Parliament ought to lie a
subject of congratulation (hear, heat,
hear!) I ask the Ministers of the
Crown whether such a position can
be satisfactory to tlieiaselverl The
character of our policy must lie strange
ly altered if such a state of Europe can
Ik; an object of gratification to an Eng
lish Government (hear !) #
The Noble Earl has reminded your
Lordships of the iact, that lie had . e
preciated the invasion of Spain by the
French government. I ask you also
to remember the manner and the tone
in which he deprecated that invasion.
What, was that way? Was it not
that France would be the sufferer
that there was a great improbability of
success —that its Government did not
contemplate not alone the danger lroin
Spanish resistance ; but the more im
minent and more awful danger ol ha
zarding its sccuiity in France ? Was
not this the language ot every dispatch?
Look at every document, at every re
cord placed upon your table, anil then
I ask whether the amount of the Noble
Lord’s deprecation was not that war
was to be avoided by France, because
it was most likely that such war would
be attended with the most disastrous
events to France. I appeal to the
Noble Duke near him (Wellington,)
who I am sure, would disclaim and
spurn the imputation ot having any
where used language which he did not
feel to be true, whether that was not
the burthen of every diplomatic com
munication. \\ as it not the admoni
tion, the dehortation, il I may say so
of his every note and communication,
when the project of violation was un
folded at Verona, ? (hear, hear !) Dis
regarded as these admonitions were, it
was something beyond official assump
tion ; it was rather too much even for
Parliamentary acquiescence, to be cal
ler! upon to admit our proud attitude,
our commanding influence, amidst the
nations of Europe (hear, hear !) Let us
for a moment consider the proofs of
that ascendency, of that ability which
our success afforded to arbitrate for
the contract. Either the invasion of
Spain by France was a good, or it was
an evil. If it were a good it was ac
complished without our consent or our
assistance. If it were an evil where
is our boasted ascendency, when the
Ministers of England, who take cred
it for our proud attitude, bought at
such unexampled sacrifices, admit, in
the same breath, that they themselves
deprecated the attempt, and that the
result, has been effected decidedly
against our remonstrances,and, as most
men feel, with consequences specially
dangerous to British interests (cheers) !
I confess, for my own part that I can
not understand, much less acquiesce,
in these causes for self-congratulation.
In reflecting on the state of events, I
can, indeed, understand why England
might not have felt it politic to in
terfere in such a question; but it
forms, in my mind, no topic of con
gratulation. I can understand that,
crippled and exhausted by efforts in
a cause of a more ambiguous character, she
was no longer capable to sustain her ancient
policy of appearing as ti'e champion of the
indeclendence of Europe (hear, hear!) Her
inability, from previous efforts, I understand,
and am ready to appreciate the argument that
might be formed on it. But I do not see the
propriety or the credit, to use the words of a
most eloquent Colleague of the Noble Lord’s
(Mr. Canning) I say 1 do not recognize the
propriety of our tricking'Ourselves out in all the
drapery of eloquence, to appear in a character
to which our own acts have lamentably pro
ved we have no pretensions.
It is most preposterous, and again drawing
upon the language of that Bight lion. Gentle
man, I think that though, urcordingto him, it
would have been an act of Quixotism to have
interfered iu the Spanish Struggle 1 still
venture to hold, that having gisen up and sur
rendered uli right to that elevation of teeling
and spirit of chivalry which characterized the
Knight of La Mancha ; there was another qual
ity of fliat renowned character which with
more propriety he and his Colleagues might
have exemplified—to wit, that altogether
dropping their vaunted and non-existing su
periority, they should have appeared with
some claims to respect, from their regard to
decency, as Knights of the sorrowful counten
ance (cheers, and a laugh.) These were the
feelings that became them, and y et it was diffi
cult to reconcile such conduct as they pur
sued with the impressions they must huve felt
from the nature of the exertions which Great
Britain had made for Europe (hear, hear !) —
VVas a disiegard to her admonitions, toTbcr
remonstrances, the fair n turnOor all her sacri
fices of blood and treasure, and aye, of hones
ty, too, in her dealings, ns the Noble Earl
(Liverpool) has ut length tardily admitted this
night, in review ing our arrangements of Cur
rency and Finance ? One would have expec
ted, that w hen the Holy Alliance refused to
listen to the suggestions of those Ministers w ho
had recovered for some of them their Thrones
and secured the tottering influence of others
that the exclamation of the Noble Earl, at nil
events of the Noble Duke near him (Welling
ton) would have been—
“ O Peers of England ! shameful is this
leasin',
Futul this contract, cancelling your fame ;
Hlottiitg vour imines from hooks of memory;
Hazing the characters of your renown,
Iti versing monuments of commend France;
Undoing all, as all had never been !”
In place of that natural feeling, uninfluenced
!>y those heroic sentiments—at least we should
have thought, that disappointed hy their for
mer friends, treated with ingratitude where
gratitude was due, they would have met the
country with n natural, u becoming feeling of
humiliation. No such tiling They chuckle tit
sell-congratulation ; and making noodles and
doodles of us all, expect, that w hen the story
ts out, we must ail, as the w liter of Tom Thumb
observes—
“ With Nature w ear an uuiverml grin.”
But whatever <Lflic rent views Noble Lords
might entertain as to the policy nl our interpo
sition, I do pray them to reflect oil theeonse
quenues oi allowing the despot principle of one
itle governing the destiny ,„,d the resources of
the whole ot < oiilmentai Europe Here this
Uu* proper time I could Hate a variety ofsu -
gCatiu:.3, wire:; the piosficct c? the
sch a state oftliia-s brings to mw
possible that if such a state of thin.?!? ** *t
successful, that our free institmi-L 10 U
Presses and Parliamentary discu- ‘
not become an object of deep and
tility ? Great as are the resources of th°' IS^v
try, determined as is the love ofinderpa 0 ” 1
and great as is the industry of its
who could pronounce on the result of
tare waged by Europe under one will aH .* N
that freedom which those despots abhor??! 11 ' 1
can we tell, but that, if even the Emm.
Austria was above all such recollcttinT?' 1
courtiers in his Government would ‘ . 1
found who would breathe a lasting
against that right of public
talked of despot bankruptcy, and breari
imperial faith ? Is it no consideration f, V 1
tisli Statesmen, that priestcraft and funar.■
has had its triumph in that country m tMI
rectlv convenient for extending the same V''”
ciples and practices where they were Id, ‘
meet adherents in the more vulnerable ?
our empire ; Has not our commerce on v
our prosperity mainly hinges,been the,’? 1 ' 1
of the unceasing opposition of those sf' 1
reigns ? View it in every point, it is our
to Lie decided. It may be a question v ,! f tr
it should be our policy to divide the’com?
cut parts of thi\Confederacy, end by rs0 doin *
to nullify its purposes ; It may be our J‘?
to place ourselves ut the of a vast iV?
party existing in every country in Eum* ■
a manner similar to the station 0 f U !
once field at the head of the Protestant SmZ
or, if crippled and exhausted by our pr?, !’
efforts, we should feel disposed to sever an
separate from Europe, placing
connexion with the New World—linked v.V
the United Stales, and looking out for |j?
connexions with the emerging Government, *
the Southern districts of that Continent,??
might compensate for our alienation from E a
rope. These. I say, may lie speculationtK
policy.—but nil I say ut present is, decide—
These various considerations are attended xii
difficulty; but whatever may be the extent of
that difficulty, there is no time for dele y (h! at
hear!) The election must be made—ar.y oi;i .’
ot these decisions, 1 say, is much better than
the course we are now pursuing—better, ln.
peat, any one of them, than no system ohoi;.
cy at all [hear, hear !] In the situation uenow
are, it is, in mv conviction, impossible to pr.
severe without probable disgrace and degrad*-
tion, and perhaps xvithout ruin and extinction
—a destiny which posterity will pronounce
we shall have deserved, if, w ith the means of
preservation in our power, we have suffered
them to remain in inaction (hear, hear!)
London, Feb. 20,
Veiv interesting information re
lative to the aflaiis of Greece has
been received in London. The
Hon. I.eicester Stanhope,who had
been attempting for some time to
form a corps of artillery has atlength
succeeded to the utmost extent of
his wishes, and now boasts that the
Greeks have a force more than suf
ficient to reduce all the fortresses
in the hands of the Turks. Mr.
Stanhope was receiving assurances
of support from all parts of Greece,
with earnest requests that he would
intercede with England to procure
pecuniary and other means lor the
establishment of national schools
throughout the country. Lord By
ron continues the soul of the Greek
cause, and is every where popular.
The Primates of jMissilonghi have
elected him member of their Coun
cil. His Lordship has undertaken
providefor the expenditure of tie
war until the produce ol the loan
shall have been received, and for
this purpose has sold an estate it
England, the amount of which is
placed in the hands of Messrs. Han
som & Co.to he remitted to Greece.
From Cayenne. —The captain of
a vessel belonging to Cayenne, nr*
rived at Para but was obliged tt
return with her cargo, in const*
quence of a revolution which rial
broken out. The streets of P^ l
were drenched with the blood and
the murdered at noon day.
Governor of Cayenne had despatch*
ed a brig of 20 guns, and a schoon*
er for the relief of such persons
sought refuge-under the frer.c 1
flag. [Cayenne is the capital of l
province of Brazil, of the sa
name.—Population, 1u,000.]
A letter from Port au Prince re*
ceived in Philadelphia, affirms > ll!
Boyer, the President of
two commissioners to Fiance, to
just a treaty, the preliminaries o
which have actually been signed .
Louis the 1 Sth.
Fortunate escape. —On Saturday
last, capt. Donnelly, and Pf ier
M’Keller, in going down the
in a pilot boat, before day, to cru!
outside of the bar for vessels- ’
came on to blow fresh, they “ tr
compelled to reef, and feh t 0 j
ward upon the false breaker
just within the north breaker,
being yet dark, they w ere no* ‘
cernable till close upon them
the course of fifteen minutes
boat was filled with water t* n(
set. Thev clung to the wreck**
in their perilous situation “' cr ?
ven through the whole t^a ! n j )e
bicakers to the west end ° „•
Pelican Bark, which isdrv nt %
tide, where they constructed a 5
raft with seme pieces of the w * .
and with the help of somep<*. f
boards for paddles, they J e ,
bank about sunset and arf*'*
Sapelo Island at nine o'clock
1 Ptrum