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DY CAMAK & RAGLAND, STATE <y V.XITED STATES’ TRUSTERS.
MILLEDGLV11.LE, TUESDAY, MAY 1**G.
VOLUME XVII.—NO. ill
■XJ* THE GEORGIA JOURNAL
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•nil.
sfbf.ch
Or Mr BERRIEN, ok Georgia,
Delivered in the Senate of the V. Slates, on
the Mission to Panama, March, ld'JO.
IThe following Resolution, reported by
the Cotntinllee of Foreign Relations, being
under consideration, viz:
•• Resolved,, 'I hut if is n *t expedient, nt thi*
time, lor the United State? fu scad m»y Minis
ters to the Co gross 01 the American Nations
assembled .it Pauama”—
Mr. BERRIEN, of Georgia, addressed
the deflate us follows :
1 have a hope, Mr. President, perhaps it
is a vain one, that I inav liuvt* strength e-
iiough to state to the S uate, the v ew*
which I entertain ou this sub net. I can
not consent to give a silent vote, on a ques
tion so deeply interesting to this Union,
and, especially, and in some of its aspects,
to my immediate constituents. Nhr am I
willing, pressed as we have been, by the
steadily moving phalanx of our opponents,
to lh?j iinal decision of this controversy, to
ask ifom their couitcsy an indulgence
which they would he unwilling to accord.
No, Sir—1 prefer, even in my weakness, at
•nee to mingle in the strife, and, struggling
wills the debility arising from bodily indis
position, find with the difficulties which be
long to the subject, I will seek support, and
I will (iud it in the sticngth of the fin
which animates uio.
1 am, moreover, entirely sensible of the
disadvantage at winch 1 most necessarily
Address the Senate, at this late stage of the
discussion, when the attention has been
wearied, not merely by the continued con
temptation of the same subject, but by
views and illustrations of that subject, for
the most part, necessarily similar, and tend
ing to conduct the hearer to the snmu re
Ault. With two exceptions, for which I
take this occasion to offer my individual ac-
Jcuo.vlrdtffiifms, it lias seemed good to
those who differ from us, to preserve the
•dignity of silence.* We have conjured them
to give to ustho benefit of those profouiid
4ind comprehcn.ive views, which have train-
•e^their minds to a couelusiou, in which
•they repose, alike free from upurebenston,
and inaccessible to argument, by all those
considerations which hind as to each other,
we have onttealod them to mingle their
counsels with ours, on this ini ••resting occa
sion—to impart to i s u portion of thru igi»t,
by the brightness of which they can tread,
fearlessly, a path, that, to our less enlight
ened view, scums beset with dangers.—
They have been deaf to out supplications
—Our entreaties have passed liy them ns
the idle wind, which they regard tloiy—
Walking, themselves, by the light of faith,
which is the evidence of things unseen,
they will not stretch forth a hand to with
draw us from the ways of the error which
they impute to us. Mr, we might imitate
thisi example. Wo,too, might advance in
silence to the destiny which sceina to await
us, in the consummation of this ill-fated
project For myself, l will not do it,—
“ Whether iih n will lieor, or whether they
will not hear, is not strictly my personal
concern; but ntyinteniion uo man taketh
from me.’ Repressing the sugecstitma of
pride, 1 w ill remember only that we have a
common interest in the rrsult of our tv
inon counsels, and even in tha little in
vnl, tbnf separates the moment with h
from that which shall mark the registry, to
which wo are summon' d, 1 will null expos
tulate with our opponents, in a spirit alike
fre e from arrogance a ul ft utn serv ility—in the
spirit of t uth, and of soberness.
Sir, the measure to vvh eh we are called,
is distinguished by a novelty, which indu
ces me to pause. So far as the project is
disclosed, it is plainly injurious to the best
interests of this People, while much of ii
is veiled from the view of the most scruti
nizing inquiry. Clouds and darkness rest
upon it. it coincs, sir, in such a questiona
ble shape, thru I will speak to it. I'm!
the guise of & just sensibility to the inter -
£*lsof the .Spanish Ameiicnn llepuhlt
it pfupuM**to change the whole njhIciii
cn*r Jpceign relations, by the mere exercise
of the appointing power—to involve the
interests of thin I 'uioti in n foreign associ
ation, composed of States with whom we
Jiavo in natural connection, and over whoso
councils wo cun exercise no efficient con
trol.
More distinctly, sir—and in (ho first
place. In a season of unexampled pros
perity, which we have attained by n rapidi
ty of niurch, to which history afford* no
parallel, which invites to no change in the
general system of our foreign relations,
*• and least of all to such change as this
would bring us," vv« arc required to aban
don the wise and salutary policy which has
hiihcrto conducted us in a;ifutv, to form n
political association with the Republics of
Bpanibh Ameiicu.
I should wasto the lime of ilio Senate, it
I were to detain you by the formal proof of
ilia fact, that the United States aro at this
moment, in the enjoyment of an unexam
pled prosperity. J appeal lo the me.-<8ago
of the President at the opening of the so*-
•ion,for the evidences of our prosperous
and happy condition, of thu tie n risking state
of our finances, of the increase of our com
merce, our wealth,our population, and the
extent of our territory; uud for Biu proof
that wo are permitted to enjoy these boun
ties of Providence in peace and tranquility;
in peace with all the nations of the earth, in
tranquility among ourselves.
What aro tho duties which these consid
erations inculcate ? I propose the question
in sober sadness to the majority «o|* this
House Thus situated, what is it that we
owe to the Republic? Is it to embark in
quest of novelty on the ocean of oxperi-
d mimt—to yield ourselves to the visionury
I and fantastic schemes of political projec-
I Kyra—to the spltuultd but delusive augge*-
L flons, of a wild uud reckless ambition ? 1«
w ii mdr rather to preserve, to cherish, to guard
(ft with more than vestal vigilance, that en-
larged and liberal, hut stable and self-dc-
E cnd&nt system of policy, which, by the
Jessing oI God, lias conducted us to oui
present lirepy mid prosperous condition ?
What is that policy ? Sir, it is the policy
which guided the councils of Washhsotoa
■•-which pioducod the celebrated provfaiua
tion of neutrality, a measure which saved
us from the vortex of European contention
to w hich each successive administration
has adhered with fidelity—which Washing
ton himself thus emphatically announced;
“ The great rule of conduct for us, in re-
gaid to foreign nations, is, in extending mil
com me rc ial relations, to have with them ax
little political connection as possible. So
fur ns we have already formed engagements,
let them he fulfilled with perfect good faith
Here let vs stop ”
'I’he proposition which I am endeavoring
to illustrate, ave rts merely, that the propos
ed Mission to Panama, involves an aban
donment of the policy, by winch this con
federation has hitherto hewn gov erned, nt a
time when, by a steady adherence to that
policy, wo are prosperous and happy. It is
of the charnctei of the measuie in this v it w
alone, that I speak nt this moment. To the
motives which nrc urged to induce its adop
tion, it will ho my duty hereafter to advert.
Here it is sufficient to recognize these facts,
that the proposed association of A inert an
nations at Panama is n political one, and
that such an association is u depniture from
the f>etiled policy oftliis government. That
such is the character of the association, i*
not denied by tlio-ip who advocate the mea
sure, is proclaimed in every page of the
documents before us, and if to the brief re
mark which J have made, it is necessary to
add any thing to prove, that the policy of
tins government is such as I have represen
ted it. 1 refer myself to the argument of
the gentleman from New York, with whom
n< ur gen.Tally, in the view which he
It is taken of this distinctive feature, in the
political history of this Union
Standing on an elevated position, in an
altitude which has set ured to us the respect
and admiration of the world—having at
tained this elevation, bv preserving an en
tire freedom of action, and by the rapid dr
velopment of our own resources, what is u
that should tempt u* to descend from our
high estute, to mingle in diplomatic in
trigues, and to make ourselves parties to
international confedeincies, ou this or the
other side of t«ie Atlantic ? Especially it
i< most obvious to inquire, what is the chai-
acter of that association, of which wo are
about to become a part, by approving this
nomination ? Sir, it is not a mere diplomat
ic cootn il. It is an international nsXem-
My, created bv treaties, and invested with
powers, which aro efficient for the purposes
of its institution, some and the principle of
which arc belligerent.—An association with
such a Congress, must necessarily commit
our neutrality.
The general argument on these proposi
tions, has been pressed w ith so much per
spicuity and force, by gentlemen who hav-
preceded me ; they have gone into such ful
ness of detail, that I do not propose to tax
the patience of the Semite, by a renewed
discussion of the whole question. T« ere
nre two points connected with it, however,
o which I desire to be heard.
In the first place, 1 n*k the attention of the
Semite to this remark.
Whatever declarations may be made to
the contrary, however foreign it mav be
from the intention of the Presuleut, it* will
be the Accessary consequence of this mission
that wo shall become parties' to the Con
gress of Punnraa, to the extent of w hat is
fouominuted the pledgo of Mr. Monroe, or
wo mU't disappoint tho expectations, and
excite the resent hi mils of the Spanish Amer
ican Staten. Tins proposition include
these ideas:
That tbo Spanish American States con
sidcr this government as pledged to them t
resist the. interference of any European
Power ill the war which they are wag
mg fi.j* |heir luiiependenre, by force of the
official declarations of Mr. Monroe and the
subsequent acts ofoUr 1 administration
That it is one, ami a principal and distinc
ly avowed object of the proposed Congress
at Panama,to concert thu means by which
eflm t is to be given to this oui s) stern of
policy
That the as .>p ut of tlio Senate, the remain
mg branch of the treaty*making power, is
alone wanting to commit the national faith,
however the form* of the Constitution may
require other agencies for its redemption
Phut a failure to renlizp these expecta
tions, must he productive of feelings of
coldqess and ill-will.
Eet us examine the two first in connexion
Does any gentleman doubt what is the view
taken, of this declaration by the Republics
of Spanish America, or that they consider
it to ho one of 1 lie subjects of deliberations
of tho Congress of Panama, in winch
nre to participate ? On both these points,
the Minister of tho l States of Mexico, is
Hear and ixplicit. Ho expresses himself
thus : “ Tho government of the subscriber
never supposed nor desired that the United
StutcHot America would take part, in the
Congress about to he held, in other matters
than those which, from their nature mid im
portance, the late, administration pointed
out and characterized as being of general
interest to this continent " This is the
strongest mode of expressing both tin* c x
p octet ion and tho desiro of tho Mexican
Government, that the U. Slates would take
nart in the Congress, in those matters which
had hi cn characterized and pointed out.
Titti Miiiistei proceeds: •* For which Teu
ton, (that is, bccnusA the 'ate administration
had pointed it out, as cd* general interest to
tho continent,) one of the subjects, which
w ill occupy the attention of tho Congress,
w ill bo the resistance or opposition to the
interference of any neutral nation, in tho
question uud war of independence, be
tween the new povvcisof tho continent and
Spain " Hue is the idea in hold relief, »
distinct assertion, that resistance to the in
terference of any European power, in the
war between Spain and tlio** States, is a
question ofgenoral interest to the continent,
this Government included ; that it has been
expressly so characterized by the lato ad
ministration, and that it is one of those sub
joets, to he discussed at that Congress, in
which toe are expected to participate. But
how participate ? By our counsels,
ly ? No sir. Being, ns this minister asserts
we ore, “ of accord (with them) as
instance," wo nre, in that Congress, to
“ discuss the. means of giving to that re
sistance all possible force," which, lie adds,
is only to be accomplished by a previous
concert us to the mode in which each shall
It nd its co-operation.' The minister of Co
lombia is equally decisive on this point-
lie speaks of this subject nft one to ho die
cussed in the Congress, and one of great
importance; suggest* tlm propriety of a
treaty in relation to it, to remain secret un
til the casus foederis should happen, and
adds, “ This is a matter of immediate utili
ty to tho American States that are at war
with ftpuin, nud i** in accordance with the
repeated declarations and protests of the
Cabinet at U ushington." To tliisdiscussion
and this treaty, he niunifesti) expect*, that
we are to become parlies.
I* it not then obvious, that these invi
tions have been given by the Ministersofthe
Spanish American Stales, under a perfect
• ouviciiun. which is plainly and finnkly ex
pressed In tho very letters of nvi’.ation, that
we would parti, ipate in tho deliberation* ol
tho Congress at Panama, in tho resistance
to bo made to the interference of any neu
tral nation, in the question and war of in
depenee between these States and Spain ?
And that, conceding the principle, that we
irr hound to such resistance and opposition
by our oirn previous and repeated declara
tions and protests, we would proceed to
concert vith them in that Congress, the
means of giving to that resistance the gtea
test possible force ?
Shall ice. realize these expectations ? We
nre, then, to take our seats in an interna
tional assembly, composed of deputies
from five belligerent States, with instruc
lions, I care not liovv restricted, to stipulate
with them the terms of an eventual alli
ance, in the piosecution of the very war in
which they are now engaged; to arrange
the means of giving to our joint efforts the
greatest possible force Are gentlemen
prepared to do this ? Sir, this wretched
bantling mast one day breathe the upper uir.
Howes or darkly nurtured in this political
dungeon, to which the sign manual of the
Preaidert, and our own too easy confidence
have consigned us, it must see the light.—
It must stand before tho majesty of the
American People Do gentlemen believe
that they are prepared to do this thing ? To
stake the fair and goodly heritage, to which
•hey have succeeded, on the issue of a con
test. with the powers of Europe, in defence
of these new Republics? In defence of
any other rights than their own?
If this enquiry cannot be met, will it be
nded, by suggesting, that the contingency
remote; that the power* of Europe wifi
not interfere; that our association with the
Hpanish American States, will prevent their
interference) ? What more decisive proof
can he offered, than the net proposed to us
bv these Ministers, will be a violation of
r neutrality ? A wrong done to Spain ?
'Vo are to deliberate with her enemies ; to
?ive them the benefit ofour counsels ; nay,
to play the bravado iu their behalf; to
hrenten the powers of Europe, with the
• engeance which awaits them, if one of
them wliall dare to draw a sword fi»r Spain ;
and this is consistent with our u professed
principles of neutrality." Sir, if this be
t ue, what are our principles ? Arc not our
professions without principle ?
But i* the ron'ingm y remote? Will
t our interference tend to accelerate it ?
VV ill no restlessness be excilod iu Europe,
when we shall av<»w ourselves to he the cham
pions of the new .State* ? And even Eng
land, liberal as her course has been toward*
these .States—who doubts, that it has been
regulated by her commercial interests 5
Will she consider those interests sale, un
der the direction of a confederation, to tin
guidance of which, we make pretensions
We are her rival* in the competition for th
otnmerce of these States. Can she deal
with them in the same spirit, when we take
‘eat in their councils ?
(live to our adversaries, argumenti gra
tia, the benefit of the suggestion. Be the
contingency remote or near, it is still a
contingency, on the happening of which,
this Government is pledged, in the view of
those States to an alliance with them, for
hostile < purposes. VYInt intelligent States
man would found such a pledgo on the
notion ol the remoteness of the contii gen
cy, which, should call for it* redemption
Take the instance referred to, by the gen
tlomnn from Ncw-York—who would have
expected, at the time the contract vva* cn
t«Ted into, that we should have been cal
led to the fulfilment of utn* guarantee to
Franco ?
Pause to consider for n moment, the ques
tion of the remoteness or propinquity of
this contingency. Brazil yet bows beneath
imperial sway. The glittci of berdiudem
is offensive to the Spanish American Re
publics. The Liberator pants to finish the
great work, to which ho thinks ho is cal
•nd—the emancipation of a Continent
Lre long, the arms of the confederacy will
pres* upon Brazil. Will Portugal slumber
Will she not he forced by circumstances t<
become the ally of Spain ? Will not th
contingency then have arrived ? And
Great Britain, always the friend and guar
dian of Portugal, will she be indifferent to
the cries of her ancient and faithful ally
Hitherto, tho Spanish American Republic
have been contending for tho right of self-
government, and mankind have been for
ced to feel the justice of their cause. The
war against Brazil will have a different
character. The object will be to impose
their own form of government, on a neigh
boring People. In this state of tilings, will
the united claim* of.Spain and of Portugal
find iio allowance from ilio other nations
of Europe ? If tlicso contingencies should
happen, will the People of these State* be
willing to embark in the contest ?
Will it be said, that whatever might liav
born thn character of this “ celebrated
pledge," it lias become inoperative, by th<
force of intervening circumstance* ? That
Spain is in a state of exhaustion—that tin
war for Spanish American independence
no longer exist* in fact? I answer, in it
mil terms, it did not contemplate op
position to {Spain acting alone, but to '
by tlm aid of un European u*ly
IB r exhausted condition doe* not therefoic
remove tho pledge.—But do the Spanish
American States, consider it at an end ?
Why thftn have they culled upon us, ti
stipulate tho term* of it* redemption, iu th
Congress ol Panama J Doe* our nwi
Government consider it an end? Why
then liavo they so recently acted upon i
at the call of the U. State* of Mexico ?
Iff his difficulty can neither ho met nor
aded, will gentlemen resort to the uni
rsnl nostrum, the great political pariuee;
confidence in the Executive f Sir, on th
ubject of confidence, I am willing to deal
justly—nay, a* far as 1 am personally coi
corned, liberally. But I stand here, as on
ufllie Representatives of a sovereign Stab
charged to watch over her interests, and to
the best of my poor ability, to defend thorn
—enjoined to decide according to the rule
of evidence, and not the rule of faith. B<
dcs, I protest that the concession of coi
fidence here, is purely gratuitous—absolute
ly without consideration. There is an cn
tire want of recipiucal confidence. What
is tho evidence, mi which you wens c.illc
decide one of the most important ques
tions ever presented to an American Senate
Did it consist in a frank dihclosmo of the
facts, necessary to inform your judgment
Wan it the evidence, on which yourjudg
incut, was ultimately founded ? And how
was that evidence extorted, but by rebate
call* of this Hoimq ? A* the constitution!
advisers of the President, were we deemed
unworthy of his whole confidence? If
are wo prepared to yield ours ?
But, Sir, this concession of confidence
would not only bo gratuitous—it would be
also against the plainest uud most palpable
evidence.
Wo have seen what is the view entertain
ed by the Spanish Ameiiean Ministers, of
tin* “ celebrated pledge" of resistance to
European intetfi renre, in the question and
ami war of their independence. Now,
.ve nre required to confide implicitly iu the
President, to protect us against these pro-
tensions, wo must look to hi* declarations
not merely la us but to those Ministers-*not
merely *.o whit h? he* aid, bm • win: h
has omitted to say, when tho occasion re
quired him to speak—not to his on* nod
declaration* alone, but to the ucts and de
clarations of bis authorized Agents, eith-
expresstyor tacitly approved, to aflceitain
if tlieiu i* a sufficient basis on which to
rest this confidence.
f grant you, sir, the President has told
us, that thu motive of the attendance of
our Ministers, nt the Congress of Panama,
is neither to contract alliances, nor to en
gage in any undertaking, or project, Impor
ting hostility to any nation But is this the
I dain import of the invitation given to him ?
b this tho obvious result of his uscoptancc
of tlmt invitation ? These Ministers, too,
tell us, that wo aionotto be required to
do anything which muy commit our neu
trality, but they tell us in tho same breath,
that ive are expected to do that, which must
commit our neutrality.
We are not to bo required to commit our
neutrality. No, sir. But we aro expected
to stipulate a contingent alliance with these
Slates, against Spain and any other Euro
pean power, which may interfere in the
pending war. Is not this to commit onr neu
trality P How lias tho PiObident met this
pretension ? Has he repelled it i No, sir.
The Ministers of tlioso States assert, that
the stipulation of tho term* of tin* contin
gent alliance, i* a subject of 11 common in
terest"—that it is of “ immediate utility" to
llio*e State* ; that it is expected Onr Repre
sentatives wjll have 11 express instruction*
in their credentials" an this point These
assertion* called upon the President to
spank out Did he meet and repel this pre
tension ? Sir, this would have justified our
eonfidence. Was he silent ? Then lie
abandoned us. There is a silence, which is
a* impressive and ns binding a* any lan
guage. He has been little observant of
plntnatic correspondence, who has not
• reived with what studied care,pretension
i hich it i* not intended .to admit, even al
though they may relate to subjects entirely
collateral, are stated and repelled.
But tho President was not silent, and lie
did not repel this pretension. On the con
trary, the Secrctaiy of Slate, acting under
‘ is immediate eye, distinctly affirmed it —
i'he ministers of those Republics tell him
hat this question, of the mode of resist
ance to European intorfeiencc trill arise be
fore this Congress—that it is n question of
common inti list to the nations of America
—that it is expected, that our ministers will
have crjr 'ss instructions, on this point,
in their credential*—and, without denying,
and thereby admitting, the truth of these
fiss*jtions, and the reasonableness of this
xpect&lion, tho Secretary answers, that
our Commissioners “ will be fully empow
ered nnd instructed, on all questions, likely
to arise in the Congress on subjects, in
which the nations of America have a com
mon interest. Can it be doubted, then,
that the Spanish American States hare a
ht tn expect that our ministers will be in
structed lo act upon the subject of resis
tance to the European interference, and, to
concert with them, the means of giving t<>
ourcombincd resistance, the utmost possible
force ?
\\ hen therefore, f am required to net, up
on faith, in the spirit of unlimited confi
dence, I say, the occasion docs not nu-
ihotize it—the evidence forbid* it. When
I am told, than ho President will not com
mit oi.rncutralit . I answer that he hv* al
ready manifested hi* determination to put
it to the hazard of event*. I appeal from
the President, to the President—from wlmt
he has said to us, to what ho ha* *aid to
heso ministers, nnd to what ho Inis omitted
to say, when the occasion required him to
speak, nnd to speak plainly. But this is
not the whole case
Tho declarations ofour minister to Mex
ico, place this subject beyond all controver
sy. He assert* it, even more broadly than
tlicSpauiKh American ministers themselves,
iro strongly than consistently with a just
pride, with a proper degree or self respect,
they could hnvn asserted it. According to
these declarations, if any European Power
shall iotorff re in the pending war between
Hpain and these States, we aro not only to
fly to their aid, to mako common cause
with them, in the struggle, but wo arc, you,
are to hear the brunt of the contest.
Now, I n*k you, sir, do you, does any man
boliovn,that tho American People under
stand this thing, or that understanding, they
will submit to it ? I El his ho true, the blood
nnd treasure of tliis People, aye, our own
blood and treasure are, to bo freely spent
defence of .Spanish American liberty.
We nre to bo tlirir champions, if need be.
against Europe in arms.
Under whatcireiiinstaiiccs i* this decla
ration made ? 1 s it to manifest our “ pro
found sensibility” to the welfare of these
new Republic* ; No sir. It is nuidu in
the spirit of a cold and calculating policy,
for tha odvanc*ment of our own uitcrc*!*,
with little idea that we should he culled to
fulfil it—a huckstering bargain, to secure
rtain advantage* in a commercial treaty.
Doc* any one pretend, I have not beard
it suggested here, that there declaration* of
our minister at Mexico wero unauthorized
by the Pi evident ? Tho answer is obvious.
Such an n«*orti<>n would itself be unaiHJioi-
d Whether wo look to tho character of
the minister, or to the evidence before us,
the same conclusion ,s forced upon us. I
deny the title of any man to credit, who
hall assert the contrary, on the documents
before us. The fact that such a declara
tion had hern made, was distinctly com
municated to the Secretary of Slate Was
lie minister rebuked lor it ? Wu* the
pledge disavowed ? Was lie instructed to
recall itNo *ir Ili* conduct was appro
d lie remain* at this moment iu ilie
same important station, enjoying the full
confidence of the Government.
Will any profound examiner of dales as
sert, that there is no evidence of this appro
bation—that the letter of Mr. Clay to Mr
Poinsett of the Uth November, is not
an nnswei to that from Mr. Poinsett, in
which he informs the Secretary, that he had
made this declaration to the .Mexican Go
vernment? Sir, I concede tho fact; but
bow will it avail our opponent*? Certain
ly this lut*er was answered before the ICth
January, when the document* refer
red lo were communicated to the Senate
If, in that answer, the conduct ofMr. Poinsett,
was disapproved, why lin* it not been pro
ducedto us. Ifthe President has notgiveiit
it hi* sanction, \\ liy h i* be not told us so ? It
would be quite a* easy ns to make the gener
al declaration,that thu proposed mission in riot
intended to commit our neutrality, in the face
of evidence which, in our view, incontesti-
b|y proves th* reverse. But could the con
duct of Mr. Poinsett have been disapproved ?
In tho letter from Mr. Clay, of which 1
have just spoken, after inveighing against
the inconsistency of the Mexican Govern
ment, in a spirit of indignation, he exclaims
No longer than about three month* ago,
when an invasion by France, of the Island
*f Cuba, was believed at Mexico, tho Uni
ted Mexican Government promptly culled
upon the Government of tho Uni led States,
through you, tu fu. il thu memorable pledge
of the President of the United States, in his
inefcfiQgo to Congress ot December, 1*\M.-—
' Wliel the} wouM hate dorm had the coo
tingency happened, may bn inferred from
a despatch to tho Ameiiean Minister at Pa
ris, a copy of which is herewith sent, which
you are authorized to nod to the Plenipo
tentiaries of the United Mexican States '*
Here then i* a distinct avowal, by tho Sec
letary himself, of the existence of a pledge
on tho part of this Government, which au
thorized the assertion of Mr. Poinsett—not
of a mow declaration of policy, which tho
U. Htates wero free to pursue or to abandon,
hut of a pledge, which they were bound to
redeem ; which the Mexican Government
had i ecently,through that v cry Minister,call;
ed upon them t<> redeem; nnd which they had
been willing, if the occasion had required
it, to redeem ; and to nrove to the Mexican
Government their willingness to have done
so, Mr. Poinsett was furnished with the no
cessary evidence, which ho was authorized
to exhibit to tho Plenipotentiaries of that
Government This chronological discove
ry cannot, therefore, «vail.
But, perhaps it will be said this was only
nu argument made use of by our Minister,
a more diplomatic movement, In tbe pro
gress of the negotiation. Before we yield
to this profound suggestion, lot us consider,
that the val/m of the argument, depends iul
the truth of the fart which it asserts. L*
a* remark tr.o, to what a condition our cab
inet would to reduced, by tho indiscreet
zeal ol its fri“nd*. If, in their view, the
fuel be untrue, the assertion of it, as the
foundation of an argument to induce the
Mexican Government to do the act required
of them, was i*i imposture, w hicb the Ex
ecutive ol the united States has not disa
vowed, and winch lie lias, therefore, adopt
ed But lie is nut liable to ibis imputation.
If there be truth in evidence, he admits the
existence of this pledge, so fat as n Piesi-
dent of thu United IStales is competent to
give it.
With what reason, then do gentlemen
call upon us to give w ur sanction to this
nomination, iu laiili mid confidence that
the Executive will not commit onr neutral
ity, in the face of this mande*t determina
tion on his part to say the least of it, to
commit that neutiality to tlm hazard of
events, to chain our destinies i* the ear of
Spanish A met i can fortune: pi tnako the
peace and quiet of this penph , to depend
on the councils of any single cabinet iu
Europe, whose chief may think lit to draw
bis sword, in the assn lion of the divine
right of Spain.
But, doe* this pledge exist? Is this Gov
ernment bound by a contract so disastrous ?
If it be *o—Aides servanda ist. But I den)
the fact. I ifbn) that thi*celebrated pledge,
n* tlm Socretaiy has denominated it, I
any exitence but in tlio imagination of the
visionary. Let us, for a moment, examine
it If genuine, it will bear inspection. Il
_ is described by the Secretary, as tlm memo-
‘ r&hle pledge oftlio President of tlm United
States, in hi* message to Congress of De
cember, 18TU.—Now, tlm President had
no authority, by Ids own act aloneto pledge
the United States to a foreign power, lie
did not intend to do so. It was a mere
declaration of the policy, which, under
given circumstances, he believed it proper
forlho United State* to pursue. It did not
bind him. It did not bind Congress. They
declined to respond to it. No foiulgn pow
er could demand tlio enforcement of it, be
cause no foreign power was pan* io it. If.
when the crisis arrived,the President and
Congress, fur tlio time being, should take
tlio sumo view of the policy of the United
Hiatus, tlm principle of this declaration
would be acted upou. If otherwise, it
would be abandoned. The notion of u
pledge is visionary. That implies a con
tract,an agroemont on consideration. Here
wn* a mere gratuitous dec) nation to Con
gress, of ono of the (Miblrc. functionaries of
this Government, which never received tho
sanction of that body.
Last year I vva* told in the court below,
that tlm United Htute* had given a pledge
to tlm Nations of the World, for the sup
pression of the slave trade. 1 denied the
existence of such a pledge, and the doctrine
was not acknowledged by that tribunal —
Tho answer Was obvious. That could not
ho a pledge which the Uiiimd States might
capriciously withdraw. It was a rule pre
scribed lor tbe conduct ofour own citizens
under the solemnity of an net of Congress
indeed, but which another act of Congrc
might repeal, and the pledge was gone.—
The pledge ul \v liieb we are now speaking
bad not even the sanction of nil art of Con
?renf. nor of either branch ofthc Legislature
Hitherto, then, wo are free to net. Wc are
hound by no pledge. But tlio President of tlm
l piled Ht.’ite* tins proclaimed a principle
rt policy, ou the basis of which the new
Powers huvo given us an invitation to tins
Congress, the chief and avowed object of
which is to concert rbe mean* of giving
t to this principle, by tho combined
lions of tlm American States, ibis Go-
mem included. If the Senate advise
r. cop t a nee, i* not the faith of th« Uni
ted State* committed ? The power to give
Hb-ct to tlii* principle, will indeed depend
on the ratification of a treaty by two-third
of the Senate, nnd the provision* of that
treaty can only ho called into active opC'
ration by the whole force of tlm Legisla
tive power. But it cither bo withheld, will
not the public faiili bo violated? If yiel
ded, will not thu peace of this Union he
put In Jeopardy, uud made to depend on
events, with which it has no nature I connec
tion, and over which it can exercise no ef
ficient control 9 (’an you refuse, without
disappointing the ju*t expectations of the
Spanish American States ? expectations
which tlii* government has crusted, and
which it has distinctly and expre**!y n
nized in its negotiations with these States?
Ol suck a conduct, tho inevitable result
must he feelings of resentment nud indig
nation, which will not bo the le*« strong,
because, peradvcntuVe, in obedience to the
suggestions of policy, they uiry for a time
be suppressed.
Sir, this is not the only belligerent quo*
tion which we must discus* in the Congress
of Panama. The second remark which I
have to rnako on tho* branch of the sub
ject, i* this; If we do go there, our own
mlej v-tN will imperiously demand, that
should share in those deliberations which
m e to determine the fate of Cuba and Porto
Rico ; and this is a question which ice can
not saftly commit to negotiation.
The original mcs*age of the President,
which culled u* to the exorcise of our ad
visory duties, left iih w holly without infor
mation on lint subject. VVlicn the addi
tional documents, for which we had asked
were furnithud, it became ©bviou*, that the
fate of tbe*u Islands wasto be decided in
the Gpngress of Panama, so far as the
Spanish American titatus had power to de
cide it. Tlii* state of things at once deman
ded our most earnest and serious atten
tion.
When we look to the situation of those
island*—to the commanding position which
they occupy, with reference to tlm com
incrce of the West Indies—wh cannot be in*
different to the change of their condition
But when we reflect lh.it they are in juiia
position, to a portion of this Union, where
slavery r lists ; that the purposed change is
1 to be ulfeclud by s people, wtmst fuuda-
mental maxim it is, that lie who would tol
crate slavery is unworthy to be free; that
• be principle of universal emancipation
must march in the van of the invading
force ; and that all the horrors of a servile
wnrvvill too surely follow iu its train—these
merely commercial consideration* sink into
insignificance—they aro swallowed up, in
the magnitude oftlio danger with which wc
arc menneed.
. under such circumstances, the ques
tion to he determined is this ; with a due
regard to the safety of the Southern States,
can you suffer these. Islands to pns*intn
the hands of hueenniers, drunk with their
new bom liberty ?
I repent the question—Can you suffer
this thing, consistently with the duty which
you owe to Maryland,to Virginia, to Ken
tucky, to Missouri, to Tennessee, to Nottli
nnd Mouth Carolina, to Georgia, to Ala
bama, to Mississippi, to Louisiana, and to
Florida? Nay,Sir, New England, secure
ly a* she feel* on this subject, is not without
interest in tho result. A numerous colony
of her sons, are, at this moment, toiling in
temporary exile, beneath tho fervid son of
fouba. It the horrors of St. Domingo are to
he re-acted in that beautiful island, they will
be it* first victims.
'Vluit then is our obvious policy; Cuba
nnd Porto Rico must remain as they are.—
To Europe, the President has distinctly said,
“ wo cannot allow a transfer of Cuba to
any European power." Wo must hold a
language equally decisive to the Spanish
American States. Wo cannot allow their
principle of universal emancipation to he
called into activity, in n situation where
its contagion, “ from our neighborhood,
would be aungi rnus to our quint and ►af
D’- , ■‘ ho President would brave the pow-
or of England, to prevent her acquisition
of Cuba—and whv, sir i To keep the re
ceipts of our custom house at their maxi
mum—to preserve our commerce and nn-
navigntimi. Will he quail In-fore tho new
Republics of the South, when a dourer in
terest i* at stake ?
I know, Hir—the documents before us
prove it—that we have boon exhibiting the
character of a political busy body, in the
cabinet* o| Europe and America. I know,
‘ s ' ,r *Rm documents before us prove it—
that in the progress of this splendid diplo
matic campnin, certain declarations have
been made to the different power*, cis- Allan*
lie, At trims-Atlantic which it may bediffieuh
to reconcile. But. so far as they conflict with
the duty which wf owe to ourselves, thov
must be reconciled. The soft ty of the South
ern portion of this Union, must not bt sacrific
ed to a passion for diplomacy. The U. Status
are yet Irco from these diplomatic fetter*.
They are not pledged. Wi have entered in
to no bonds. If it hIiuII consist with onr
interest that Cuba should pass into the
hand* of England or of Franco, rather than
to see another Hay turn Republic erected
there, ire are free to permit it. If our in-
tcrests, and our safety, shall require u* to
sav to these new Republics—CWus and Pu
erto /Aro must remain as they arc, we arc
free to say it. Ye*, Mir, and, by the bless
ing ot God, nnd the strength of our own
arms, to enforce tho declaration, And let
V to gentlemen, these high considern
tion*do require it. The vital inteiests li
the South demand it-—nnd tho United
States, will bo recreant from it* duty, faith
less to tlm protection which it owes to th
fairest portion of this Union if it doe*
not make tliis declaration, and enforce it.
Shall wo go to Punamn to do this ? It is
ono ol the thick-coming fancies which be
wilder the mind* of the advocates of this
measure, that it will lend to protect tho in
terest* of the Mouthern Htafes; that their
interests require that wo should send minis
ters to Panama to disco** tlii* question con
corning L'uba and Puerto Rico- -yes, sir, un
fettered as onr Cabinet is by its pledges
and declarations, that we should commit ti
the hn/.zurd of negotiation a question of vi
tal interest to us, in relation to which wc
have nothing to yield.
I lie deputies of the Hpanish American
Republic*go tu Panama with tlio settled
conviction that they huvo tho right to
strike.it Hpain, by inciting and aiding Cu
lm and Puerto Uicoto revolt; and, uliliougli
they will not a*k us to join in the operation,
they will expect us to consult With them
as to the relation* to bo maintained with
till* n.nv power. Unles* wo are faith-
less to ourselves, our deputies must be in
strut ted that no i linage iu tho condition of
these Inlands can bn permitted. What bo
nefit can you expect from such negotia
lions?
Our deputies will bo told—Tbe Cabinet
ut H nsliinglon have recognized our right
to strike our enemy wherever wu can reach
him. They have expicsnly disclaimed
their right to interiero to prevent us from
attucking Cuha. At their iiuttance, we
liavo suspended this movement until the re
sult of their meditation with Russia was
ascertained. In requeuing a mere suspen
sion, they have reiterated the udinisaion of
our right. W% have performed an act
of courtesy iu yielding to this request
hut the period of suspension lias piiiHed.—-
W o return to oi/r original purpose, uud vou
cannot consistently interfere with its exe
cution.
Mir, we must cut tho Gordian knot. Wo
must relievo ourselves from these diplomat
ic fetters. We must pledge ourselves, not
to foreign nations, hut to that portion ofour
own citizens who have a deep and vital
interest in this question, that the condition
ol Culm and Puerto Rico shall remain un
changed. To the Spanish American .State*
we must notify our determination, in terms
of perfect respect and good will, but still a*
our fixed determination. Shall we go to
Panama to do this * To expose our depu
ties to their reproaches for our imputed in
consistency ? Or to insult them by « stu
died mockery in opening a negotiation, wuh
a fixed determination to dictate the terms—
with an entire conviction that wo have no
thing ti» yield to them ? Sir, on such a aub-
joct, the will of the people of the United
State* should bo expressed, through their
Representatives in both Houses of Con
gress, by an act to invest tlio PreHideut with
the power* which will be adequate to the
crisis.
These, sir, aro the reflections which oc
cur to me on thi* branch of the subject.—
To my mind, it it obvious, however, we
muy protest against any intention to vio
late our neutrality, that, as a nicest ary con
sequence of this mission, we must become
parties to the Congress of panama, to the
extent of what it denominated the pledge
given by Mr. Monroe—u pledge which the
People of the United States are not prepar
ed lo admit, and lo redeem—u pledge, the
redemption of which would most distinctly
commit our neutrality ; or refusing to do mi,
llml we shall disappoint thu expectation*,
which w# ourselves will have created, unn
tiial feelings of ill-will and of eventual hos
tility, must be the necessary result
And that, if wo do go to Panama,
ve iiiust *lure in their deliberations con
cerning Cuba and Puerto Rico—delibera
tions involving interests which we cinnot
.'omtnil to negotiation—in relation to whin
.vo have nothing to vinld—concern:iit
‘ winch, the obvious course our policy i>
simply to notify the determination! which
a just regard to our own vital interest**
ha* compelled us to adopt, nnd having no*
tified it, if need be, to prepare to enforce
Mir, these consideration* press upon me,
with a force which iauot to lie resisted—*
But they arc not the only objection* tothia
measure. The character oftlio proposed
Congress is undefined Before wo cnmniii
our destinies to its influence, wo ought to
understand it. If* objects aro understood
differently by those who havf* given and by
those who have accepted thi* invitation. —
Instructions which will conform to the
viows of the former, will he dangerous to
the best interest of thin Republic. Restric
ted within the limits suggested by tlio Int-
rer, they will he deficient in good faith-*-
will dinappnint the just expectations of those
with whom we are about to associate, nnd
cannot fail to inhstltute feelings of cold-
no** and ill.will, tending to hostility, foV
those which now connect tm wfih the Re*'
public*of Hpnnish America Thus, ertn
io its peaceful aspect, this Congress tend#
to controversy rather than to conciliation.
It i* not my purpose to dwell in detail ort
these latter *ugg0*tion*. Unquestionably
it is our duty trt understand the character,
of this Congress, with which vve nre about,
to associate. From the chaos of discor
dant idea* presented to us, ills nocessary to
extract some definite conception* on which
the mind can repose, not with the a# stir a nee
of certainty, for that is hopeless, (the Presir
deni and Secretary have vainly endeavored
to obtain it.) but in the belief that we hnvo
reached a reasonable probability. Before
we become parties to fhrs Congress, U
i* manifestly proper that we should under
stand—
Its constituents and the principle of it*
organization.
Its forme of proceeding, end mode# nf
action.
The effect and obligation of its decisions,
and the procr s* ,,f enforcing them.
The object* of its power
Its duration and the moans of dlsa King
it, or those by which any member may re
tire from the confederacy.
I do not intend to discuss these various
subjects. They would furnish inntcri ila
for a volume, and cannot be examined
within the limits necessurily prescribed to
this debate. 1 proposed merely to tout It
them—briefly to explain the* diffh-ultina
which oppress nre, iu the hope, perhaps it
is u vuiii one, thnt gentlemen ho see therr
way clearly, will deign to assist us in their
Holution Will they allow me to usk thee#
questions ?
Are the ministers to this Congreas to ne
gotiate separately and mic r esjBvefy wills
each other, or collectively, end contempo
raneously in one general aesembfe r
If, in one general assembly, trnit will hf
the principle of its organization? Are nil
the members to delibciete on n footing of
exact equality, or under the Presidettey of
one or more, and iif whom ?
Aro the Ministers oftlm United Btatce
to become members of this general assem
bly, or is it to be composed exclusively of*
the Mpanish American ate*, nnd are our
minister* to go, not ns member*, but mere
ly «« higatoR, to thi* Congress ?
If they nre m.t members, will they ho
allowed to take nart in the delitieratinn#
of tho Congrc**? If they are members,
will they be bound by its decision* to tiiO
extent that other States—to the extent that
tho Spanish American Htatcs arc hound?
Is each member to bo uRowed to originate
subjects for deliberation, or are they to he
fixed by treaty, orto grow out of events./
Will any one of these subjects have prece
dence ? Or will thi* depend on tho w ill ( .f
tho whole Congress, or of a majority, und
of what majority ? I* the tense of the Con*
gross to ho expressed by resolution* or com
pacts ? In either ease, i* unanimity requir
ed, or is a majority, and vvhnt majority, to
govern ?
It i*a more fearful inquiry to ascertain
the i■ fleet and obligation of the decision* of
this Congress, and the process of enforcing
them. Are these decision*to be reformat n-
datory merely, or ere they u> have any
other, and what force and effect ? Do they
become obligatory by tho Micro net of tlii*
nsKciubly, praprio rig ore, or ure llicy to
be transmitted to the several powers, by their
agoiits, for the assent nnd ratification of
such powers? tftlus former, whence do
vve dcrivethe right to commit the intorcMftof
the People of tlieU. States to *uch guardi
anship ? If, tho latter, if they ure to be con
sidered as a body of diplomatists, wbosrr
acts nre inefficient, until limy have rec
eived the sanction of their respective cab
inets, in what, hut lo our disadvantage,
will the Congress of Panama differ, frutif
the Congress of diplomatist* bore who ne
gotiate separately, but immediately wyfh
out cabinet ? \Vhat nre those questitfut*
affecting our interest*, which can be mors
conveniently adjusted ut Panmnu, tjian hi
Washington ?
Iftburersa middle term—if Um docifi*
on* of tlii* Congresn, though nut btmimg,
are yet to come, astliey must conM to us, witV
the liiirli authority unparted to them by this
assembly of nations— with the special junc
tion of our own Minister*, wijl do danger
result from the refusal to latify them by tfie
Menato of the United Htates ? Shull vve bo
considered as fit member* of an association,
whose view* ore so dissimilar from our
own ? Mir, I ask gufitleinen to considey
bow extremly probable i; in, thut this diver
sity will occur, when tbev advert to the
condition and diameter of then* Mtntes urui
compare them with our own. 1 ask them la
look u little further.
When tlio pacts or resolution of thi%
Congress, establishing for example, any
principle* of international law, shall havo
received tile sanction of the respective pow
ers, how are they to be enforced ? If ont»
of ilio member* wf the confederacy shall
fall off* from the rule, is tlm force of tho re
maining member* to ho employed to coercA
the return ot the delinquent ? Is this forco
to be moral orphjsical? Is it to be morai
—is tlio delinquent to bo put under tbe bau
uf the confederacy—-to lose caste—to ho ex-
coinmupicnted—to be tile objects of u po
litical anathema ? Is it tu bo physical,
supported by fleets and armies, and all tiisi
pump and circumstance of glorious war ?
Or, (it is the only remaining alternative,)
it the confederacy to acknowledge thu im«
potency of its stipulations, by passively
witnessing tlus delinquency ?
But what are tlio object* on vvliicli the
powers of thi* Congress are to be exercis
ed—in tbe exereweof xvliii ti wo are expec
ted to participate ? 1 have Mpoken of th*
great and chief object—tliut which the Min-
.stem of those Bratus have placed in the front
rank, thu redemption of what ourown Cabi
net has deiiuniinutfKl tire celebrated pledgo
of Mr. Monroe. I huve spoken also of
Cuba. I passover tho proponed resistance
to colonization. Tho absurdity o'goii. to
Funama for tho purpose of entering i..to
stipulation* on this subject, ims, I, think,
been sutfi* ienily exposed, But tbit Con*
j re** is to be a council in great conflicts, ft
rallying point in common dangers, a faith
ful inimp r *ter °f pu'*li^ an umj