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wuy* exoueds or.q third, you will see that the Ve*
i flower, n* ii imw exists, gives to Ike President an
tlimite.il control over Ike Legislature ; liiai die po*
notes a negative which is modified in terms, but
bsolute ui (act over their proceeding«. U cannot
that American freemen can submit to this viola*
on of their own inherent rights—that they can
on&eiil to bow the knee, even in tho persons o!
utir Representatives to this one man power,
Wu should insult your understandings by n for-
lal reply to tho suggestion. originating with the
Northern democracy, and intended to alarm our
ears for the safety of our domestic institutions.
They would fain have us bo'leve. and in the mad*
jess of party spirit, the stagnation lias been reitera-
ed hero, t Iml our rights as slaveholders are sec ar
id hy tint Presidential veto ; that Hit?*'* rights,
olomnly guarantied as they are by the Cm slituiion
ltd deliberntoly affirmed by the Supreme Court of
he United States, with assurance, made doiildy
turc, because it is the interest us well as the duty
if our Northern brethren not to disturb them* that
hey can he brought into danger hy a baud of fann
ies, mid that wo must rely for rescue on a Presi
dential veto.—The idea is preposterous and absurd.
IV lion n majority of the two (louses of Congress
ilmll forget their Constitutional duty, nod the oath
Which binds them ; when the mass of our Noilli-
trn brethren, unmindful of thrir interest,ns well ns of
heir obligations'*hall join in this crusade Against
nur rights, who does not see, who does not feel
hat an Executive veto would be impotent to project
kem ? No, fellow citizens, in a crisis like that.
God, and our own right arms, must be our de
fence.
Tho Dank of the United States is another tin me
which is frequently, and we think not very wisely,
resorted to, by our opponents. It is that spccilu*
subject on which, us we believe, the voice of tin.
people of Georgia has been most decisively heard,
demanding in tones which cannot be mistaken, and
"■inch .•«<» no resisted, uto ro.o», ,»•..» .
th it valuable institution, flow can it be otlierw ise?~
The embarrassments resulting from the condition
of our currency, are lelt by all. Tito depreciation
of the paper of some of our hank', and the restriet-
i accommodations ul all of thorn, cannot fail to be
). For want of a Dink of the United Stunts, the
business of exchange h id fallen on irelv into the
hands ot the Stale Hanks, ami being considered bv
n a safer und more profitable tuoJe of employ-
their capital, their line of local discounts is ne
cessarily curtailed. To remedy this, what is it
tint our opponents utfer to you ! The re-establish,
•laent of the Pet Bank system f No. That they
hive ruthlessly discarded, alter having*lured many
if the Bunks to their ruin. Do they propose a
Government Dank under (lie name of A Board of
Exchequer ? No. 1 liul they have united with
Hill rejecting. What then ? Nothing i.s left to
them but to rally under the standard of the Sub-
Treasury with the specie clause according to some
»>t thrill, without it, according to others ; a mere
place of deposit tor tho gold and silver in which
the dues ol the Government, art* to he puid, accord
ing to some of them 4 according to others, with a
limited power of exchange, converting it into a
Government Bank, hut in every form, and alter the.
Jullc.'t discussion, rejected by the deliberate du
cisiuu uf uu ovei w'clming mnjo.itx of ike Anieiican
people.
Our adversaries arc awuro of the embarrasmrnt
of their posiiioM, They await tiio result of the
next year’s canvass. It successful, then they will
unfold to you the beauties, and make you feel the
rinding operations of the fcfub Treasury system.
.Meantime they disport themselves with nil usMiuit
the Dank of the United Slates, and like com-
haunts in their first field, exhilnt much more of tho
lor ol yout.i, than ot the discretion of manhood.
A iletailcd examination of the question <»( the con
stitutionality and expediency of this institution,
would be us tedious as it is unnec< Hs trv. A few
brie! suggestions, us a guide to enquiry, may not
however be out of place.
It any man at this day should s.t down to thi> in
quiry, not in the spirit of the partizuu , bat with uu
si doslru to ascertain the nut it, tho fust (acts
which would prubiib y arrest his attention, would he
that we have already hud two hanks of the United
Stales ; ilia t the first was incorporated v« rv soon
a tier the adoption o| our Constitution, liie second
after an interval, counting from tho expiration of
tile first charter, which was j 1st long enough to
enable both government and people, to become sen*
iibUMjf the iucouleniences winch they suffered
from the want ul such uu institution ; thui these in
stitutions were permitted to continue to the lull end
and term of their chartered » xhtence—that lilt*
lirst was incorporated in 1791, when many of those
who bad participated in forming the Constitution,
and ought tho re lore to be presumed to have under
stood w but powers it conferred, were members of
the Congress which passed the act of incorporation
that this act received the siguuiuie of Washing
ton, who had been president of the Convention,
and wus then President of tho United States—that
his approval was given after great deliberation, and
upon consultation with the distinguished men who
composed bis Cabinet—that Mr. Jefferson sub>n*
qiie.ntly gave bis suuciiiu toil, by approving and
signing a biil authorizing the establishment ol
brandies in the territories und dependencies of the
United States—that the second Bunk charter was
approved and signed by Jambs .Mauisun, us Presi
dent of the United Stales, who bad also been a mem
heroi the Convention which framed the Comoim-
lion,and who, ns one of the authors ol *‘1 lie Fed-
eralist,” bad proved how profound^ lie had studied
its provisions—that thu constitutionality of the
charter of this H ink was drawn into question, be
lore the Supremo Court of the United States, and
affirmed by John Marshall, the greatest const iur
tionul lawyer of the age, delivering the unanimous
opinion of the associated Judges of that high tribu
nal*
Such an inquirer would then reflect that a Bank
of the United Stales bad been declared to be coil*
stitutiouui, by the several Congresses who had pass-
ed these bills, by the respective Presidents who
hud approved them, und by the cbo-en interpreter
of our constitutional charter, the Judges of the Su
preme Court ; and unless be bud uu overwhelming
confidence in bis own judgment, be would hesitate
toulTtrm very confidently the unconstitutionulity of
such an institution.
If be bud been misled by the trite and exploded
argument,filial the Constitution cohtains no express
grant of power id Congress to establish corpora,
ttuns, and that a proposal to confer such a power
was mudeund rejected by tile Convention, be would
liuvc learned in the c< urse of such inquiry, honest*
)y prosecuted, that this was entirely consistent wit h
the power to establish a Bank of the United Stales
—that the powei to lay and tolled taxes forexntn-
ple, is one which cum.01 be exercised without the
use of certain means—that Congress tiro expressly
authorized to use such im uiis ns arc ♦•necessary
and proper'’—1 hut u Hank of the United States may
be demonstrated <1 priori and bus been ascertain
ed by experience to bo a means calculated to effect
this object, and therefore accessary and proper in the
exercise of this power—and that when the fart that
any measure is uppropiate, or in other words ne
erssary and proper, in the exercise of any powers,
is usccr'uined, then, from the very necessity of the
tiling. Congress must have the right to judge of the
degree of the necessity, or they will be stripped of all
legislative discretion. With respect to the reb sul
to grant the power to create corporations, be will
liuvc b urned that a corporation is but •♦« means, not
loss usual, not ol higher dignity, not more requiring
s particular specification than other means ;”?llmt
ns a means it was already granted, by the grunt ol'
the power “to make all laws uece»»ury and proper
for carrying in»o execution the foregoing powers
vested by ibis Constitution in the Government of
the United States, or any department or effie
thereof;” while usn distinct nmi substantive power,
it was wisely withheld, bee at iso that would huvo
given to Congress 11 right to establish n South Sea
Company, u Colonization Society, un African Asso-
ci&tion, or any other bubble
occurred, ti nt Congress powered tie power to re-
g date the Commerce and Currency of the Country.
And a simple-minded man, houustfy seeking utter
trull*, would not fail to perceive that Currency i-
to Commerce, what the tools of a mechanic are to the
exercise ot his trade.; and then tlic question of the
constitutionality of u Bank of the United Suites,
would Imve resolved itself into Me inquiry, whether
u sound currcm. c . was nrccssmy to a prosperous
comment ? Tflo tiiHwer to this question, would
have uMurtnincd to him, that tint right of Congress
to incoi|orale a Bank of the United States, result
ed cquulv, und as undeniably, from the commercial,
as from jin? taxing power,
(Jur u|poiients object to the authority of names,
and they fro right. Many distinguished democrats
in our min State, h ive been the advocates of a
Bank of tie United States, ami have sustained it by
their votejin Congress, and liie State Legislature,
and Mr. Cflhoun, w ho is pro Inc vice, the God ol
I heir idolajry, in one ol Iih Into speeches, when uc
cording toliig own account of the mutter, bis mind
was matin\<l. and bis political principles fixed, lias
declared tl^f the Bank of the United States, was
more indelkd to him, than to any other individual,
f.u' its estabUhment, Hut we Jisclnim such aid.—
l\nn tahaux/ionec defensoribus itlis There is
no aulhnyiivU'^ich can annul the plain provisions
of the \Joiyiiiution, but when tho wisest and best
men oMluquitinii, have concurred, in one reading
of that instrument, sciidists should hesitate, and
men less vetoed in constitutional law. may abate
some\vliat tf the confidence, with which they de
nounce tlnfrendiug as erroneous.
*• I'lic power now contested, wus exercised bv
the liret Cotgress, under tlm prevent Constitution.
The biil for incorporating a Hank of the United
States, d.d 114 steal upon uu unsuspecting Legisla
ture. and pass unobserved. Its principle wnscom-
CO'npletely unlerstood, ami was opposed with equal
z»*i»l and ability. After being resisted, first, in the
fair a d open field of debate, and afterwards, in the
n * Cabinet, with as much pers**vcriuif talent
as any mensuo ev<ip eX j IH ,-j P „ c ,. t | > fl|K j
Mipi or • . )> which convinced minds
ns euro am! Intel iirem .. • . .
. , «• (Jus couutrv can boast,
1: became a law. 1 he orin* 1 . ’ . ,
. . . K act was permitted
t » expire, Imt a short exp.'iin.i*,, ? ,1 ,
' . . , . '' , ul the emharrnss-
mentb to which tho refusal to revive t, t |,c
Government, convinced those w|w»u.-»
- r * most pre-
J[■‘diced against the measure, of its necessity. an ,-j
induced liie passage of the pre-ent Uw. It wonty
it will bo seen, that the fund would be ut tho dis
posal of tlm Federal Government, to meet the
emergency ut war. while in peace it would be di*.
tributod ruteably among the States. Thu measure
in our view is recommended by the following con
siderations :
1. Under a well regulated tariff, this fund in
time of pence, is not neces»itry to tho
government.
*2. It varies so much in dillhrcnt years, (from
three, to morn than twenty millions.) that Con
gress would bu constantly liable in the impo>i-
lion of duties, to uu excess, 01 u deficiency of in
come.
y. TI10 rapidly increasing population of the new
States, will after the next census, enable them to
control this subject—unless therefore tlm distrtbu*
COMMUNICATIONS.
f (pur the (jkoruia journal.]
( TO TXIC UNION PARTY OF GEORGIA.
NO. VI.
"STIUKK, BUT HEAR !”
| lo the preceding essays, 1 have considered tin
claims of Mr. Cullimm to your support; und in do
support of | ing so have necessarily reviewed a portion of hi.-
( public, acts, in order to explain the position in whici
you Imve stood, and now stand tow unis him. Aim
I ( think, if 1 have formed a correct estimate of youi
intelligence and patriotism, that the testimony ad
duced cannot fail lo impress on your minds the con
viction, that he is not, und never has been a trrn
j “exponent of your political faith;” that I10 is not
! your candidate for President, und cannot rocciv*
your votes.
is settled bo loro they acquire this power, the , | now proceed to discuss the subject of y
States would lose tiio distributive share, lo | lulion to the lion. Madk A. Cuopbk, and to examim
justly entitled. <ho question, how fur his political principles arc
is extremely desirable that this fund should l incident with yours; consequently whether bo, too
drawn fiom the control of Congress, since 1 being a “true exponent of your political laitli,” i>
old States
which they
4. It
bu witlidr:
it bus for years past, served,and yet continues to
serve, ts u hobby, on which, political aspirants
seek to ride into power.
*). It is important to the Stales, who are embur-
rnssed by debts, to have this assistance in relieving
themselves, and to those w ho arc not, to uid them
in their works of internal improvement. In our
own State, in particular, it would bo vastly benefi
cial in ibis view, since the completion of our State
road, would open a cominuiiieutiou between our
own senbord and mountains, and passing these, al
most indefinitely westward.
These are tho considerations, w hich we submit
to you as justifying in our own view,the policy of
a rateable distribution in time of peace of the pro
ceeds ol the public lauds.
You have thus, follow citizens, the suggestions
which we have desired to offer to your cousidera-
tioti,Oil the several subjects of State and Federal
p-dtey, which now engage, the public attention. A-*
u fuithful exponent u! them, and especially in their
connection witti the functions of the Cliiel Magis
trate of the State, we cheerfully discharge the duty
which has been ennli led to us, by presenting to
you, Gf.orgk W. Chaw ford, ns a candidate for
that high olli :e. A native of Georgia, M.*. Craw-
fiird is now in the meridian of a iile of li.mor, and
of usefulness, which lias been passed in the midst of
you. To a clear and discriminating mind, culti
vated and improved by study and reflection, he
vating eloquence—and stern, as the sternest,.in the
integrity of his purposes. G tillering sirengrti as
Itis luliors increase, lie i-» dustiued.farcnte Lki>, to
a career ol honor ami usefulness, to him.scM, uud
lo his country,
Tho convention have, also, reconsidered and
with entire unanimity, rcaflirmeri the riunds&atinri
of Hknky Clay, for the oflict* of Chief Mi^its!iute
of the union. Of this patriot citizen, so luo^, and
so eminently distinguished, in the council!* id* the
Nation—whose name is fatuili.tr as a ivxidiuld
word throughout the length and breadth ot «wj-r land.
at home uud abroad, what shall wo say lo you ?
Shull we pronounce Ii s eulogy ? It 1* wrineu in
the lieurtN of an admiring and grateful people.—
Shall we detail the services ? Fov more than iliirtY
years past, the record of them, i$ to be found in thu
pngos of our nations' history. Wluit then—shall
wo be silent / No. Fellow*.citizens ! We bear
toyoft liie aspirations, the nrduni desires ol a sutler-
ing people, u.n they are wafted to us on uverv
breeze Iroin the north, and from the south, fr«»„
the oust, and from the west—of freemen bowing
in humble submission, to that inscrutable Provi
dence, which bus heretofore wrested from them
the fruits of victory, but linn in their reliance
require no ordinary share of intrepidity, to assert that adds a lofty integrity of purpose, und an energy
a measure adopted under these circumstances, was a
bold and plain usurpation, to u-hich the Constitution
gave no countenance
Such is the language of John Marshall, vindi-
ca.ing the claims of George Washington and
James Maicson. and tho host of patriotic, and in.
Indigent men, who acted with them, to the coufi-
dt-i.ee of tlmir countrymen. Wo claim 111 aid
•von from these distinguised names in support of a
proposition so easily demonstrated, as that of the
constitutionality of thu Bank of the United States.
Hut we venture fellow citizens, with becoming
diffidence to oppose them 10 the array of names']
by which it has been denounced. Feeling that
this ground is untenable the next appeal is to our
fears. A Bunk of the United States is represent-
fd as a power greater than the Government itself,
and competent to prostrate the liberties of the peo-
p.e. . W c would lain believe that our opponents
are sincere In this expression of their apprehensions,
though the concession should involve n diminished
estimate of their intelligence. Hut Imve the elders
among them forgotten, uud have their vounger
member* never read the history of their Country 7
It is now fitly.lour years, since the first Congress,
assembled under the present constitution,and by that
Congress many ot whom were Iresh from the great
work of framing that constitution, a Bank oF the
United States was established. Such un institution
has been in operation during forty year* of our poll,
lieu I existence, and tin* liberties ot the people yet
survive. Two successive Banks of the United
State* have fulfilled tlm allotted term of their corpo
rate being, without rxhibitiug the pow er, or the pro-
potia.ity to destruction which is thus n-cribud to
litem; 011 the contrary, they Imve quietly di,charged
their duties, both to tne GoVcrim ent. and to the p *o-
pie, !•> the or.o by faithfully guarding tho public trea
sure, and to the other, by furnishing a currency,
which was unexampled throughout the world.—
Whence then these fears. Is it thus, in the face
ulTheir own experience, that un intelligent people
are to bo reasoned with/
’File attempt to make the Bank of tho United
States proper, responsible for the misconduct of the
institution, cliurlcruJ under that name, by the State
of Pennsylvania, is as disingenuous, as it is futile.
'Phut was a monster ofStute creation, striving to
perform the functions of n Bunk of the United
States, without the capacity to do so. for want of a
federal charter. But f.»r the war made by General
Jackson on the United Stales Bank, it would have
been recbarlered.—Tile United States Hank of
Pennsylvania, would never have been heard of, and
thousands of widows, and oipbaus, who are now
languLhing in poverty from its abuse of their con
fideiico, would have been preserved from the ruin,
which lias befullen them, Tueir sufferings nmv
therefore be traced tint to the Bank of the
United Stales, which faithfully fulfilled all its
engagements to the Government, to the people,
and to liie block holders, but to the war declared
by General Jackson, against that institution. We
leave this subject with you.
On tin; remaining question, that of the dislribu-
tion of the proceeds of the bales of the public fouls
among the several glares, we would say u word,
ami but a word, for tbaLiddrchs Ims already exceed-
cd the limits, within union, we would Imve desired
to circumscribe i*. You are aware that purl of
these lauds, was ceded by the Staten, who held
them, and among the rest by Georgia, to the Gen
oral Government, in trust for the benefit of all the
States, including those ceding them, und that the
rest was purchased with the common funds of the
whole people of the United States. The whole
therefore, is held by the United States, as trustees
for 1 lie several States, unless the Federal Govern-
ment, which is itself but a trustee for the states
creating it. can acquire to itself an « xcUwivo tide, to
lands purcimstd with thu funds of their ccsfuy que
trust, the several Stales of the union. But this is
not pretended, and the proposition that the United
States is but a trustee of this fund, for thu com
iiioii benefit of ail the States, is nut denied.
Then it is veiy clear that Congress has the right
to distribute the proceeds of the laud sales among
(lie States in whom the equitable title to the land-*
themselves, resides. The only questions would
he, whether it is expedient to do so, and whether
tne proposed mode of distribution, is un (qmtable
one ! Mr. Calhoun proposes to surrender the lands
lo the Stutes, in which they lie, after paying tx-
pertses, and making a reset vaiion of so much per
«ent for the other Stutes, one which is inadequate
to their claims, and wide 1 would not ho practically
jl'iforced. Mr. Benton's propisition leads to the
Stme result, by u gradual dccreaso ol prices. In
*ither case, the rights of the old States, would be
sacrificed. Tho biil originally introduced by Mr.
Clay, ami finally passed by the Whig party, provid-
nd for certain equitable allowances to the new
Stutes, and then, dial die nc:t proceeds of die sales
should bo divided among all the Slates, die distric
ui*Columbia, and the territories, according to their
respective federal population, us Ubcertaitted by
the lust Ccihih. to bn applied by die legislatures ol
tho'suid Sla:« s, lo swell purpose*, as the said legis
futures may direct ; with a proviso as to the appli
cation of die moneys received by the district of
Columbia. It is further provided.that dm di«*iribu-
tiou shall cease, whenever thu duties 011 import*
shall exceed twenty per cent, or when die United
Stutes should become involved in war, to revive upon
i'ac reduction of die dudes and tho restoration of
peace. Under the first of these lust mentioned pro
visos, tile distribution bus now ceased, but it well be-
hooves us to consider, however proper tlmt proviso
_xay liavi been ut the time of itKudopdon, whether in
(lie existing state of things, it would not be wise
untitled to be considered your Candidate for Govnr
j nor,and ought tube supported by consUlcm Union
‘men. In older to define with clearness your true
j position, I must bo permitted to retrospect ns I'm
j back us the lime when parties in this Suite were
| known by the names of Clark, uud Crawford
| These parties grew out of personal ultuehmonl to
their respective leaders. It was a contest lor men.
! The citizens of Georgia acknowledged 110 political
- creed, or any other appellation, distinct from Be,
j publican. The Clark and Crawford parties claim-
•: ed to be of kindred with the great Republican fain-
: 11y of the Union ; neither thought of stigmatizing
tho other with the name offederalist, or any other
tenn of opprobrium ; lor they were not divided on
! principles, but by preference of men only. It was
1 not until Governor Troup succeeded as leader to
' the Craw ford party, that in the beat of contests for
power, ingenuity was employed to e*tablisli shades
* of opinion ; bui these wore more seeming than re-
a |—generally local difference-*, and not extending
to vital principles of government. Mr. Cooper act
ed with :!»« Troup party, in these contests.
Bui when Mr. G Jliouu's disappointed ambition
, conjured up the ghost of nullification from liie
I grave oftlie Hartford Convention, and it rose, as a
i sicklv exhalation from some infected region, threat
' ening to blight and wither, the freshness ami hcuu-
I ly oftlie land—drawing after it the unwary and
• impetuous of both of these parties—it wus found
< necessary to countered its influence by sundering
former party ties, and the formation of new parties
' out • f the scattered fragments of (be old ones
> With a unanimity almost unexampled, tlu; old Clark
party attached themselves to the side of the Cousti
1 tu'.ion uud the laws, and supported Gen. Jackson,
tile President of thoir choice, in his endeavours to
preserve the Union. A large portion oftlie Troup
party, respectable for numbers, and eminent for
talents, sided with them. And ns tile design oftlie
. association was 10 preserve the union oftlie Stales
which they believed endangered—-they determiu*
( cd to obliterate the former distinction of names ta-
: ken from their leaders, und assume that of thu
1 “ Union Party,” us descriptive of the principles
. which they combined to protect. Hero then wus
a charge of nuino upon rational ai d intelligible
grounds. Here was erected the platform on which
a | ,A decision of character, which eminently qualify
him fo, j,ucb a station. Of the zeal, abdity, and
unwavering fidelity, with which, lorn series of
years, be lias discharged Ids legislative duties,
many of you have tmuu witnesses, und all of you
have heard. In lliese,and in tho sterling integri
ty of liie mail, >ou have ii»« evidence of the past,
and the pledges of bis future usefulness,
NVu perform with like alacrity another duty
which has been coufi led to us by the convention in
presenting to you. ALhxAjxuKR II. Stephens, as a
fit person Infill the vacancy, in our congressional
representation, occasioned by the resignation rd'tliu
Hon. Mark A. Cooper.—This highly gifted cinkseu,
has ulst) hi ell know n to you for some years past,
as one of thu ornament-of our legislative assem
bly, pouring forth the rich stores ofa strong, and
cultivated mind, in (trains of commanding and Aupti- ( you planted the Banner of the Union—and under
: its ample folds, rallied all those citizens who be-
1 lieved they owed allegiance to tlie general Govern-
• meat, and wuro resolved to sustain President Jack-
} son in his putrimic resolution to preserve tiio Con
j stitutiou and the laws. It was a change of name
, that did not require you to abandon former princi-
j pies, but rather served more explicitly to describe
j them, and to cement more strongly the lie that drew
together the elements of your parly. It was under
j this mime, which you wore then proud to bear—that
you encountered the opponents of your fuidi—and
| 11 was in the name of Union men, tlmt you expelled
and who bus elevated our national character both j nullification from your soil, and delivered your
country from utiarchy and cival
i Let us pause hero a moment, and enquire where
J Mr. Cooper was to be found, while you were main-
twining the banner ol Union ngain&l Mr. Calhoun.
j Was lie in your ranks doing battle against your en
emy? Was bis voice raised to encourage you in
, ihu contest, und to congratulate von on your vielo
j ry? Wus I e at your side, to share your dangers,
und participate in your niumnh-f If not, where
j wus lief Be was in the ranks of your cncinyl He led
] the charges of hostile (squadrons against you. He
mourned 1
your victories, ami rejoiced in your
adversity. Among the partisans of Mr. Culliouu,
be was most embittered against you,—und in bos-
the same abiding mercy, which has been so often j Ulity to the principles von maintained, be was fore-
vouchsafed to them, strong m the assurance of n most, loudest and longest. I appeal to his actions
hope, which bus uevor fullered, and turning with , to prove the fact. In 1433, while Mr. Calhoun uud
united and unwavering confidence to the Farmer l hi* p ; »rty were busy proscribing their countrymen
of Ashland, us the stay, and the hope of bis , in Carolina, uud in.-istiug tliut the general govern
: iiieut pussscssed 110 sovereignty, therefore the cili
! zens owed to it no ulicgiance—Mr. Cooper, then u
member of the Georgia Legislature, was simulla-
neously engaged in a similar occupation. From
; the journals of the House of Representatives, of
i that year, I extract the following. “November 5ih,
| 1833; thu following part of the journals of yester
day being read, viz; '* at an annual session of the
I General Assembly of the State of Georgia, begun
, soid hidden a< ttie State House in the town of Mil-
? ledgeville, and in the county of Baldwin, on the
( fourth day of November, in tin* year of our Lord,
• me thousiud eight hundred and thirty-three, and of
the sovereignty and independence oftlie United States,
<Vc. Mr. CuopEit moved to strike out thu word “sov
ereignty.” before the words “uud independence «»f
!hu United States.” This motion was put to vote
and lost by a majority ol forty two. Tims did Mr.
Cooper, in 1 lie Legislature of vour Stalo, attempt
io sustain Mr. Calhoun's doctrine that the United
.Stutes were not sovereign, and by consequence, tliut
. . . , you owed to it no allegiance. It was in the malig-
"' ero niur-serod by u;r ol them, by of u pope Ili;y „f c.liiojn nullifiuaii .n, U blow aimed ut you,-
government. But the »hufi fell harmless, for you,
Union men bad a majority, 01.d trampled under foot
the insidious proposition; uud this gmulemun, lias
olently a. to lunvo some ul ln.-r lour lorn out upon i se U-otecl as your candidate f..r Corerrmr. oe.
tbu rails ; and Ibcnco b.k.-nsomo Oil yard, further hu js UI| . exponent of your pot Ucu!faith ”
mtoalbicket, uud the body then concealed under , ltut , ai „. A fow j- u ,{ er ,his, Governor
the berk and rotten pieces ul an old lop. Tinsoc L k ,„ in hi(1 illlllgura | U ,JJ I( ., S , uUerB J ,|,e ml
enrred, ill. .opposed, between 10 and U u clock lowit , B «, M iinem—He who would destroy State
m the morning. Mr. Cnapnmn oo.nc Imme about , rfovurelf;ilIy m. conso lidation, or the federal systotn
nr tune, and enquiring lor Mrs. > lajmiun. ( iiy nullification, i< a traitor lo liberty, and deserves
country, ct Dcojuoante, the restorer and protector
of her prosperity, and happiness. Prepared for
the struggle which awaits them, they bide their
lime, 1 * uud they say to you, Ireetnuu of Georgia,”
•* Be ye also ready ! ’
JNO. McPIlBRSON BERRIEN,
CHARLES DOUGHERTY,
Y. I». KING,
K. Y. HILL.
J. N. WILLIAMSON.
Atrocious Murder.—One of the most painful
duties we ever performed is now before us—in re- :
cording the melancholy uud tragical murder in this !
county on the lltli inst., of Mrs. Mary Ann Chap
man, wile of Mr. Joseph Chapman, and daughter of
the lute Col. Barnard Johnson. The circumstances
attending this niost unfortunate and heart rending !
occurrence, are thus detailed to tis by a friend ; i
During her husbunu's absence from home, she was
by some means enticed by the negroes inton corn
field ubout 150 or *2U0 yards from the house, and
Calhoun mid Ids purtiznu*, defeated in the design
(i consolidate, were then in uciuul process ol dis-
ne mho ring the Union—tho language ol the Guvor-
»or therefore became fixed und appiopriated ; and
*lr. Cooper, in his haste to censure him, assumed
St acknowledged his own identity with those obnox
ious principles. He become bis own uecusur, mid
us testimony is good against himself. Subsequent
•vents prove, that be has not on all occasions,repre-
iuuted tho opinions of the party ho than acted with
—io imitation of Ins great ureliitypo, hu has some
times precipitated himsell so fur in advance, as to
wander out of sight. Hence his peculiar se isibili-
iv to, nnd extiavagant censure ol, the‘•charge'’ of
Governor Lumpkin. If the resolutions of censure
mean any thing, they meant to ullirui, taut neither,
were consolidation, or dismemberment ol the Union,
•lienees deserving lo be execrated. In this transac
tion, Union men, do you recognise G ivuruor Lump-
rin. or Mr. Cooper, as the "true exponent of your
politicalfaith?"
On the doctrine of nullification. Mr. CoorER, was
perfectly rabid. He maintained it in all its offen
sive extravngmicu. II is mind was so deeply im
bued with every sentiment of Mr. Calhoun, that it
seemed but a glass in which they were reflected—
shining with a feeble, and unsteady, and borrowed
light,—hut with tin* exactness,if not the intensity, of
u beam from the orb of day, falling upon the even
surface of a mirror. To understand luily the na
ture of bis principles, you have only to bear in mind
those of Mr. Calhoun, already described. Ho ap
probated to their extent, every measure adopted in
Carolina—test oaths, and every other tyrunnic
appliance devised to oppress the Union party, to
torce them to abjure their allegiance to the govern
ment of their choice, or seek elsewhere tin; enjoy
ment of political rights, denied them in their own
Stale. If I do not greatly err, be felicitated him
self oil the pros pi cl of seeing the same state of
things established in Georgia. Such was Mr. Coop
er's theory—und such would have been bis prac
tice, but Ibr your interposition, which preserved
Georgia from such calumny uud humiliation. Do
you lind in this, any corroboration ol the assertion,
i bat be i.s a "true exponent of your political faith?"
I liuvc considered thus far, Mr. Cooper’s relation
to you, while you bore the title of union men—and
l think thui, us you find him un every occasion,
foremost in acting w ith your enemy mid against you.
we shall not offend against charity in classing him
with the most deadly enemies of your principles
uud interests. 1 must now u.-di your attention to a
revolution, that cannot be looked on without senti
ments of deep regret and humiliation, by every man
alive to the lio.ior und interests of bis party and his
country—l mean that revolution which caused you
to throw away the honored title of the union par
ty. and substitute for it tlmt of the democratic par
ty—u change for which there existed no sufficient
reason, and which 1 humbly conceive, should have
been resisted us the dawning of eu attempt to break
down the only real boundaries of party distinction,
and to scatter and resolve into confusion, the ele
ments that bud been kept together by the cohesive
influence of their principles, of which that title wus
so peculiarly descriptive. It was that title wind
r« ndoiedyuii invincible—and w ben you pa i ted w*.b
it. you opened the door lor tho introduction of thus#
discordant materials, that have changed its charac
ter, sullied its purity, and broken the charm of its
invincibility. When Mr. Calhoun's nullification
was defeated by you in Georgia, and driven back
across the Savannah, us a Northern exotic tiiat
could not lake root in any Southern soil, but that
under bis special cultivation,—the States Rights
party in Georgia, attempted to reorganize itself on
its ancient principles—those professed by Crawford
Troup, Gilmer, and oilier distinguished members of
it. An effort was made by some few heated par-
tiz'insof Mr. Calhoun, to incorporate with them bis
doctrine of nullification—but it was peremptorily
excluded, by the majority. Among i'.s advocates,
Mil. Cooper w as conspicuous—am! bis dissatisfac.
tion at being thwarted, so soured him w ith his old
associates,'.lint lie sought tho earliest pretence lo
disengage hiuiseif'from a party which be could not
control, ami with the versatility ofpurpo.se peculiar
to the ultra school of politicians to w liicli lie belong
ed. be resolved to throw himself, with the huiidfull
that followed bis fortunes, upon the "sympathy”
and generosity of the Union party ; against whom
be bad waged such re eutb ss hostility, find w ith
whom lie possessed not one piinciplo in common.
But it seems, that in higgling for the price of ins
amity. Mr. Cooper, and thore he carried with him--
resolujcly insisted that no abandonment of princi
ples should be required of them. In this, their con,
sisleney is worthy of ull praise. They left their
puny, but stipulated to retain tbu principles they
bad “always avowed.” One, and the most perma
nent of their principles, w as an inveterate haired of
the Union party, and its principles. They could not
unite with a pirty bearing that obnoxious appella
tion. They despised vour principles, so intensely,
that the very name defining them, was offensive to
their sensibilities. •• We wdl accept your votes, on
condition that you change your name. /" Well !
here wus u difficulty—uii nbstructioi .some might
have supposed not eusily removed. But what can.
not a powerful “sympathy” overcome ? A "sympa
thy,” loo, flowing from such surprising coincidence
ol feeling and sentiment, as existed between the
ieuder of Culliouu nullification, und tbu Union par
ty. in Georgia ! “What's in a name,” that it should
divide asunder, elements so admirably filled, and
constituted, to coalesce und liurmonizc ! Why
should a mere name, which is but" idle Drouth,” be
allowed to interpose obstacles to such an acquisi
tion ! So reasoned your leaders—and by viitue of
their rights us such, (or tho convenience of Mr.
Cooper’s conscience, w ith one dash of tho pen they
thrown over her neck in a running umisr. After
being thus strangled, sh ; was carried to the oppo.
site side oftlie field, dragged over the fence, so vi.
To suchaa inquirer, it would probably also lisve j lo remove it T Under tho remaining previsions.
usual dimie t _
wus told tliut she bud gone to visit some of the
neighbors. He consequently experienced but little
uneusiuots about her absence, though thinking it a
little strange, ut the same time, that she should ride
ttie universal execration of mankind.” Mr. Cooper
| could not resist tho temptation to signalize his zeal
in behalf of Mr. Calhoun and bis rankling enmity to
i the Union pany, by using this opportunity lo mul<
... niiimut of which she- had usually baon *»raid. He < ailot | ler a , liloU 0I1 ,|, t | eu Ji llJ{ . x „ lu:K | cr uf v ,mr
unnilud her letuni until dark, when, sl.o nol up. ; „ r i nc i, lev. lie therefore hu reduced reeuluUiin*
|,earing, he ordered Ins hur.e and thought ho would censurlng Governor Lumpkin, for uttering.
ride over to Mrs. Newman's, her aunt, whom he
had hoard her say she intended visiting. Not find.
her there or ut nny of the neighbor** houses
where he went, he became alarmed, suspecting
that all wus not right. Procuring the assistance
of some neghb-irs, lie arrested three of his negroes;
sourch was made that night, and on the following
day, when she was found in tho situation above sta
led. The horse be was told she bad ro le w as also
found in a thicket about a half a mile from tlm
the house, with its brains knocked out by a large
piece of limber.
Mrs. Chupnmn was in iho *23 I year of her age,
and lias left a liutbaml, two brothers and three
small children,(tho youngest, an infant ofO months)
to mourn her loss. In tins irreparable lo*s a widtt niguaies the offence but does not paittuulorize any
breach has been made in tho bosom of her friends j o| q* ellcc% c j t d nut say, yoj, Mr. Cooper, u d
, or memory
I your ussoci ile , have done ibis tiling, you mv
| therefore tiio criminals. It merely nfiinn* in gene-
i ral leroK.iiiai whoever did perpetuate such offences,
j deserved such punishment; leaving tin* application.
like all laws defining crimes and ullixing punish-
i incut, to them, to the coses as they aii-o. In what
>i mi relatives which time cannot off
forgot.
Much excitement, we understand, was produced
by the circumstances, and at a meeting of soum
400 or 500 citizens, the question wus submitted
wholher the negroes should ho burnt upon the spot
of the murder. Moca to their ere lit, however, it them could it offend nny. whose consciousness nf % ‘pu-
was agreed that the law- should Im permitted to take rity,” und “patriotism,” acquitted tiiein of ali iiitrn.
its course, and thu negroes were accordingly cum - jj,,,, | U commit ettiier of the offences parliculariz *d?
milled to jail on Tuesday last. The principal in Wherefore should those who have no design to **do-
llie tragedy says that hu kiiled his former muster id , airoy State Sovereignty by consolidation, or (lie
mother State, and was run offtothis.^ federal system by nullification,” regard thodenui*
Selma (Ala.) I ree Press. elation oi'those nets us levelled at them? But there
Fm laughing ut your rye dear, as the girl said .. were those who did contemplate, and were in the
when her lover proposed to marrv.
rased the name of the UmuN Party of Georgia,
fr«*m their country’s history,and inscribed in its stoat,
tliut of tins 4. Democratic party.” Tney tiiniled down
the flao of THE union, under which you bud van-
quisbed this same Mr. Cooper, fired a gun to lee.
ward as signal of the surrender, and placed that
banner, with its honors uno its triumphs, at Hie
disposal of the conquered enemy ! From that day
ofliuniiiinliou, Hie sceptre departed from Judah.
Flic victors yielded to the vanquished. “The ur
biters of other's fule," became “ supp.iunts for tlu ..
own.” From that day it seems, that in spite of the
taint of all bis original and openly avowed docirii c-',
so adverse to your own, Mr. Cooper became duly
installed, un “ exponent of your political faith?"
And ali who refuse to sit at Ins feet und be taug.it
by him, arc threatened with excommunication from
the party ! And the very sentiments you proudly as-
sened in pant time, nre now denounced us treason
to the majesty of Mr. Cooper, l Imve reud of ;•
conquered people’s spirit being broken down and
subdued, by being compelled to relinquish their na
tional costume—but here is an example of a proud
and magnanimous party ol freemen, surrendering
their name uud principles—their independence and
tueir strength, and bailing as its l« u 'or, the chief it
liad discomfitted--yielding to circumvention and
fraud, w lmt could not be wrung from them by open
undisguised warfare. Both name, and principles
sacrificed to propitiate the favor of a small baml of
itinerant politicians ? Reversing their former prac
tice, which sacrificed men to maintain principles,
they are called on in ibis day, to sacrifice princi
pics f r the acquisition ul’mc/i ! Viter this exposi-
tiou, let it not be usked, why 1 liuvo uddressed you
as tlu Union Party of Georgia. I could not ••d.
dress your principles by any other l it I s. In the
Democratic party there are hinnies ami tints tun va
rious to ho comprehended under u co.union defini
tion. 1 do not understand Us bond of laitli. 1 have
not Searued of Mr. Cooper. Bui I do know* that a
true Union muii will recognize in my sentiments,
those he believed lo be the true test ol sound po-
fiiicul laitli, in oilier days, when that party swayed
tlu* sceptre. And i cannot divest nivse f of iho
conviction, that the cords 1 have struck w ill vibrate
in harmony with many a Union heart, yet resolved
to remain free ami unshackled. You have exchang
ed your title, and surrendered your independence ;
what have you obtained by way cl recompense?
Tne privilege of following the carol' nullification !
of shouting hosannas to Messrs. Calh »u.\ ami Coop,
uct of perpetratiug, both of those off-uces. Mr.! Gu—uf voting for one for ('resident, thu other for
Governor—-just the rare advantage and distil, C |
if fasten.ng oil your country the very si u , | , .° n ‘
thing*, i-inplnyed your live., i«
Tint you have heretofore supported .Mr. C<>oi. R „ K '
der the iu.*lakt*ii notion Hint lie bid rehn<|u,s| K .j | '*
former heresies, it is lair to suppose. Hut it ,, 0 . 118
even protended thru lie, any in »ro tl. ui Mr. C ij|„„ ln V*
undergone any change ol political suiitunent. | , ' l'"
more effectually to exclude such a conclusion,’Vid i
leave him the more freedom in tho practice of lu« l °
irines should lie be elected Governor, Mr. Coures | C *
with commendable candour, officially not died voa o'* 6
li.s opinions have undergone no change, tliot tliev **
mail! now, tho siiue as Iih has "always acoiccd." \\
these are, I trust has been suftuieu'ly explained **2
J you elect bun alter that declaration, amj | l( . ait^L
to react in Georgia tho scenes of Carolina, you ca n t
justly charge him with abusing your court K*nce, fur i,,',!
self has pronounced (lie warning. Have you well c
sidered the consequence* that may result loyourmun*
iry. from the success of Messrs. Calhoun and CuuphRi
You know tlie.r creeds. Neither believes the ciii z ,. n '
■ nvu any allegiance to the United iJtates, — and obedient
only so far as they may be permitted to yield it, by ths
state governments—which,say they, have fxcluiic-'rmbi
io their allegiance. By tins rule, then, Mr. Callcuii on
Ins own confession, cannot he President. The coustitu
tiou of the United States declares expressly, that none
but a natural born citizen shall be eligible to tint' offj cw
—the obvious design being \ocxclude whoever owed n»
might fancy be owed, paramount allegiance to any U
er government on earth. Assert mg as lie does, the right
ot Carolina to Ins exclusive allegiance, and the entire
control of Ins conduct, with what propriety could ha
take an oath to execute the laws of the Union? Would
it not be with the reservation to do so, if permitted bu
the .Slate of South Carolina? What security would
ilie other States have, that the general government, and
tho laws of the Union, would be faithfully *dm num-red
•and their inlereats protected m terms of the federal
compact? Is not tins a virtual surrender of the Union
io tlie capricious dicia.ion of any State, or io a dunv.
nant faction many State, from winch the President may
happen to be chosen? Would it not he surrHiiden.ig
the Government to the very evil, from which that
provision ol the constitution was intended to pro m it!
To w hat a in serable farce, would such a principle, if
acted on, reduce this glorious confederacy! Ot all men
in thia'union.Mr. Calhoun, or any other man governed bv
such opinions, Would be the least fit repository ul soini.
portant a trust.
| What then,you are asked, shall you elect Mr. Cra*.
j roitD your governor? is not lie, too, a uullifiert This
i question comes with a bad grace from those who have
| iwreed the alternative upon you. In obedience to the
| dictation ot a few self sufficient leaders, you bad with
uncomplaining docility twice honored Mr.Coopni wuh
j a seat m Congress—and when a Governor is to be elect-
, ed.of all the men who have heretofore been “exponent*of
; your polili'ul laitli. Mr. Cooper is the onlv one found
I worthy to represent you in that station. Alfof vour old
consistent, and tried servants, are laid quietly oaths
j shell, to “make way for noble Anthony." He dcscenda
■ ,rom Hie station to which you had but just elevated him
that lie may be pushed still higher—he humbletli him.'
self, that hu may be exalted. It is time that you uufi.
tuted a lair examination into pretensions so unbounded*
and sci utiiiizu claims, that though still receiving, are
still demanding, with a voracity of appetite, insatiable.
I have endeavored to look without prejudice on both
sides ol the picture, and 1 Imve failed to persuade mvsclf
tlmt Mr. Cooper ims any stronger claims to the support
ol a Union man, than Mr. Crawford. The advantage is
on the side of the latter. They are both null.tiers,it is
true,[but in a materially differing sense. Mr. Cooper’s
nullification is cop ed from thatot Mr. Calhoun, and
with Chinese accuracy, protruding all ita hideous defer,
unties, ii I am correctly informed, Mr. Crawford is uf
a mitigated form, resulting from natural law. lie
admits the right of revolution in States, outlie earne
principle tlmt al! laws tolerate the right of sell defence
—lor sell preservation—a right derived from tbe con.
slit ut sou of nature, not deducible from written consti-
unions of men. If this bo nullification, it is GWit
nullification —if it be wrong, it has not the additional
taint ‘d “subaltern imitation;” and if forced to decide
between tire* two, give us tlmt which is least objection.
able—that which is indigenous to our soil in prefer.
dice lo that which is an exotic from a distant cl n»»e, and
comes fraught with all the mischiefs that can aggravate
calamity!
Union men if Georgia! lime is on the wing, and the
day last approaching when you must select between
the candidates for your favor. I ask you coolly toei.
amino, what has been submitted lor vour coiisideratiuii,
I have carefully excluded every material fact not war
ranted by trutn. And more—*1 can lay mv hand on my
heart and .asseverate, tlmt I have not “set down aught
in malice,” The destiny of your country is in vour
hands. You have boon true to principle in tunes'tint
are past-—lie yet sled fast. K -member tlmt tho siicci'm
of Mr. Cooper, will be ilio success of Mr. Calhoun in
Georgia; and that Ii is success must prove the funeral
knell of vour party. The interests,' tIk* peace of your
country, the permanency of vour republican institution*,
are at Make. Can there be a stronger incentive to a
justix *rcise of the right of suffiage, than the reflection
that in writing a candidates’ name on your ticket, you
are perhaps recording the fate of your posterity? ill
not influenced by men \\bo oppote invective to argu
ment, ribaldry to truth. The man who suff-rs h.tnseil
lo be driven hy taunts, ami sneers, and scoffs, from the
line of duty prescribed by bis own judgment, may be
a slave, but be possesses nol the high strung spirit o!
a freeman.
Union men from Carolina! When writing vour tick
et, think ol the mail who sought to take from you tin
right to io!c, in your own State, and vote for none win
| support Inm! Remember the “reign of terror,” und (In
j oppress.ons heaped on you i.i Carolina, by Mr. CalkoU!
I and Ins pnrtizans; when I fie war whoop of proscnplicn
ami impending massacre, disturbed your slumbers »
I night, and broke them in the morning! R- member ih
man who furccd[you lo endure an existence sodeplorabli
| or to seek now homes, new pursuits, and theenjiiymor
| ot peace and security, in other lands. Mr. C 0PF.M
J his representative in Georgia Be not deterred Irem
; fearless performance of duty, hy flattery and dcnunci
! at mu. D.scharge tiiat duly you owe to vour counln
I nor contribute to establish in Georgia lhe evils thi
threatened you in Carolina. And if because you r«*fus
lo bow the knee of servility lo the brazen idol, yo
should be cast into the furnace heated by party Ireiiz)
there is a redeeming spirit in the land which will pa*
with you through the flame,and preserve you barinle*
from the conflagration.
AN OLD UNION MAN.
sract truth, w hich un uneasy conscience only could
have appropriated to itself. You well remember,that
without exception, you all applauded the sentiment.
You considered it appropriate und patriotic, and
expressive of your opinions—for in those days Wil
son Lumpkin was regarded uu uble and faithful “ex
ponent ot your political faitli,”—and so continued
until your self.orduined high priests, provided other
mid better teachers to enlighten you. \V Ii ! Mr,
CooPER, “resolved, tiiat this attack of the Governor
on the purity and patriotism of a portion of tin* people
who politically differ w itli him, was uncalled for, u;i
dignified,nod improper.” Attack! on what? The rule
merely defines a crime in general terms—it paints
out no criminal. Like all other gonerul rules, it de-
f FOR THE GEORGIA JOURNAL. I
Messrs. Kdikous:—In the Chronicle & Senti
nel of Augusta, uud the Southern Recorder of ywur
City, 1 perceive that the name of Gen. J.nu.N
Williamson, of Newton County, is suggested MR
proper candidate to fill the vacancy created by , * ,c
resignation ol the Hon J. B. Lamar. Hermit«««
oftlie rank am) file, whose pride it is io sustain
will) ali zeal, the great cause of Henry Clay, mex
press his Miti'fuclioii at tins suggestion. Where
Gen. Williamson is known, and hu is known ex
tensivcly in the State, no one is more favorably
known. For u great inuny years in* lias served
llie people of Newton, in the Stale Legislature
und in the dm racier of a representative he fm*
j earned for himself considerable reputation. I ;|
| the circuit in which ho resides his popularity u 'llt
! the people is unsurpassed by nny one ; and when
| we add to uli tins, distinguished ability, where can
the nominating committee find one, upon whom
at liie present time, u would be belter to confer*
nomination ? 1 make this suggestion, Messrs* h'b
ilors, w»tli all due respect to the claims of olhrr*
but I hope I will be pm doited, when, in conclusion
1 say. lluil as good, us influential, and us old •• ®°''
(tier in the wing cause as Williamson of Newton,
really merits at the hands of ilia party Hd’* distin*
guLhcd notice. IJKNRY
B.-jstkuhUs Preaching—A celebrated «ivnw
who wus remarkable, in the fust peiiod of bism 1 ***'
istry, for it loud uud boi^tennis mode of jneuclunff'
huddeuly changed liis whole nninnor in tl.o
and adopted a mild and dispassionate modi* of
livery. One of his brethren observing it. iuquin'
of him w hnt iiail induced him the make to chaug®**'®
I answered, “When 1 was young, 1 thought »* vvU »
tiie thunder tlmt killed tuu people; but when
I grow wiser, 1 discovered lluit it wus the lights^'
-o I delermined to thunder less and lightning
in future.” It is n pity all preachers bad lint mrw u
the sume di*covcrv.
Impost oh*.—ill Puri* liiaro iiru
one Imndrcd clairvoyant fenmles who pick “p » *'
ing |.y prctendiiig to see diseases fur which * /
pie»(*iibt*. 'I’liu Medical uud Suigie*!
says tiiat there are one or two only in
t they enjoy a fine revenue bv tin ir imi’usit»Dtu» *
'credulity ot those who consult tlw*iu.
j I i L mJm*. iboro mo six thou>aud iHR*'*’ 1 * 1
. crus and cotlcu houses, uud twenty thcJttcs*