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MR. CALHOOJjJteENTIMeNTS.
.Prom the FtnlLtimfi}. C.) SLssinger,
(CONCLUDED)
Whatever itjveiaity of opinion mny exist, in
leluiion lu il»o principle, or the effect ‘bn »Iie
productive'itidusny of ilia epuntry, ol'tlio pre
sent, or uny other -Tariff of protection, tlierc
ore certain political consequences flowing front
the present which n ine cm doubt, and all must
diversity there may flow be, tirm will assim »•
late. Such lias been their language from tho
beginning, but unfortunately tho progress of c-
vnnts has buoii tile reverse; The country is
now morn divided than iu-1824, ainl then, nioro
divided then in 1816. Tho niajdrqty may have
increase)! but thn opposite *idc« aro heyoml
dispute morn determined and excited, than at
nny preceding period. Formerly the system.
NTs resisted mainly, as expedient; bill now, so
* trillion/fo dueled on actual otpCrienco, will over
force nm to a coiictusioji so abhorrom to all of
m y .feelings. As strongly as l ain impressed
with the groat dissimilarity,. and, 1 must adJ,
*s trri ih compels mo to do, cuntra ricly ofinter-
jp*ts in off) .country, resulting front the causes
alroady iiidicated, and which are so great, that
they- camiot he subjected to the uncheck-
»W, H . .. — , „,, w , t ,..j - *
deplore. It would bn in - vain to attempt to anc0 |, M tiiutional, unequal, unjust and oppres-
cooceal that it ha* divided the country into two | <ive> ij.| |el| relief was sought exclusively from
and
i see in
the Uuion, as otduined by the Constitution,
“ ' 1 * ot only of reconci-
tho means and tho
securing to ns justice,
i and abroad, and
(all equally on every soction, to proportion to
its population, still when combined with its
other effects, tho burden it imposes, as a tax
may bo so transferred from one section to the
other, as to take it from one, and place it whol
ly on the other. Let us apply the remark
lirst to its operation as a system of protection,
The tendency of the ta»,,or duty, on the im
ported article is, not only to raise its price, but
ed will of a majority' of the whole, without' P»r«m wnwo ;,7.7m. I
defeating the great cl.,1 of Coven,mem, and also,,n the same proport,on, ,
without which it is a curse, justice; yet 1 s
creasing emharrasment, uml distress of the sta- (wise purposes so deeply in tho human heart;
pie Slates, the growing conviction, from expo- j in all of which groat 'objects every portion of
nence, that (hey are caused by the'prohibitory ourcountry, widely extended and diversified
system principally ami that, under its cumin-' as it is has n common and identical interest. If
ued
its industry; subjects calculated, above nil others, |o ^ c llt) , rei wo s | lu n f, n d nothing to lessen, I with them, that national power and renown, the
irt time of noace, to produce exeitoment and in K |)t lmlc |, aggravate the danger. The'in-- love of which Providence fias implanted for
relation to which, the Tariff has placed the sec-! . r - - j*^Aj.i 1 -' «« iu«. tu».rt>
lions in question in deep and dangerous con
flict. If thero bo any point on which the (1
was going to Say Sombcrn section, hut to avoid
ns'far as possible, the painful feelings such dis
cussions mo calculated to excite, I shall say)
weaker ofrhotwoseciions is unanimous, it is that
its prosperity .deponds, i:t a great measure, on
flea trado light taxes, economical,.and as far as
possible*, equal diibiAseiuontt of ilio public rev-
enue, and an unshackled industry, leaving them
to pursue whuiever may appear most advanta
geous* to'their iuteiests. From tho Potomac to
the Mississippi, there are few iudceJ, however
divided on other points* who would not, if de
pendent on theii own volition, and if they re
garded tho interests of their particular section
only, remove from conimerco and industry ev
ery shackle, reduce the revenue to the lowest
point, that tlm wants of the government 1’airly
required, und restrict the appropriations to tho
most moderate scale, consistent with tho peace,
tho security and the engagements of tho public;
and who do not believe that the opposite sys
tem is calculated to throw mi them uu unequal
burthen, to repress their prosperity, and to cn-
tmy channels, without ruinous losses all con- hut if, reversing the scale, each section should
cur to increase, instead of dispelling tho gloom, I put a higher eetimato on its immediate and
that hangs over tho future. In fact, to those j peculiar gains; and acting in that spirit, should
who tvill duly reflect on the subject, tho hope,
that tho disease wilt cure itself must appear per
fectly illusory. The question is in reality olio
between the exporting and non-exporting in-
teiests of tho country. IVerc there no exports,
there would be no Tariff: It would ho per
fectly useless. On the contiury, so long as
there are States which raise tho great agricultu
croacb on their enjoyment.
On all these deeply Important measures, tlm
opposite opinion prevails, it not with equal uua-
nimity, with at least a greatly preponderating
majority, in the other and stronger section; so
much so, that no two distinct nations ever en
tertained more opposite views of policy than
those two sections do, ou- all the important
points to which I have referred. Nor is it less
certain that this unhappy conflict, flowing di
rectly from (ho Tariff, has extended itself to the
hails of legislation, and has converted the de
liberations of Cougress, into an annual struggle
factwcon tho two sections; tho Wronger to main
tain undincieaso tho superiority it lias already
acquired, and tho other to throw off, or dimin
ish its burdens; a struggle in which all the noble
and generous feelings of .patriotism are gradu
ally subsiding into sectional und selfish attach
ments.* Nor has the cfliict of this dangerous
conflict ended here. It has not only divided
' tho two sections on tho important points alrea
dy staled, hut op the deeper and more dange
rous questions, the constitutionality of a protec
tive Tariff, and tho general priueiplcs and ihc-
«ry of tho Constitution itself, tho stronger, in
order to maintain their superiority, giving a
construction to tho instrument, which the other
believes would convert tho General Govern
ment into a consolidated, irresponsible govern
ment, with tho total'destruction of liberty; anu
tho weaker seeiug no hopo of relief witli such
assumption of powers, turning its oyo to the
roservcd'sovereignty of the states, as the only
refuge from oppression. 'I shall not extend
itioso remarks, as I might, by shewing that
while tho offect of the sysetm of protection was
lapidly alienating one section, it was not less
rapidly, by its necessary operation, distracting
end corrupting the other; and botwocn the two,
subjecting - tho administration to violent and
sudden changes, totally inconsistent with all sta
bility and wisdom in tho management of the af
fairs of tho nation, of which we already see
fearful symptoms. Nor do I deen^it necessary
to inquire whother this unhappy conflict grows
out of true or mistaken views* ol interest on ei-
tltcr, or both sides. Regarded in cither light,
it ought to admonish us of .the extremo danger
to which our system is exposed, and the great
moderation and wisdom necessary to preservo
it. if it comes from mistaken viows, if the in
terest of the two sections as affected by tho Ta
riff, be really tho sumo, and tho system instoad
of acting,unoqualIy, in reality diffuses equal
blessings, and imposes equal burdens on every
.part, it ought to teach us bow liable thoso, who
ore'differently situated, and who view their in
terests under different aspects, aro to come to
different conclusions; even when (heir interests
aro strictly the same; and consequently, with
what extremo caution any 'system yf policy
ought to -bo adopted, and with what a spirit of
moderation porsued, in a country of such great
extent and diversity as ours. But if on tho
. contrary, tho conflict springs really, from con
trariety of interests, if tho burden be od ouo
side, and the benofit on tho other, then aro wo
taught a lesson not less important, how little re
gard we havo for the interest of others, wliilo in
. insult of our own, or at least, how apt^wo ara
to consider our own interest, the interest
of all others; and of course how great the
'danger in a country of such' acknowledged
diversity of interests, of the oppression of the
feebler by tho stronger intercit, and in conse
quence • of it,- of the most fatal sectional con
flicts. But which over may bo tho cause, the
feat, or.supposed diversity ofintercst, it cannot
be doubted, that the political consequences of
the prohibitory system, be its efleets iu other
respects, beneficial, or otherwiso, are really
such, as I havo stated; nor can it hb doubted
that a conflict between the great sections on
questions so vitally important, indicates a con
dition of tho country, so distempered and dan
gerous as to demand the most serious ‘ and
' prompt attention. If is only, when wo come
to consider of the remedy, that under the as-'
pcct, I am stewing tho subject, there can he,
among the informed and considerate, any di
versity of opinion. - .
Those, who have not duly reflected on its
dangerous nndinvtterato character supposo that
. the disease will cure itself; that events ought to
be left to take their own course; and that expe
rience in a short time, will prove, that the in
terest of tho whole communitiy is tho same, iD
reference to the Tariff* or, at least, whatever
ral staples, with the view of obtaining their sup
plies, and which must depend on the.goneral
market of the world, for their sales, the conflict
must remain if the system should continue, and
tho disease become more and more inveterate.
Their interest and that of those, who by high
duties would confine the. purchase of their sup
plies to the general market, ■must.from the na
ture of things in'reference to .tho Tariff, he in
conflict. Till then, we cease to raise tho great
staples, cotton, rico and tobacco, for the same
markets, and ’till wo can find some other profi
table investment for tlm immense amount of
capital and labor now employed in their pro
duction, tho present unhappy and dangorous
conflict cannot terminate unless with the pro
hibitory system itself. ....
In-the meantime, while idly waiting for. its
termination through its own action, tlm pro
gress of ovonts, in another quarter is rapidly
bringing the contest, to an immediate and
decisive issue. Wo are fast approaching the
period, very novel in tho history of nations,
and bearing directly and powerfully ou the
point under consideration, tho final payment
of a long standing funded dubi; a period that
cannot bo sensibly ’retarded, or tho nuioral
consequences of it eluded, without proviug dis
astrous to those who may attempt cither, if not
to ..the country itself. When it arrives, the
Government would find itself in possession of a
surplus revenue of $10,000,000, or $12,000,-
000, if not previously disposed of which pre
sents the important question what previous dis
position ought to ho madid A question which
must press urgently for decision, at the very
next session of Congress, It camiot bo delay
ed longer, without the mog distracting and dan
gerous consequences..
The honest and obvious course is. to prevent
the accumulation of the surplus in ine treasury,'
by a timely and judicious reduction of tlm im
posts; and thereby to icavo tho money in the
pockets of those who made it, and from whom,
it cannot be honestly or constitutionally ta
ken, unless- requiredhy the fair and legitimate
want? of the Govornmont. If, neglecting a
disposition so obvious and just, tho Government
should attempt to keep up the present high du
ties, when the money was no longer wanted, or
to dispose o( this immense surplus liy enlarging
tho old, or devising new Schemes of appropria
tions, or, finding that to ho impossible jt should
adopt the most dangerous unconstitutional and
absurd project over devised by any govornmont,
of dividing the surplus among tho States: (a
project, which, if carried into execution, would
not fuil to create an antagonist interest betwcon
tho Stales nnd Gcnoral Government on all
questions of appropriations, which would cer
tainly end in reducing.thts latter to a mere office
of collection and distribution,) either of these
modes would bo considered by tho section suf
fering under tho present high duties, us n ftxpd
determination, to perpeluato forever, what it
considers tho present Unequal, unconstitutional,
aud oppressive burden; and from that moment,
it would cense to look to tho Genoral Govern
ment for relief. This deeply interesting peri
od, which must provo so disastrous, should a
push favorite measures of mere policy, without
regard to peace, harmony or justice; our secti
onal conflicts would then indeed, without some
constitutional check, become interminable,
excfipf by tho- dissolution of tho Union itself.
That-we have,'hi fact so reversed the estimate,
is too edrtain to be doubted, and the result is our
present distempered and dangorous condition.
Tlm cure must commence in the correction
of the error, and not to admit that wo had
erred, would be the worst possible symptom.—
It would prove the disease to be incurable thro’
the regular and ordinary process of legislation,
and would compel finally, a resort to extraor
dinary, but I still trust, not ouly constitutional:
but safe remedies.
No one would moro sincerely rejoice than
myself, to see the remedy applied from tho
quarter, whore it could he most easily and
regularly done. It is tho only way by which
tliuso who think that it is the only quarter from
which it can constitutionally come, can possibly
sustain , their opinion. To omit tho application
by the General Government, would compel
even them to admit the truth of tlm opposite o-
pinion; or force them to abandon our political
system in despair; while on the other hand, all
their enlightened apd patriotic opponents would
rejoice at such evidence of moderation and
wisdom on tlm part of the General Govern
ment, ns would sepersedo a resort to what they
believed to he tlm higher powers of oor politic
al system, as indicating a sounder state of public
sentiment than has ever heretofore existed in a-
ny country, and tjius affording the highest pos
sible assurance of the perpetuation of our glori-
ous'institutions to thelatcst generation. For as
a people advance in knowledge, in tlm same
degree they may dispense with mere artificial
restrictions in their government; ami we may
imagine, (hut dare not expect to seo it.) a state
of intelligence so universal and high, that all the
guards of liberty may bedispensedwithi icxcopt
an enlightened public . opinion acting through
tho right of suffrage; but it pre-supposcs a State
wjiero every class and every section of tlm com
modity aro capable of estimating tho effects of
•vety measure, not only as it may uffcct itself,
but every other class and section; and of fully
realizing tho sublime truth, that tho highest
and wisest policy consists in maintaining justice
aijd promoting peace nnd harmony; and that
compared to .these, schemes of mere gain are
hut trash and dross. I fear experience has
already proved that wo ate fur removed from
such a state, .and that we must consequently
rely on the o'd and clumsy, but approved
mo ? de of checking power in order to prevent,
or correct abuses; but I do trust that though
far from period, wo are at loast sn much so as
to bo capable of remedying the present disor
der in the ordinary way; and thus to provo
that with us public opinion is so onlightenod
aud our political machiuo so 1 porfcct as rarely
to*reqiiiro fur its preservation, tlio intervention
tion of the power that created it. How is this
to he (.fleeted?
' The application may be painful, but tho re
medy. I conceive, is certain and simple—
Thoro is hut ono effectual cure, aa honest re
duction of tho duties to a fair system of rovo-
nuo, adapted, to ’tlm just and constitutional
wants of the Government. Nothing short of
this will restore tho country to peace and har
mony, and mut.uul affection. There is alrea
dy a deep nnd growing conviction in a largo
section of the country, that tho impost, oven
as a revenue system, is 'extremely unequal.
wrong direction bo givcD, but so fortunate and a ud that it is mainly paid by thoso who fur-
glorious, should u right ono, is near ut hand.— n ; s j, tho means of payiug the foreign ox-
mi * -» it _ mt if i<2 IflirJ?
•The system If continued, must end, not ouly
in subjecting the iniluMry and property t)f the
weaker section to control the stronger, hat in pros
cription and political disfranchisement. It-must
finally control elections and appointments to offi
ces, as well as acts of legislation, to the great in
crease of the feelings of animosity, and of the fatal
tendency to a complete alienation between the see
’MORI
Tho work must commenco nt tho next session,
as I havo stated, or be left undone, or, at least,
.be badly done. Tho succeeding session would
bo too short, mu’too much agitated. by the
Presidential contest to afford tho requisito leis
ure and calmness, and the one succeeding
would Gnd the country in the midst of tho cri
sis, when it would ho too late to prevent an acr
cumulation of the surplus; which I hazard no
thing in saying, judging from tlmnaturo of men
and government, if onco permitted to accumu
late, would create an interest strong enough to
porpetuato itself, supported us it would he by
others so numoroos and powerful; and tjius
would pass away a moment, never to be quiet
ly -recoiled, so precious, if properly used, to
lighten tho public burden; to cqiializo' tho ac-*
tion of the Government; to restore harmony
and peace; and to proseut to the world tho Il
lustrious example which could not fail to provo
most favorable to tho great causo of liberty cv-
cry where, of a nation tho freest, and, at tho
same limo, tho best and most cheaply govern
ed; of tho highest earthly blessings, at the least
possible sacrmco.
As tho disease will not; tlien," heal itsolf, wo
are brought to tho question, can s remedy ho
applied, and, if so, what ‘ought it to he?
To answer in the negative, would be to as
sert, that our Union has utterly (ailed; nnd
that tho opinion, so common'be(oro*tlio adop
tion of our Constitution, lhatofreo Govern
ment could nut to practically extended over
a largo country, was correct—and that ours
had been destroyed by giving it limits so great,
as to comprehend, not only dissimilar,' hut
irreconcilable interests. Iam not prepared to
admit a conclusion, that would cast so deep a
shade on tho future, and that would falsify all
tho glorious anticipations ofouf ancestors while
it would so greatly lessen their high reputation
for wfedom, Nothing but the dwelt demos-
tges ... ..
and that'.the caseisnot varied, taking into tho
ostimato iho entire action of tho ' system,
whether the producer or consumer, pays in tho
first- instance.
1 I do not proposo to enter formally into tho
discussion, of & point so complox and contes
ted; hut as it*lias necessarily a strong practical
hearing on tho subject binder .consideration, it)
all its' relations, J cannot pass it without a few
general and brief remarks.
tftlie producer in reality pays, nono will
doubt, but tho burden would mainly fall on the resist, than any other,
iutiioa it Lt supposed to do. Tho theory that
the cbnsumer pays in the.first iustnnco renders
the proposition moro complex, and will re
quire, in order to understand where tho burden
in reality ultimately falls, on that supposition, to
consider the protective, or as its frionds call it,
the American System, under its throe-fold as
pect, of taxation, of protection, and of distribu
tion; or as performing nt tbe samo time the sev
eral functions of giving a revenuo to the Gov
ernment, of affording protection to certain bran
ches of domestic industry, and furnishing tbo
means to Congress of distributing largo sums
through .its appropriations; all o( which aro so
blended in their effects, that it is impossible to
understand its truo operation without taking
tho whole into tho cslimato-
.Admitting then, as supposed, that ho who
consumes the article pays the tax in the in
creased price, and that the burden falls wholly
on the consumers, without affecting the pro
ducers as a class, (which by the by, is far from
being true, except in tho singlo case, if there bo
such a one, where the producers have a mo
nopoly of an article so indispensable to life,
that the quantity consumed cannot he affected
by any increase of price,) and that considered
tic article of the same-kind, for which purposo
act In
when intended for protection, it is in fact laid; ^
and of course in determining where the *ys- ■
teitt ultimately places the burden iu reality, this .
efliset also, must he taken into tho estimate.
If one of tho sections exclusively produces |
such d micstic articles, aud tho other purchases'
them from it, then it is dear that to tbe amount
u! such increas'd prices, the tax t*r duty, on
the consumption of foreign articles, would
he’transferred from tho section producing the
domestic articles, to tho one that purchased
and consumed them, unless the latter in turn
be indemnified by the increased price of the
objects ot its industry, which none will venture
assert <o bo the case with the groat staples of
the count;y, which form the basis of our ex
ports, the price of which is regulated by the
foreign and Hot the domestic market. To
thoso who grow them, the increased price of
the foreign and domestic articles both, in con*
seauence of the duty on tlte former, is iu reaj-
ity, and In the strictest senso, a tax, while it is
clear that the iucrcased price of the latter acts
as a bouHty to tho section producing them, and
that as the amount of such increased prices on-
what it sells to the other section, is greator or
loss, than tho duty it pays on tlio imported ar
ticles, the system will in fact operate as a boun
ty cr lax; if greater, tho difference would be a
bounty; if less a tux.
Again the operation may bo equal in every
other respect, and yet the pressute of the sys
tem, relatively, on the two sections, be render
ed very unequal by the appropriations, or dis
tribution. If each section receives hack tvhat
it paid into the treasury, the equality, if it pre
viously existed, will continue; but if ono re
ceives back less, and tbe other proportionally
more than it paid, then the difference iu rela
tion to tho sections will be to tho former.^ loss,
and to the latter a gain, and the system in this
aspect would operate to tho umount of tho dif
ference, as a contribution from the ono receiv
ing less than it paid, to tho other that receives
more. Suvh would be incontcstibly its geueral
effects, taken in all its different aspects, even
on the theory supposed to bo most fovorublo to
prove tlio equal action of the system, that the
consumer pays in tho first instance tho whole
amount of the tax.
To show how, on this supposition, the bur
den and advantages of tho system would actual
ly distribute fitemselves between tho sections,
would carry mu too far into details; but I feel
assured, after full and careful examination, .that
tlioy are such as to explain, what otherwise
would seem inexplicable, that one section
should consider its repeal a calamity, and. tho
other a blessing, und that such opposite views
should ho taken, by them, as to place them i* a
statu of determined conflict, in relation to the
great (is£al aud commercial interests of tlte
country. Indeed wero there no satisfactory
explanation, tho opposite views that prevail, in
(bo two sections, us to tho effects of tho sy stem,
ought to satisfy all of its unequal action.
There can bo no safer or moro certain rule,
than to suppose each portion of tho country
equally capable of understanding their respec
tive interests; nnd that each is a much better
judge of .tho effects of any system of measures
or its pcculiur interests, than the other can pos
sibly ho. .*
But whether the opinion, of its unequal ac
tion, ho correct or erroneous, nothing can ho
moro cortain than that tho impression is wide
ly extending itself, that tlte system, under oil its
modifications, is essentially unequal; and if to
that he added, a conviction still deeper nnd
more univorsal, that every duly imposed for
the purpose of protection, is nut only unjust,
but also unconstitutional, it would he a fatal
error to suppose, that ony remedy shprt of that
which I have stated, can heal our political dis
orders. *
In order to understand, more fully tho diffi*
culty of adjusting this unhappy contest, on any
other ground, it may not ho improper to pre
sent a general viow of the constitutional ob
jection, that it may he cloarly soen, how hope
less it is to expect that it can be yielded, by
those who havo embraced it.
Tlioy bcliovo that mil tho powers, vested by
tho Constitution in Congress, arc not only re
stricted by tho limitations expressly impo
sed but also by tlio nature and object of tlio
powers themsclvos. Thus though the power
to imposo duties on imports bo grunted in gcn
oral forms without unv other express limita
tion, but that thoy shall* bo equal, and no pref
erence shall bo given to tho ports of ono state
ovor thoso of onothor, yet us being a portion of
the taxing power, with the view of raisiag
revenuo, it is from its nature restricted to that
object, as much so as if the Convention had
so liihitcd it; and that to uso it to effect aoy
other purpose, not specifiad in the Constitu
tion is an infraction of the instrument, in its
most dangorous form; nn infraction by perver
sion, mbro easily made, and moro difficult to
resist, that: any other. The same view is be
lieved to ho applicable to tho power ol regula
ting commerce, as well as all tho other povv-
To surrender this important principle, it
lions, particularly with its petD|ilJ .
try and property, which experience L,!
may he so inj uriously effected by '
Thus much for one side. Cttl
Tho just cfaims oftho other on>l.
equally respcctod. Whatever oxciie, 1
system hits justly caused, iii certain'
of our country, I hopo, and believe ^
concede that the change, should bo n'J
tho least possible detriment to the *
of those, who may ho liable to fc 0 atWi
it, consistently with tvhat is justly
era and the principles of the Constiti *
To effect this, will require tho |;i n j,
of conciliation, and tlte utmost skill i
with these, it will be impossible to maj
transition, without a shock greater
though I trust, if judiciously effected >1
no! be without many compensating adnj
That thero will be seme such, css*
doubted. It will, at least, be folb
greater stability, and will tend to lij,,.
the manufacturing with all of the othJl
interests of tho country, and bind' the J
in annual affection. But these irewf
Another advantage, of essential import’
the ultimate prosperity of our ntanuk
industry will follow. It will cheapest
tion; and, in that view, (lie loss ofo-
brunch, will he nothing like in propjf
tho reduction of duly on that particular t
Every reduction will, in fact, open,
bounty to every other branch, except^
reduced; and this the effect of a gc&tn
duciion will he to cheapen, universal;,
price of production, by cheapening
wages and materials, so as to give, jfnJ
profile after the reduction, profits hyZ]
reduced proportionally to the duties, ,a|
which, as it regards the foreign math *
the utmost importance. It must be q
on reflection, thalthc means adopted to]
tiie home market for our maoufici
precisely tho opposite of thoso nct^,
obtuin tho foreign. In the former, them
ed expense of production in conseqae^
a system of protection tnay bo monl
compensated by the increased price itl
of the article protected; but in the tail
advantage is lost, and as there is no]
corresponding compensation, tjie ioc]
cost of production must be a dead loss']
foreign marker. But whether these ado 1
and many others, that might bo rack
will ultimately compensate to tbe fullt,
or not, the loss to tlio manufaciarcn]
reduction of the duties, certain it is, f
have approached a point, at which i
chango cannot he much longer delay*
that tho moro promptly it may bei
less oxcitemeut there will he, and then
leisure and calmness for q cautious andiL
operation in making the transition,and]
it becomes (hose mure immediately icxf
duly to considor. Nor ought they toon
in considering tho question, the dig
character of the claims uf the two sides,
one asks from the* Government no adti|
but simply to be let alone in the unis
possession of thoir natural udvsntagej, g
secure which, us far as was consistent »f
other objects of the Constitution, tra
thoir loading motives in entering iniotbi 1
while the otheir side claims, forthe i
meat of their property, the posiiivo inn
of tho Government. In such cases,oil
principle of fairness and' ju^ice, witMj
rouco ought to be restrained wiihiS I
strictly compatible with tlionatunilidrii
of tho other. IIo who, looking toa3 C
causes in operation; die near approach!
final payment of thejrubllc debt,dew
disaffection nnd resistance to the sysiew, |
large a section oftho country, jbo dcr
ciples on which opposijion.to it h L
turning, must be, indeed, infatuated Ml
a great change is unavoid»Dw;'and thdl
lompt to eludo or much longor dehy
finally, but incrcaso tho shock, and ik.J
trous consequeuces which may follow.
Informing tho opinions, I have ext
I have not been actuated by an unkind It
towards our manufacturing interest. IW
and ever havo been decidedly friendljrtoJ
though I cannot concur in all of the r
which havo been adoptcd lo advanced
believe, considerations higher, than a«J|
tion of mere pecuniary interest,, fotWI
use. But subordinate to these liig™
policy; I regard the advancement of a
ical and chemical improvements u i
is conceivad, would bo to surrender all power
and to render tho government unlimited aud
despotic; end to yiold it up, in relation to tho
particular power in question, would bo in fact
to Surrender tho control of the wholo industry
and capital of the country to tlio General Gov-
ernment', and would end in placing the weaker
section in n colonial relation with tho strong
er. For nothing aro more dissimilar in their
nature, or may bo moro unequally effected by
the samo laws, than different descriptions of la
bor and property; and if taxes, by increasing
the amount and changing tho intent only, may
bo perverted, in fact, into a system of penal
ties and rewards, it would give all tlio jiower
that coutd bo desired, to subject the 1 ibor aud
properly .of the minority to tho will of tho ma
jority to bo regulated without regarding the
interests of the former, in subserviency to tho
will of tho latter. Thus thinking, it would
seem unreasonable to expect, dial any adjust
ment bused on tho recognition of tho correct
ness of a construction, of tbe Constitution,
which would admit tho exercise ofsuch a pow-
io th/light of a tax,' therelyi tbo impost duties Cr, would satisfy tho weaker of ifco two xtc*
with feelings litlleihoft of oniliususm, .
S r, as the prolific source of national«fl
ual wealth, but, as the groat mtam oi
ing the dominion of nan over tuo■ «
world, and, thereby, of laying the soWJ
atioti of u highly improved MndiiioanJ
morally and poliically. 1 fear not,<!“
extend our power too far over the
of nature; hut, on tho contrary, I^
enlargement of our power, as tending,
tainly and powoi fully, to belter the con
•our race, than any one of the IW "- V ,I
causes, notv oporating to that resu
thoso impressions, I not only rejoi J
general progress oi the uris in the u0( J
thoir advancement in our own cone
far as protection can be Incidentally
in the (air and honest exercise oj .°“ r .
onal powers, I think' uow, os i m j
done, that sound policy, connected "‘I
curity, independence aud peace ot j
requires them to be protected, but t
not go a singlo step boyond, j
zing our peace, our harmony . ^
considerations of infinitely nl0r ®’.!JJ ,
us than uny measure of meio policy,
hly he. j
Iu thus placing my opinions 1 bew 5 .
lie. I have not been actuated byj
lion of changing the public scninn* •
motive, on a qnestion so long agi.w • 'J
beset with feelings of prejudice »» T
would-argoo, on my part, #0
nnd n profound ignorance of ,||D .
To avoid, as fur na possible, the ‘.,
Cither, I havo confined my |
many-nod (mpoitshi points, o® j/
been compelled to touch, to a sm
lion.ofjny opinion, without *d**",™*^
reasons to sustain them, than * ,| ^
to me, to bo indispensable to d’ e “ ,j' J
ding of my views; nnd if 'hey* '
point, be thought to bo not clc» j
dtiy developed, it wBUj JJJ
to my solicitude to avoid ll ";. ,ri
which I havo alluded; and not f ^I
to disguise my sentiments, "of ^
guments and illustrations<on'*
e-liirh so nboutrl in ' '