Newspaper Page Text
and L)in- I
COL. JOHNSON TO MR. BERRIEN.
Otililaiul, (Ky)Jidy ‘JO, llftL
D"\n Sm — Your fivor of iliu 7 th ittsi.
' has been receiuid. I find llwl you under,.loud
mo to say, that t!io President would tit least
..^irl tin; iiiviiiilion of Mrs. . Eaton‘whur
you gavu largo and general ptyiSos. Tim
president never did, ditcefly, or indirect! v,
< xprqss or intiinnto such an expectation. He
informed mtuhat ho had beet! induced to be
lieve that u pint of his cilunetliiid entered into
a combination todiivc Mit}; Eaton from it, by
excluding him and his family from society; that
he had been also informed llml (ho successive
panics to which you allude was a link in the
chain; that Httempl* had Immi made even upon
foreign Ministers to exclude Mnj. Eaton and
his familiy front tbeir parlies; that suclt a
state of tilings gave him great distress, that
ho was determined, at all hazards to have
harmony in his Cabinet, lie then read a pa
per containing the principles upon which lie in-
iended to neb In lity conversation with you
I referred to (his paper. No doubt it is now
in existence. It disclaimed all intentions; on
the part of the President, to regulate in any
manner whatever. Hie privuto or social inter
course of the members of his Cabinet. 'As
a mutual friend 1 called upon you, and ns a
peace-maker, my object was to make the a-
hovo communication in the must delicate man
ner possible. Dming our conversation, in the
anxiety of my heart to servo my friend and my
coitjitty, it was I alone, upon my own respon
sibility, who made the. suggestion or proposi
tion; or'rather inquiry, whether von could
not, ut those largo and promiscuous parlies, in
vite Major Eaton and his family. Front the
total social non intercourse of tho members of
the cabinet, tlio want of hnrmrtny was inferred
more than from any other circumstnnce; and
my desire was to. remedy that evil by tlie sug
gestion or inquiry which I made. It would
have been an tihsohito, unqualified, and total
misrepresentation' of his views, if 1 had re
presented the President os making any such a
demand. You will therefore perceive that
• you have fallen into the mistake of suppos
ing that I attributed to him what was tho
spontaneous, sole, and independent sugges
tion of my own niind. I Jiavo had no hr
gonev in bringing ony part of our convcrsa-
lion before the public. I ntn happy In the
iecollection that my voluntary exertions to
restore harmony to ancient friendship, for
She' time being, was not unavailing, by con
versations rind mutual explanations, between
some of tlio parties, nml that I have had no a-
geiicy in producing tho recent separation.
Having now corrected your misapprehension of
What I did say in my endeavors to prevent the
disunion of my bosom frionds, I feel as if 1 had
{itrformed another sacred duty. I have done
it promptly, and in tlio same spirit of peace
and fneinjship. I havo confined my remarks
to an explanation of what I said myself.
Tiiis is done to ovoid any unpleasant collision
which too frequently arises among tho host of
friends ami most honorablo men, when cflbrls
are made to detail.privnto conversations.
I am. dear sir, vours, respectfully, ,
R. M. JOHNSON.
lion. J. Maephtrson Berrien.
EXTRACTS
- FROM COLONEL DRAYTON’S ORATION,
Delivered before the Union and Slate Itighle Party,
AT CHARLESTON, JULY 4, 1831.
The right of a Stato to judge of the infrac
tions of tho Federal Compact, mid to nullify,
the laws of that compact, by virtue of its re
served ond inherent sovereignty, is attempt
ed to ho established, by tho analogy of n simil
ar right in soveroigns, who Imvo entnred into n
league or a treaty. If sovoreigns enter into a
leiguo or treaty, they arc obligated to per
form their conditions by tho Ihtvs ofnaturo and
of nations. Should one of them absolve him
self from theso obligations, tho treaty ot league
would bo at an end, and from necessity, the
injured sovereign could only appeal to arms
for redress. Rut our Constitution is not a
league, as tho Confederation was, nor a treaty,
which is a compact between nations, acknow
ledging no superior, with separate und distinct
governments nnd laws, and separate and dis
tinct powers and interests. Tho Federal Con-
i^Dciitution was formed by the States. By that
Constitution, tlio United States are under tho
* same government, are subject to tho same laws,
aro controlled by tho samo powors, and con
nected by tho same interests. That Constilu-
: tion, where differences ariso betweon the par
ties to it, relating to its construction, designates
n tribunal, by which these differences, shall,
exclusively lie decided. Without this provi
sion, tho only arbiter for. theso differences
would be the sword. Tlio States, by 'thoir
«wn voluntary and deliberate consent, aro
mutually bound to each other to comply with
this provision. If a State violates it, that
State resorts to tho law of nature, and tho Con
stitution is no more. To contend that tho ex
ercise of this ultima ratio, beyond the Constitu
tion is constitutional, is a palpable contradic
tion. A State cannot bo in tho Constitution
and out of it at tho same time. To be, and
■not to be, simultaneously, is not in the power
of omnipotence itself. ■
Tho Resolutions nnd Report of Mr. Madi
son, in tho Legislature of Virginia, which nro
cited as authority for tlio doctrines of “tho Ex
position,” will bo found, upon an attentive ex
amination, to convey a very different meaning.
They recognize no constitutional right, on the
part of a State, to nullify an Act of Congress,
but derive tlio exercise of such a right, front a
source which no Constitution can control.
To extract from theso resolutions nnd Re
port, (which occupy forty-eight pages of a
priotod pamphlet,) those passages which arc
necessary, fully, to substantiate their intention
nnd import, would bo a trespass upon your
; lime, that l will not be guilty of. I shall
merely submit to you, so nuich of them, in a
few lines, as will, I trust, satisfy you of tho
correctness of my interpretation of them.
The Virginia Legislature, in their 3d Reso
lution, dedaro: "that in caso of a deliberate,
palpable and dangerous exorcise of powers,
not granted by tlio Federal Compact, the
Slates, who aro parlies thereto have the right
B ond are in duty bound, to interpose for arrest
ing the progress of the evil, nnd for ruain-
aining within their rcspective.limits, tho au-
boritics, rights and liberties appertaining to
test against those Acts, “as _ _
farming infractions of the Constitution
n “ deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise
of powers not granted by the Federal Com
pact," the. Viiginia AssemblyundcistoodI such
violations, .of flip .Constitution, as manifested
n deliberate iiyloMion on the part of the Gen
eral Government, to assume powers so palpa
bly usurped for dangerous purposes, as to re
move the possibility of doubt as to tlio motive
and the object. As if Congress should sus
pend'tho writ of habeas corpus, inn time of
profound peace, when neither* rebellion nor
invasion were to be apprehended—or pass a
hill of attainder—or lay a tax direcily on ex
ports—or make it treason for the people to re
nmpstriito against tho proceedings of the Sum
ate nod House of Representatives, &c. Tha
such acts as-these were meant by the Virginia
Legislature, and not tho passage of a law deehv
ed by a State, or by Stales, to be unconstitution
al is evident from their language and conduct
l h and'a usurers frombetng c*po«d to 8 ,‘co’u^u'din-ctud to Millet'gevillu: it
institution.” By with the cotnm goods of.*■>•«&■ *“*£ ffi&Keb Wo»U last mail. Whether
matrons exercise upon which duties were paid, and to substi 10 )_ ,i„, imnrestine occasion or not,
sucre pam, ann iosuu5...u-j -; -'- -- . imurestine occasion or not,
for them those of tlio Untied-States, upon wishes for tho results of the -
which duties were not paid; to the necessary
diminution of .our revenue. Eight- of our
Representatives were present, of whom six
voUtd for the Act of 1816, will* the approba
tion, it must be presumed, of their consti
tuents, as the members advocating it wore, at
the next election, returned to Congress, and
you have my best wishes for tho results ol me
w.so councils mid patriotic effort*
cannot fall to carry to the discussion ol ll o to
pics of the day—they are of lint nupoitanco
to the w hole union. , • ' Tu*,, iri
Whatever the people of Sou tit Carolina in
i Convention shall resolve for their safety in-
. terest and happiness, will Im right, and none
iio voice against tho law, or any of its grovt- ] wra» -»«can
sious, was expressed in any part of the Mate, j wi >■ „ 0VBrmn rnt ut pleasure, and
When this Act “causa et or igo inoloruiii was fc . ibrow off tho government of
under discussion, Noiv-Englaml resisted . . j« n \ v heiiever tho some safety, interest
Her interests were navigating ami commercial. . . ieQU * tr0 ; t . If ambition nnd nv-
|ho persevered in her opposition 10 ‘ l ’*If 1 ™': nricB J|J ;i u l)V .,ke ofiho federal government a
icctivo system, mill after the Act of 1824, | !)re be lielij to it a-
when finding the adverse current too strong f ^ ur condition diffeis in no-
for licr to sH?oi t site diverted a Inrgo portion . C , •- . p rn vinccs of Turkey or
of her capital from commerce and navigation ron J|i,£ millI y-lioaded Tyradt, in the liu-
to manufactures, and now sustains a policy . J™ • • F y tu ,j ofl ; vaunts his
iqion the \ =
Government.” Had they considered these
laws to have originated in a deliberate intention
toosmp flowers subversive of the .Constitution,
the crisis would have arrived, which is referred
to, in their third Resolution, when they were
in duty bound to arrest the progress of the evil,
by appealing to the last resort—a secession
from tho Union. Instead of pursuing this
course, they leave the Alien and Sedition
Laws in full operation—-do not, in any man
ner "arrest their progressand simply make
their protest against them, which by their own
declaration, is "an expression of their opinion
unaccompanied with any other effect than
what it may produce on public opinion, by ex
citing reflection." In enumerating tlio moans
which might have heel)..employed “within the
limits of the Constitution," which are detailed
i.t length in their Report, the Virginia Assem
bly neither express, nor in the remotest degree
imply a veto upon, or a nullification of the ob
noxious laws. The constitutional modes of
interposing, in the opinion of the Legislature of
Virginia, were tlio following: “The Legisla
tures of the States might have made a direct
representation to' Congress; or they might
have represented to their respective Senators
m Congress, thoir wish that two-thirds thereof
would propose an explanatory amendment to
the Constitution,* or two thirds of themselves,
if such had been their option, might'by an ap
plication to Congress have obtained a Conven
tion for tho samo object." Understanding
theso celebrated Resolutions, in tho sense which
I have stilted, I yield to them my full assent,
with this addition—that, in my opinion, the
right ofa State to separate from the Union, is
not restricted to tho case “of a deliberate,
palpable and dangerous infraction of tho Fedo
ra! Compact;” but that a state has this right,
whenever a power directly granted by the Ccn-
titmion, is so oppressively exercised, as to ren
der the Union an intolerable bmtlien to her,
instead of a benefit. Rut this right springs
not from tho Constitution—it was coeval with
the formation of society—it was proclaimed in
die Decimation of Independence—and will
continue, until torn by civil broils, or distrac
ted by sectional jealousy, tlio deliberations of
these now United States, shall be crushed
by the iron rulo of a conquering despot.
I spunk with unqualified confidence of the
correctness of my construction of tho Virginia
Resolutions, ns it is, in its utmost extent,
recognized by Mr. Madison himself, who was
the author of them, in a letter written by him
in August, 1830. I cannot appeal to higher
testimony; for perhaps there is no individual
living, to whom the possession o<\so!id learning,
sound judgment, clear discrimination, and
unimpeachable integrity, will be more generally
allowed, than to Mr..Madison.
It may create surprise among some, that it
should havo been doubted, at tho era of the
Virginia Resolutions, that n Stuto had the
right to secede from the Union, yet was tiiis
right then denied by distinguished men—it was
denied by General Washington—and it is still
denied by many. The right of it Stato to
protestor remonstrate against the acts of the
General Government, was controvrrled by
several of tlio States,' as appears from tho
answers of these States to tho Resolutions of
Virginia; nnd a Special Committee of the
Legislature of the State of South-Cnrolinn, in
1S24, reported; .whilst petitions from the
pcoplo would be respectfully received and
considered (by Congress) the remonstrances of
the State would be regarded as usurpation of
authority, unless made ns your Cummitteo
havo before observed with a view to an amend
ment of the Constitution."
Were tha principle to be. conceded, that a
Stato has the constitutional right to interpose
its veto upon an Act, which was a "deliberate,
palpable nnd dangerous” infraction of the
Constitution, this could not be predicated of
the Tariff Acts of 1824 and 1828. What is
to be understood by a deliberate violation ol
tho Constitution, I havo already shown. That
these acts nro a palpable violation of the
Constitution, can, surely, not bo maintained,
when it is recollected, 'that tho policy which
dictated them lias been lccommcndcd by.Mr.
Jefferson, admitted to bo the strictest of strict
constructionists, nnd by every President of the
U. S. But the distinction is, in fact, without n
difference, whether a Suite claims the constitu
tional right to . arrest tho progress of a law,
whenever deemed by it to ho unconstitutional,
or only where it is considerad to ho "a delib
erate palpablo and dangerous infraction of the
Constitution,'! for its own discretion is its
judge, in-both cases; and even where it has
previously regarded a law to ho constitutional,
it would not ho precluded from reversing that
decision, and pronouncing that very law to ho
a deliberate, palpable and dangerous usurpa
tion of power. The Act of 27th April, 18lC,
was as plainly within "the protective system’’
ns is the Act of 1828. When tho Act of 1816
was passed, that of 1812 was in force, by which
tho duties were doubled,on account of *.ho war
with. England. By tho Act of 1SIG, some of
those doubto duties wetc continued. Upon
some articles, the duties wero raised beyond
what they were by the Act of 1812, and nil of
them, with a few exceptions, wore very much
higher than they had been before the war. .
Tho Act of 1816, was avowed to he for the
protection of the manufacturers. It introduced
hem.” In~the5lh Resolution, th’fty denounce minimum duty, the most odious feaiurc in “tho
the Alien and Sedition Acts” as unconsfitu-[ protective system." The declared object of
ional exercises of porter; onfl they finally, pro-, ibis minimum was to protect our cotton ntan-
wjs not' objected to ns
though fifty-one Representatives voted against
it. It tnay bo positively asserted, that "the
protective system” was not deemed to be
unconstitutional, in South Carolina, in 1816.
With hor authority, and tliat of tho distinguish
ed statesmen whom 1 havo mentioned, it cam
Tho Cormorant who fattens and fastens on our
substance, may not release his hold, ns long ns
wo are tho willing subject of his remorseless
passion. But I do not utterly despair—-tlio
American people will see that the Constitution
and Union can only he preserved by o_ return
noO"sureTv*' bn''proneJbd,"<Aa<"'subsequent to honesty nnd JutMicp. It U
laws recognizing and adopting that system, are can be wrong-ours ts the cause of Liberty Ol
taws recognizing and adopting i
deliberate and palpable infractions of tlio Fed
eral Compact; and unless they he so, the case
does not exist which “the Exposition^ coji-
lenipiates ns justifying the interposition of iu
Veto, by a Slate. The licht in which I view
“tlio protective system,’ 4 ' I have, repeatedly
declared. I formed my opinion after long
reflection; hut without an intolerance equal to
to that of the Spanish Inquisition, in tlio reign
of Philip the J Id. I could not presume to as
sert, that those who differ from me arc deliber
ately or palpably wrong.
Perhaps no individual is moro hostile to flic
Tariff Acts than I am, or has expressed him
self against them with more warmth and in
dignation. Carry their principle to the full
extent, tho foreign trade of South Carolina
would be destroyed, and the fruits of her in
dustry and of her fertile soil would bo render
ed, comparatively, valueless. Carry thoir
principle to tlio full extent, 1 (jelievo that an
overwhehnning majority of the citizens of tiiis
State would be in favor—not ofa veto—not of
nullification—but of appealing to the “ultima
ratio republic®”—of cutting nsunder the
cords which bound them to an intolerable gov
ernment—of standing upon their sole and self
piotccted sovereignty, however perilous and
disastrous that experiment might be. Matters
havo not been pushed to tiiis extremity. Not
thinking the evil which wo enduro to bo so
great, as by others, ond especially by those who
framed tlio “ Exposition,” it is supposed to be
—knowing that the protective policy has been
sanetk«>«l by wise and patriotic men, some of
whom wero among tho most efficient in tlio
formation of of .our Constitution, I cannot re
gard tho Acts complained of, to be deliberate
and palpable violations of tho Constitution,
though in my judgment, they arc unconstitu
tional, partial and injurious. Etitertnining
these sentiments, my convictions urc, that in
our efforts to rcscuo ourselves from what we,
feel to be oppressive Legislation, wo should
not transcend those means which are consti
tutional, among which cannot be included the
interposition of a State to nullify an net of
Congress; and tints whatever be the motive
necessarily to involve us in n contest with the
Goneial Government, unless we adopt the ah
tornative—only justifiable, in tlio last resort—a
secessipn from the Union.
[to be continued.]
HIGH ULTRA PRINCIPLES.
Extract from Governor Gilmer's Message.
“Tho tract of land from which tho Clicro-
kees have been removed by older of the Presi
dent is supposed to contain 464,646 acres, nnd
is now subject to to be disposed of in such a
manuor ns you may think expedient. The
great object to be effected by tha State, in the
appropriation of its lands, is tho increase of its
population, nnd tlio excitement of its people to
industry and tho accumulation of wealth. The
Lottery System which has been liitlfbrto adopt
ed, is believed to havo been better calculated
to attain those ends, than tlio disposition by
public sale. In an unimproved country, where
capital is scarce, interest high, and every trade
and employment demand labor and wealth, tho
surplus money in the possession of the pcoplo
can ho expended more usefully by theni in
improving tlio lands, and otherwiso adding to
tho riches of tho country, than if drawn from
litem to ho placed in tho public Treasury. It
has always been found moro difficult to re-
strain improper expenditures arising from a full
Treasury, t[ian to obtain through the powors
which belong to the Government, tho means
which may bo really required for public pur
poses. It is reported that thcro aro valuable
gold mines in the lands to bo disposed of.
The public interest requires that tho lots of
Freedom—of Industry—of tlio uso of tlio fa
culties of mind and body for all purposes, mere
ly innocent, without govermentaj intcforence:
opposed to restraints and prohibitions and mo
nopolies in every form. If contrary to expec
tation,,tho existing system shall bocoine the
fixed und settled policy of the country, the
.Southern States must withdraw from the con
federacy cost what it may. No evil is more to
ho dreaded than n power in tlio general gov
ernment, to' regulate all industry—a power
which cannot with safety be confided to any
government,! but with tlio most guardod limita
tions. Direct taxes for tlio encouragement of
manufactures would not have been paid for n
single yean The 5 cents a yard on our
Cotton Bagging, levied for tho professed pur
pose of enabling the Western Stales to supply
tho article on their own terms, when the pro
ceeds wero to mako roads and canals for the
same States, would have been opposed with a
spirit not easily allayed. They have been
borne only because being intlircei, they arc
unsgen, nnd because u puition of the evit may
bo ‘avoided by tho non-canspmpflon of those
articles which are uot of first necessity. There
cannot be a greater fallacy, than that the union
is to be preset ved by n poiver in the general
government to coerce the States. Tho exis
tence of sovereignty precludes the idea of
force. Ours is a government of opinion, of
consent, of voluntary association—.tho only
guaranty .for union, is justice. Justice secures
good fcoling, fidelity, affection, and nothing
hut justice can secure them. Of what valuo is
that union which is formed of unwilling and
reluctant members, who but for the sword sus
pended over thoir heads, would fly off from the
common centre, ns from a ftorco nml consu
ming fire, which burns only to destroy! The
constitution ndministcrod according to its let
ter and spirit, can dispense nothing biit jiittice;
nnd tlio character of flic American people is the
sufficient warranty, that no stato would separate
from the Union without jilslifiuhle cause. Re
garding the union as a family compact, the
members of which can only ho kept together
by the practice of strict and impartial justice;
it is better that the non-contents nnd malecon-
tents should bo suffered to depart in peace by
common consent, titan by common concert, to
restrain a reluctant obedience, which ifyicldod
today, may bo forcibly withdrawn tomorrow.
It is the shedding of blond which dolors us
from constitutional resistance to unconstitu
tional laws, and which ought to 'ho postponed
so long ns tho faintest hope remains of n re
turning sense of justice. You well know how
the same infatuation is constantly pursuing an
interest infinitely more sacred, tlio unhallowed
toucii of which wo would he bound in honor
to resist, nnd with n vengenuco never to bo ap
peased. But pardon so much on these dis
tressing topics, and accopt the tender of my
regard and esteem.
G.M. TROUP.
To Mcsssrs. John Taylor, Wade Hampton,
Jr. John G. Brown, Fierce M. Butler, and
William Harper,
As an act of justice to the senior editor of tho
Recorder, than whom few have moro need of bright
spots to relieve the shadings of his political retro
spect, we insert tho following article front the.Fed-
ernj Union of Thursday last—without, however,
taking to ourselves tho slightest blame for the cir-
cumstancc that produced it, or abating n single
word cf the sketch of the old editors political ca-,
rcer which wo published some weeks ago:
“Correction.—The gentleman wiio communica
ted the information respecting tlio correspond
ence between this place nnd Charleston, with a
view to injure Mr. Lumpkin, lias requested us to
say—that there was a misunderstanding in regard
to the facts. The misunderstanding did not arise
TELEGRAPH.
• 1 AC ON. GE o R a IA,
SATURDAY, SEPT. 3, ,’^j
WILSON LUMPKIN
FOR GOVERNOR.
Bail Rond Meeting—An adjoutnea
was, on Tuesday afternoon last, held at tL. J
house in Macon, with tlio intention of elec,
egates to the Rail Kond Convention to ;
at Eatonton during the current month, (j
Prince Esq. having been called to the d .
William P. Hunter Esq. appointed secreur
William B. Rogers and the Chairman w frt ;
ed as the two delegates from 'thh town i 0
Convention, and Messrs. R. W. Illlij, g ,
Donald, and C. B. Strong appointed a coirs-
to supply any vacancy that tnay happ tD ?|
delegation. 1
The lion. William II. Craivtord has,",
the Georgia Journal of theSSih nit. again a
ed the public on tli{ subject of his ditferen
John C. Calhoun. The only part of jl
tiresome and dull publication, that tan au
in Ids controversy, consists .in nn exiract r|
ter from Mr. George W. Erving, l.nerni-
Spaio nnd Denmark, declaring thatfrnmci
tion of thp records in the Department of 11
Iras ascertained that the official news of thee,
of St. Marks was received at Washing^;
early part of May; that Crowninshield left \f J
ton on the 28th May; that between the rarliu
28th of that month, ills extremely probahleia
council on the Seminole subject was held; a-j
Mr. Crowninshield did to Mr. Brving ai
accuracy of every part orhis, Crowninsldel,
ter to Crawford. All this may possibly I*
yet Mi. Crawford ougiit to know that this la.
evidence will avail him nothing while Cro
shield'livcs nnd his own testimony may be p.
It leaves tho subject just in its former coci
with this seeming disadvantage, that Mr. Cn>
is afraid to apply for Crowninshicld's (cnbf
We could have wished that tho old geotlm
pursued a course less equivocal—a cosi
would have removed any disagreeable imp:
that now remains against him.
lie still lays much stress nn the act
Calhoun established the Washington Hep
for the purpose of traducing his diameter, b
out adducing any new evidence to cta <
charge. Still flic allegation may be true,:
Vice President- guilty: for we have no dull
as a political jesuit, lie is equal to Mi. Cast
But what then? It is no murethan oeep
blackleg palming a card on tho other, with
injury being Stistiiiocd by the public: for its
at this late day, be pretended that the United tt|
suffered either in interest or repotation, ij
Crawford’s having been defeated in hiscln
John Randolph, his devoted friend, haiq
declared on the floor of Congress that he >
that time, dead to nil intents nnd purposesfj
and private. The two great rivals may ben
be now on the shelf,To remain there forever. J
Wo CuiuiCt however pass over in silence)
expressions of Judge "..Crawford, which I t
down as axioms. Iio takes it for granted tl
cry p.utictilnr charge not formally denied
time of its being advanced,; is ndmittpil M
cusnd. To apply this axiom to himself, even is j
in which he at the time ventuicc! no generald :
rr, of what a catalogue of guilt, memne
shame would lie stand convicted?—yet it i'h
a rule—or rather one less liberal—one *jg
mils no general denial hut a conlmdicli
fact proximate* and remote.—that lie coi
opponents of every charge that his mot 1 ,
has conjured up, or his malice invented.'
AgAin—he says, “it may be laljflftwn t
iom flint in the United States, if a tnr.n elm
politics after ho is thirty years of age. he
from selfish nnd therefore dishonest r.
How Messrs. Berrien, Forsyth, lleid, t
warm and devoted friends, will relish the qi
lion of .this axiom, wc will not undertake mod
hut one thing we do know, that they tvetta*
I * i • t .» ij* i iii - | ‘ 4U iuuuv xm, itiisuiiutixutimitit; uiu nuv tillov
land which contain gold should bo exempted with us . Nevertheless we very cheerfully cor-
from distribution by Lottery. Tho spirit of root tho error. Some conversation passed in rc-
spcculation which tho disposition of tlio lands fercnco to a correspondence between this" place
by lottery is calculated to' excite, has always j and Charleston—which our iuforrt.au vAjumlcr-
becn tlio greatest objection to that system.
Tho knowledge that tha lands contained valua
ble mines of gold, would incrcaso that spirit to
tho most injurious extent. Tito community
would become highly excited by tho hope of
acquiring groat wealth without labor. Tlio
morals of tho country would bo in. danger of
corruption from the ‘temptation which would
bo hold out by law to tlio commission of innu
merable frauds.—Regular industry -and econo
my would, fora time be suspended by restless
idleness and imaginary as well as real and un
necessary expenditures. In most instances
even the successful owners of tlio ricii prizes
would not be really benefited.—Prodigality is
tho usual result of riches suddenly and easily
obtained. Mines are liko flic accumulation of
tho people’s money in the public treasury; the
Government should manage them for general,
and not individual advantage.”
Gov. Troup's Letter to the Kullifiers of
South Carolina.
Laurens County, Geo.- )
• September 21st, 1830. J
Gentlemen—Accept my thanks for your
stood—previous to or abont the time Mr. Lump
kin became a Candidate. Our correspondent
is a man of too much honor and integrity, wilFoliy
to misrepresent this or any other subject. lie has
therefore promptly requested us to do this act of
justice to all the parties, and that the MacotTTele-
graph may do the same.
It will be well however for our fiicnds to look
out to other quarters—as wo have heard it
whispered that a monstrous "raw heap and
iit-ouav r M. - ’ is to bo brought out Mr.
Lumpkin just hkfork the election!! Wc
rather suspect however, some "reserved" Ghost
from the mine9, will frighten—not * tao rao and
bob tail" but those flint .call us so."
CLOTHING.
J UST received Rt the Macon Clothing Store, su
perfine blue, brown, black, olive Broad Clntln,
blue brown, orange, drab, slate, milt nml Huff f'H.«si-
nuirej. Velvet and Valencia Vestings, n linrnljoinc
R'ssortmcnt of Fancy Cravats, Stocks, Suspenders,'
buckskin Govt s, Horse and Reaver do. rmhnellns,
Caps, >Scfe. Also, a bundsomo assortment of Ratty I
made Clothing,inaiein the best style ; Cloaks of a Fii-1 Hn " premat
perior kind. FITCH 4- WOUDlNBjl "o
nov»7 48 1 h ad lie
and undisguised federalists until after the; i
cd- their thirtieth year, and have ttlMql
changed their creed. By Mr. Crawford's
.their convctsion was therefore selfish and da
cst. I’ut wc leave* him and them to «wl
part of the'business, nnd proceed to xpp&F
iom to Ills own conduct. While n Jnenilicr
Monroe’s cabinet, no man »;e> n oreariitrai
cning tho protective system on the nation l “
It was a splendid scheme and dazzled the
its advocates. He was then past thirty !'■
age—yet in 1823, when ho was several
he presided at the Stato Excise nirciuq
.town of Athens, am! contemplated »itlr
lit#“sepulchrepf lhs Union" nml lent
of his name to the principle that a State «uj
stitulionafty, hy imposing an Excise, m™/}
passed by L'ongrtes. This was certainly cf-
his politics after hr. was thirty yearsofMe.
fore, according to his axiom, he jas imlucM 1
change by selfish nnd dishonest motives, h 1
variation:-, did not stop at tins P°i n h *'
been ascertained in 18:11, that John l '- 1
had become the mainspring of nullii ””
South Carolina, Mr. Crawford discovered th^J
very principle lie had himself piontuifat" 1 «
ons in 1828 was treason and dcscuinsuit
man's rope. Here then was a rccliansc
was thirty years of ngc; dad he was
prompted hy selfish ami dishonest motives■
exemplifications of his axioms will
present, and as a wide field lor furtuer j i',
remains, may incline Itici to a Rrchter jibe ■
his future cogitation's. Wo are willing
bim now as an enemy of nuflificnUSJ'tfS.'!
salutary reformation, wc, in UjOf-igwC^ 1 f
nlogy of the Augusta Courier, say,
Mr. Calhoun.” For a man to renuuncAW-
ite doctrines, because he finds out that M
has espoused them, speaks volumes. • ,,
To Itis abuse of Mr. Lnmpkin andyctwn.
lian we shall say nothing. If inclined.
not only fully competent to rchut hiJ ""I,
hut also to.place him in an altitude before
lie far from being enwable. „
Nothing pi rh ips in his bulky tirade, r®, ■
rancorby which heis actuated more tb* ,
ing defamation of the Clark party, “'f I"' F >
ho) in this State, is a mongrel party. |lU "!'ji
worst materials of the political primes^ v, -=>
heretofore prevailed in Georgia"—a 1 " 1 ,’V
(General Clark) had succeeded in a wot' ^
greo in coMDtMxu am. the toBA*-" 1 ’
STATE in uis surroin-." Tho stateiu
false in fact nnd illiberal in ncutinictit' a
its own refutation on its face, and m ,f *.
to the feelings of every man. without
tint) of party, who considers i, 1 ""’ , 1 ," ',,.*
poverty am) good morals cuti ’
tied to*
loverly amt gnou morals emiu-... —
ontidvoce as well as 'he overgrow: ‘• j
ingtiiShcs in ease, the victim of orer> ct “
ould wish, fot the old man