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Bully roper, *8 per Annum I fui'Cli
Oouuu-y (-.per, 8 per Annum i for 6 n
(rATAHI.lt IT A11VAHC«.)
Jim, anil Sm AJirrll,taunt,, appear In talk Paper,.
BT Office lithe comerofB«y mid Bull-»treoti,ovcr
Mr. J. B. Gaudrv’i Store.
t reeling, II the common
Ihvoro with nil even tiiid
OF GEN. HARRISON.
Ill April, 1838, pending the laet election of
President, lInn.'Sn«nnoD WilliIsii, a member
of Congress from Kentucky, oddressed toMeesrs.
Harmsot and Vat linns*, respectively, e letter
of inquiry with regard 10 the prominent polilical
topics which then agitated, asjdicy still agitate, (lie
nation. The publication of Mr. Williams’ loiter
.is rendered unnecessary by die incorporation of
its substance into Gen. Harrison’s answer—
wfcfcttis as follows:
‘♦North Benii, May 1,1836.
Sir—I have the honor to acknowledge the re
ceipt of your letterof the 7th ultimo, in which you
request uie to answer the following questions:
First: "Will you, if elected President of the
United States, sign and npprove a bill distribut
ing the surplus revenue of the United States, to
each State according to the federal population of
each, for Internal Improvement, Education, and
to such Ollier objects as the Legislature ofthe sev
eral States may see fit to apply the same ?”
Second: " Will you sign and approve a bill dis<
fronting the proceeds of the rales ofthe public
lands to each State, according to the federal "pop-
illation of each, for the purposes above specified!*’
Third: " Will you sign and approve bills ma
king appropriations to improve uavigablo streams
above porta of entry 1” '
Fourth: " Will you sign and approve (if it be
comes necessary to secure and save from depre
ciation the revenue and finances of the nation,
and to afibrd a uniform sound currency to the
a le of tijftJDuited States) a bill with proper
Rendons add' restrictions, chartering a Bank
ofthe United States!”
Fifth: " What is your opinion as to die con
stitutional power ofthe Senate or House ofRep-
resentatives of the Congress ofthe United States,
to expunge or obliterate from the journals, the
teconls and proceedings of a previous session t”
From the manner in which the four first ques
tions are stated, it appears that yon do not ask
my opinions as to the policy or propriety ofthe
measures to which they respectively re ter; but
what would be my course, if they were presented
to me(being in the presidential chair ofthe United
States) in the shape of bills, that had been duly
passed by the Senate and House of Representa
tives.
From the opinions which I have formed of the
intention of die Constitution, as to cases in which
die veto power should be exercised by tho Pres
ident,! would have contented myself with giving
an affirmative answer to die four first questions:
from the deep interest which has been and
:ed is uow felt in relation to all die subjects, 1
k it proper to express my views upon each
one seperately.
I answer, tjien, first: That tho immediate return
ofall tho surplus money which, is or ought to be
in the treasnrv of Uie United States, to the pos-
secession ofthe people, from whom it was taki
is called for by every principle of policy and in
deed, of sufely to our institutions; and I know
of no mode or doing it better than diet recom
mended by die present chiefmagistrate, in his first
annual/nessagu toCongress.iu tbefollo wing words:
“ T) avoid these evils it appears to me that the most
safe, just, and Jederal disposition ichieh could be
vuide of the surplus revenue, mould he its appor
tionment among the several States according to the
ratio of representation." ,
This proposition has reference to a state of
tilings which now actually exists, with tho ex
ception of the amount of money thus to be dis-
irosed of; for it could not have been anticipated
by tho president that the surpnls above the real
waul* or convenient expenditures ofthe Govern-
went would become so large, as that retaining
it in die treasury would so diminish the circula
ting medium as greatly to embarrass die busi
ness ofthe country.
What other disposition can be made of it, with
a view to get it into immediate circulation, blit
to place it into- the hands of the 8tate authori
ties/ So great is the amount, and so rapidly is
it increasing, that it could not expended fora
v^ry considerable time on the comparatively few
objects to wliich it could he appropriated by
die general government; Imt die distribution
amongst tho people could he immediately effect
ed hy the Stales from the infinite variety of ways
in which it might be employed by them. By
thotn it might ho loaned to their own banking
institutions, or even to indivduals—a mode of
ddi-iributioa by the genera! government, which
I sincerely h°po in in the contemplation of no
-lneiid to his country.
Second: Whilst I have always broadly admit
ted that die public lauds were the common pro
perty of all the States, I have been the advocate
qf that inode ofdisposing of them, which would
crente the greatest number of freeholders; and i
conceived that in this way the interests of all
would bp as well secured as by any other dis
position; but since, by the small size ofthe tracts
in. which the lands urn now laid out, and the re
duction of the price, this desirable situation is easi
ly attaiunhle by any person of tolerable industry,
I om perfectly reconciled to tho distribution
of die proceeds of the sales, as provided for by
the bill introduced into the Senate by Mr. Clay;
the interests of all seem to be well provided for
by this bill;und us, from tho opposition which has
• hitherto lieen mnde to tho distribution of die lands
heretofore contemplated by the representatives of
the now States, there isno probability of its being
adopted, I think it ought no longer to he insisted
bit.
Third : At I believe that no money should be
token from the treasury of the United States to
be expended oh Internal Impovemeuts hut for
•tiiose which are strictly national, tho answer to
this question would he easy, but from the diffi
culty of dUermining which of those that are
.fromlhtfcfojjiyne proposed, would bo of this de
scription. This circumstance, the excitement
which Inis already been produced by appropria
tions of this kind, and the jealousies which it will
uo doubt continue to produce if persisted in,
give additional claims to the inode of appropria
ting all the surplus revenue of die United States
manner above suggested. Each S tuto w ill
o the tnean9 o? accomplishing its own
of internal improvement. Still there
particular coses where a contemplated
“lant wjJLbe of greater mi vantage to die
crrilIy7$Bd some particular States, than
lode. 't-Ttii such cases, as
States, where the vultie
lain will be greatly enhanced hy
nt in the means of communication,
moment should certainly largely
k ““nations of tho latter churac-
^ _ _'hat this may be the case, al
those to whom any portion of this delioato power
is entrusted, should always act upon tho princi
ples of forbearance and conciliation: over more
ready to sacrifice theiulerests of their immediate
constituents, rather than vjolute die other mem*
hers tif tho family. Those who pursue a different
course, whoso ruin is never to stop short of the
attainment ofall which fhoy may consider dioir
duo, will often be fbund to hnvo trespassed upon
the boundary thoy havo dmmsnlves established.
The observations with which I shall conclnde
tills lotter, on the subject of tho veto power hy
dm president, will apply to dlls as well as your
other questions.
Fourth: I have before me a newspaper, in
which lam designated by its distinguished Edi
tor, " The Dank and Federal Candidate." I think
it would ptizale the writer to adduce any. net of
my life which warrants him ill identifying ine
with tho interests ofthe first, or the pnliucs ofthe
latter—Having no means of ascertaining tiio sen-
tiuionts of dm directors and stockholders ofthe
Bank ofthe United 8tntes, (which is die one, I
presume, with which ’ll was intended to associate
me.) I cannot ray what tiieir course is likely to
ho in relation to dio ensuing election for Presi
dent. Should they, howe% er, givo me their sup
port, it will be evidence, at least, that the opposi
tion which 1 gave to tiieir institution in my capa
city of Representative from Ohio, in Cnngrsse,
proceeded, in their opinion, from a sense of du
ty which 1 could not disregard.
The journals of the second session of the thir
teenth, and those of die fourteenth Congress, will
show that my votes arc recorded against diem up
on every question in which their interest was in
volved. I did, indeed, exert myself in the Senate
of Ohio, to procure a repeal of tho law, wliich
had imposed an enormous tax upon the branch
es which had been located in its boundaries at the
request of the citizens. The ground of those ex
ertions was not the interest of the bank; but to
save what I considered die honor ofthe State, niffi
to prevent a controversy between the State offi
cers and those of the United States.
In the Spring of 1834,1 had also the honor to
' ireside at die meeting of citizens of Hamilton
bounty, called for tho purpose of expressing
tiieir sentiments in relation to the removal of the
public money from the custody of the Bank, by
the sole authority ofthe Executive. As president
ofthe meeting, (explained at some length the ob
ject for which it was conveued. hut I advanced
no opinion in relation to the rechattering of the
Bank.
A most respectful memorial to tho President
in relation to the removal of the deposites was
adopted, as were also resolutions in favor of re-
chartering the Bank; but, as I have already said,
this was not the purpose for which the meeting
was called, and not ono npon which, as presid
ing officer, I was called upon to give an opinion,
but in the event of an equal division of votes.
As a private citizen, no man can be tnoro entire
ly clear of any motive, oither for the rechartering
trie old institution, or creating a new one under
the authority of tho United States. I never had
a single share in the former, nor, indeed, iu any
hank, with one exception; and that inafif years a-
go failed, with the loss ofthe entire stock. I have
no inclinaticn again to venture in that way. even
if I should ever possess the means. Withtheex-
ception above ’mentioned, of stock ill a bank,
long since broken, I never put out a dollar at in
terest in my life. My interest beiug entirely
identified with the cultivation of the suit, 1 am im
mediately jmd personally connected with none
other.
I have made this statement to show yon that I
am not committed to any course in relation to
the chartering of a Bank of die United States, and
that 1 might, if so disposed, join in the popular
cry of denunciation against die old institution, and
upon its miscouduct predicate an opposition to
the chartering of anotiier.
I shall not, however, take tilts course, so op
posite to that which I hope I have followed
tbiough life, bnt will give yon my sentiments
clearly and fnllv, not only with regard to the fu
ture conduct of the Government on the subject of
a National Bank, but in relation to ttio opera-
ions of tiutt which is now defunct.
I was not in Congress when the late Bank was
chartered, but was a member of the thirteenth
Congress, after its firstsession, when the conduct
ofthe Bank, in its incipient measures was exam
ined into; and believing, front the result ofthe in
vestigation, diat the charter had been violated, I
voted for die judicial investigation, with a view of
annulling its charter. The resolution for that
purpose, howerver, failed: and shortly after, the
management of its affairs was committed to the
talents and integrity of Mr. Cheve*. From that
period to iu final dissolution, (although I roust
confess I am not n very competent judge of such
matters,) 1 have un idea that an institution could
have been conducted with more ability, integrity,
and public advantage than it has been.
Under these impressions, I agree with General
Jackson in die opinion expressed in one of his
messages to Congress from which I make the
following extract: * That a Dank ofthe United
States competent to all the duties which may be requir
ed by the Government, might be so organized as not
to infringe on our delegated powers, or the rtstreed
rights oj the States, I do not entertain a doubt.* But
the period for rechartering the old institution has
passed, as Pennsylvania lias wisely taken care to
appropriate to herself the benefits of its large cap
ital.
The question, then, forme to nnsweris, wheth
er, under the circumstances you stato, if elected
to the office of President, I would sign an act to
charter another Hnnk. I answer, I would, if it were
clearly ascot tnined the public interesfin relation
to the collection and disbursement ofthe revenue
would materially suffer without one, and there
were unequivocal manifestations of public opini
on in its favor. I think, however, tho experiment
irate on
Legislatui
qualified nej.
The poople of South Carol
not to have boon Iona
nient of power In tiieir
i bets of
hn> ‘
lied
howover,
with this invest-
nor, as it lasted but
year* t having bosn adopted in 1770, and re
ed in 1778; from which time the acts ofthe
n very warm opposition,
lion of the surplus
seems likely to re-
f dissension of
lyatem lins been
ling, in myn
“on those
of out
„ Imnuon;
the construction of our
i,and probably ever will be,
should be fairly tried, to ascertain whether die fi
nancial operations of tho Government ennnot os
well be carried on witiiout the aid of a National
Bank. If it is not necessary for dial purpose, it
does not appear to me (fiat one can be constitu
tionally chartered. There is no construction
which I can give the Constitution which would
authorise it, on the ground of affording facilities
to commerce. The measure ifadopled,must havo
for its object the carrying into effect (facilitating
at least tho exercise of) some one of tho powers
msitively granted to the Geuerpl Government,
f others flow from it, producing eqiial.advanlage
to the nation, so much the better; but these can
not he made the ground for justifying a recourse
to it.
The excitement which has been produced hy the
hank question, the number and respectability of
those who deny die right to Congress to charter
one, strongly recommend the course above sug
gested.
Fifth: I distinctly answer to this question, that,
in n»y opinion, neither House of Congress can
cotistitiitionallyexpungo the record oftheprocecd-
ings of their predecessors.
The power to rescind certainly belongs to diem;
and is, for every legitimate purpose, aifthat is ne
cessary. The uttempt to expunge a part of their
journal, now makiug iu the Semite ofdie United
States, I am satisfied could never havo been made
u m u P eri ?^ fo® highest party excitement,
w -a 1 jt e y°* cc reason and generous feeling is
stifled by long protracted and bitter controversy.
In relation to the exercise of the veto power
of the President, there is, I think, an important
difference between the present chief magistrate
and myself. I express this opinion with less dif
fidence. because I believe mine is in strict accord
ance with those of all ti*e previous Presidents to
General Jackson.
The veto power, or the control ofthe Exccu-
tive over the enactment of laws by tiif Legisla
tive body, was not unknown in the United States
previously to the formation of the present Fed
eral Constitution. It doesnot appear, however,
to have been in much favor. The principle wns
to be found in but tiiree of the State Constitu
tions; and in but one of them (Massachusetts)
was the Executive power lodged in the hands of
two „
pealed In ..... - — T --
Legislature of that Statu hava been entirely freed
from Executive control. Since the adoption of
tho Constitution of tho Unitod States, the veto
prior ip!.' bus been adopted by several Stalin*; and
until lately, It seemed to be rapidly ’growing into
fiivor. *
Before wo can form a correct opinion ofthe
mnnner in which diis powor should be exercised,
it is proper to understand the reasons which havo
induced its adoption. In its theory, it is mani
festly an innovation upon the first principle of
Republican Government,that the majority should
rule. Why should a single individual control the
will of tho majority?
It will not be said that there is more probabili
ty of finding greater wisdom In the executive
chair than in the halls of the legislature. Nor
can it possibly be supposed, that an individual
residing in the centre of an extensive country .can
be ns well acquainted with the wants and wishes
of a numerous people, ns those who come imme
diately from amongst llietib—die partakers, for a
portion ofthe year, in their various labors and
employments; and die witnesses ofthe effects of
the laws iu tiieir more minute as well us general
operations.
As far then, as. it regards a knowledge ofthe
wnntsand wishes ofthe people, wisdom to dis
cover remedies for existing evils, nud devising
schemes for increasing the public prosperity, it
would seem dint die legislative bodies did notre-
nirc the aid of an executive magistrate. But
here is a principle, recognized by all the Amer
ican Constitutions, which was uiiknown to die
nncient republics. They alt acknowledge rights
in the minority, which cnniwr rightfully be token
from them. Experience had shown that In targe
assemblies, these rights were not always respect-
ed. It would bo in vain that they should ho enu
merated, nud respect for them enjoined iu tho
constitution. A popular assembly under die in
fluence or that spirit of party which is always in
a greater or less degree in all republics, might
and would, as it was believed, sometimes disre
gard them. To guard again*! this danger, ahd to
secure die rights of each Individual, the expedi
ent of creating a department independent of die
others, and amenable only to Uie laws, was adop
ted. Security was Urns given aguiuat any palpa
ble v iolation of die constitution, to- the injury of
individuals, or of a minority party. But it was
still possible for a wilful and excited majority to
enact laws ofthe greatest injustice and tyrauny,
without violating the letter of tiieir charter.
And diis l take to he the origin ofdie veto pow
er, as well in the state governments os that of the
United States. It appears to have been die in
tention to create an umpire between die contend
ing factions, which had existed, it was believed,
and would continue to exist. If there was any
propriety in adopting this principle in the govern
ment of a stole, all die reasons in favor of it ex
isted in a tenfold degree for incorporating it in
ilmtofthe United States. The operations ofthe
latter, extending over an immense tract of coun
try , embracing the products of glmostevery clime,
and thatcouutry divided too into a number of sep
arate governments, in many respects indepen
dent of each other, and of tho common federal
head, left but little hope that they could always be
carried on in harmony. It could not be doubted
that sectional interests would at times predominate
in die bosoms of the iminediute representatives of
die people and die States, and combinations
formed destructive ofdie public good, or unjust
and oppressive to a minority. Where could a
power to check these local feelings, and to destroy
the effcctd'ofunjust combinations, he better pla
ced than in die hands of diat department whose
authority, being derived from die same common
sovereign, is co-ordinate with the rest, andjwliich
enjoys the great distinction of being at once the
immediate representative of die whole people
as well as ofeach particular State ?
In the former character, die interests ofthe
whole community would he rigidly supported,
and, in the latter,tho rights of each mombar stead
fastly maintained. The representation from the
State authorities in the electoral bolteges, I con
sider one ofthe most felicitous features m the con
stitution. It serves as an eternal memento to the
chief magistrate diat it is his July to guard the in
terests ofthe weak against the unjust aggressions
of the strong and powerful. From these prem
ises you will conclude that I consider the quali
fied veto upon the acts of the legislature, confer
red by the constitution upon die President, as n
conservative power, intruded only -to lie used to
secure the instrument itself from v iolation, or, in
times of high party excitement, to protect the
rights of tho minority, uud the interests of the
weaker members or the Union. Such, indeed,
is my opinion, aud such we must believe to be
the opinion of nearly all the. distinguished men
who have filled the executive chair. If I were
President oftha United States, an act which did
not involve either of the principles above enu
merated, must have been passed under very pe
culiar circumstances of precipitancy or opposition
to the known public will, to induce me to refuse
to it my sanction.
If the opinion I havo given ofthe motives ofthe
framers of the Constitution, iu giving the veto
power to the President, is correct, it follows, Unit
they never could haveexpectod diat he who was
constituted tho umpire between contending par
ties, should ever identify himself with the inter
ests of one of them, and voluntarily raze hiinsolf
from the ptoud euinincnco of leader ofa nation
to that of chief of u party. I can easily conceive
(lie existence of a slate of things by which tho
chief magistrate of u stute maybe forced to act
upon party principles; hut such a course is en
tirely opposed to all the obligations which tho
constitution iuipuses on a President of the United
States. The immense influence he possesses
will always give to his party the preponderance,
nnd the very circumstance of its being an exccu-
:n *.:»
tiff wh.ii it I
licit wield.
in will not op|
nitration,
I have tho lienor to bo, with (root ooniidora-
tionoud reaped, air,
• Yourhnmlilnnrvntit.
W. H. HARRISON,
lb Ike Honorable Sherrod Il'tUmine.
SAVANNA®
FRIDAY MORNING,- BSP
%
tNTi,
1840.
Union of tho Wills* for the sake
of tho Union.
NOMINATION
BY TUB irma NATIONAL convbntion.
. FOR PRE8IDBNT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
of Ohio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
JOHN TYLER, of Virginia.
For FJerton qf Preside,! and Viee-Prrsident.
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
Gan. DUNCAN L. CLINCH,of Camden.
Col. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, ofMiucogoe.
Mnj. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Ilitnrnclt.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY! of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, orBoldwin.
Gen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cum.
Gen W W. EZZARD. ofDoKolb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD,ofBnrko *
Gou. E. WIMBERLY, orTwigg..
For Congrru.
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greone.
RICHARD W. HABERSHAM,orUaberehnni,
JULIUS C. ALFORD. ofTroup.
EUOENIUS A. NI8BF.T, of Bibb.
LOTT WARRF.N.nfSiimlor.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, ofGlynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, ofjefferaon.
JAME8 A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
If yon vote with the South,said
a friend lo don. Harrison, yon
will destroy yourself.
“ That Is probable.” he replloil,
bat It Is bettor thatlshoutd de
stroy myself than to destroy the
Coastitution of my country.-- mi-
iam Henry Harrison.
07 Wo publish to-doy the justly celebrated let
ter uf Gen. Hamusoh to Sherrod Williams,
and wo hope it will be attentively rood, at least by
all those who doubt.
This letter and the one to HAnMER Deiuiy,
which we shell furnish our readers to-morrow,
contnin a greet many cardinal paints ofonr politi
cal fiiih. They will boar the strictest scrutiny.
to atippoie III™ «o iripevMiai ft* not to look for
ward thus far. This la certainly hie true position,
and we are not to euppnse diet the Goddess For
tune hes thrown her ill-mannered baudjng into this
cradle of rose* without ony effort on hie pert.
Oh I no I Mr. Kendall Is a modern politician. Ho
is almost the auctor tt princeps of a school of mod
em politicians, end thla is saying enough to explain
hie trno ground.
But ceil It be, that ono kind word should come
ftom those lips towards Mr. Clay, die bcuefactor,
the protector who found him in penury and dis
tress, who took him into his bosom, and warmed
and cherished his precarious existence until tho
serpent stung him? No! no I Bitter waten can
not produce sweetness till the whole fountain Is
cleansed, and'regenerated. Tho deed soa which
covers up in Its gloomy and acrid dopths, palaces
nud towers, end sacred temples, cannot send
forth clear and limpid and fortallzing streams.
This man comes not into our ranks. We want
him not lie must not support our men. He
must not support our ipeasures. He must re
main where he hns ever been. We for ouo, give
seasonable notice, that chango os ho may—occu
py what new ground he pleasof, wa shall never
acknowledge him as a coadjutor. We wish him
no harm—nO evil. But lie will live to ace Uie
day, when the measures which ho has advocated,
tho abuse of honest man and good patriots in
which he has indulged, will he looked upon with
the mingled astonishment and terror, with which
we view die ravnges of an earthquake, or tho car
nage ofa hattlu-fleld.
WHO ARE THE ABOLITIONISTS ?
In giving currency to the following, it is proper
to state, that it is from a highly respectable source:
Extract of a Utter from a gentleman of this city now
in Massachusetts, dated 27th August.
“ Great preparations are making for the cele
bration ofdie 10th Sept, next at Bunker Hill.
It is expected there will be 100,000 persons pres
ent.
"In regard to the Whigs being all Abolition
ists, I have heard more than 50 Van Burenmen
ray, thut unless there is a tiiird candidate storied
for Govenior, Morton will certainly be re-elect,
ed, ns all, or nearly all the Abolitionists will vote
for him. I heard a Van Buren Post Master ray
Uio same to-day. One Abolitionist alone has stated
to me that be shall voto for Davis and for Ilarri-
The Globe does sometimes speak the truth,
though only hy mistnke. At least we presume
that it was by mistake, that the reply of Mr. Clay
to Gen. Jnckson appeared in the Executive or
gan with the following introduction:
" We have been favored with die following
card from Mr. Clay, in reply to the foregoing ex-
traordiunry paper. His treatment of the attack,
it will be seen, affords a singular contrast to die
rude, ungenerous, and uncalled for language of
his accuser.”
VERMONT ELECTION.
'Returns from 136 towns, give a Whig majori
ty of 10,03*2. Last year in the same towns, the
Whig majority was 4043. Gain dius far 5089.
From tho character ofdie returns received from
the 5th District, it is probable that the Whig can
didate for Congress is elected. If so, says the
Journal of Commerce, it is another Whig gain, and
Vermont sends a complete Whig delegation.
The total Whig Representatives gained dius
fur is 37. Senators 3.
n single chief magistrate. One other Stoto (S
Carolina) had, indeed, not only adopted this prim
dp Wptiutd single Executive Mogis
tive party will he the cause of infusing more bit
terness and vindictive feeling in theso domestic
contests. Under these circumstances, the quali
fied veto given hy the constitution may, if the
President should diiuk proper to change its char
acter, become as nbsoluto in practice as that pos
sessed by tho Kings of England, aud France.—
From the great variety of local interests ucting
upon the members ofthe two Houses of Con-
{ jress, and from the difficulty pf keeping all tho
ndividuals of u large party under the control of
party discipline, laws will ofteu be passed hvsmall
majorities adverse to die interests ofthe-domin
ant party; bnt if the President should drink pro
per to use the veto power for tho purpose of pro
moting the interests of his party, it will be in vain
to expect that a majority so large as two-thirds in
both Houses would he found in opposition to his
wishes. In die hands of such a President, the
qualified veto ofthe Constitution would in prac
tice become absolute.
I have, upon another occasion, expressed my
views upon the danger of a dominant executive
party. It may, perhaps, ho that the chief
magistrate will find it impossible to avoid the in
fluence of party spirit. Several of our chief
magistrates, however, have been able to escape
its influence; or, what is the same thing to act ns
if they did not feel it. As one mode of avoiding
it, it would be my aim to interfere with the legis
lation of Congress as little q B possible. The
clause in the Constitution which makes it the du
ty of the President to givo Congress information
of uie .Into oftkn Union, audio recommend to
tiieir comiderntioii. .ncli mcniuree be shall
judge neceieorv nnd eipodiem, cnnld never bo
intended to moke him tho imirce of legi.lalion.—
Information .lioiilil nlwujjbc frankly given, and
recommendation, upon tuch mallei. u« como
more immediately under hi. cognizance than
theire. But there it should end. If hn .Imuld
undertake to prepare the bu.incM of legi.lntion
for tile action of Congrew, or lo aesutne tho char*
acter of code-maker for the iialim, Uie pereomil
interest which lie will lake in Uie aucceie of his
meantre. will necmaurily convert him into a par-
titan, end will toluliy incapacitate him from per
forming Uio part of lhat impartial umpire, which
la Uie character that I hove auppored Ilia Conati-
Union intend, him to ouume, when the octe pn.a-
ed hy the Legulature are .ubmiiiad to hi. deoi.ion,
I do not think it by any mean, neceuary that he
bhjuldtoke the madam reformer, even when
We observed the above extract in one of onr
exchange papers, but declined publishing it,
supposing it to be a hoax. It comes to us
again from a new source nnd we insert it
curiosity. There must be some mistake
here. It cannot bo that the vilo sheet which
has hunted down Hkrry Cut for twelve
years past, should ever contain one single sylla
ble iu commendation of him. It cannot be that
the corrupt organ which has sung pecans to the
praise ofJAcxsox for tho same space of time—
which hns exhausted all the resources of flattery
in his exsltatioa—which has styled his weakness,
strength ; his malice, patriotism; his ambition,
love of country; his obstinacy, Roman firmness;
which has ransacked the vocabulary for terms in
which to herald forth his apotheosis; it cannot
be we say, that this corrupt organ has used the
words " rude, ungenerous and uncalled for," as ap
plicable to any language which enme from Gen
Jackson. Mercy on us! if it be so, to what
times are we coming ? But we again say it must
be a hoax—a shadowy idea, an '• unreal mockery,"
evolved from the brain ofsorae credulous quid
nunc.
Let us endeavor for a moment to raise the veil
and see tho Editor of the Globe, surrounded hy
his familiars in the seclusion of that political lab
oratory, where he distills his poisons, aud labels
them for the Northern, Eastern, Western aud
Southern market.
*• Hie illius arms,
Hie currua Cult .”
Let us ascertain what are the real, the undisguis*
ed views of the arch Impostor—Axes Kskdau,.
He has nn eagle eye to tho future, his mind is
steeped in the mazes of deceit, in the arts of chi
canery, his intellect is keen and bright, and far
reaching, his understanding is naturally Round,
and much political experience has helped to in
form it. His political morals—bah! Who is
bold enough to fadiom their dark and treacherous
depths? Time alone is the agent which can dis
close their horrid deformity. To the mighty ef
ficacy of Time let the task he left.
But there is the man. Rare talents we cannot
deny to him. Nature bestowed them on him
when she conferred the fatal gift of total absence
of prlncipUXo counterbalance their advantages.
There stands the man before the American
people the prince oflurnspits in the Kitchen Cab
inet—the ddevant Post Master General in die
Cabinet proper—the man who raid in his letter
to the Dinner Committee ofthe first Congression
al District of Pennsylvania—
" Since corruption has found winosin Bank
Notes, Liberty needs new safe-ouards. The
PRINCIPLE MUST BE SETTLED THAT NO LEGISLA
TIVE BODY CAN GRANT A CHARTER OF A PRIVILKOE
WHICH ANY SUBSEQUENT LeOULATURE, OR THE
people in Convention may not abrogate or
RECALL ”
Do any ofour renders suppose, that this far see
ing individual really anticipate! the re-election of
Mr. Van Buren ? He is at work hard in his cause
it is true, but does any ono suppose that when he
left "die King's Highway" nnd entered the closet,
he limited his ambition to editing tho Globel Do
not believe it, he is a close calculator. On re<
tiring ftom the Post Office, he reasoned with him
self, as follow*—" If hy any possibility our cause
"is triumphant, Iam on stronggronnd and shall
" claim and receive my reward. If on tho other
hand, asappearances indicate, Gen. Harrison is
KTThe following statement is interesting. It
shews that there will inevitably he a Harrison Sen
ate next winter. Tho table as made up isevident-
ly incorrect—for instance the Georgiaand Tennes
see Senators tc be elected,are put down Van Bn-
Wo have no doubt that the Georgia Sen
ator will be a Harrison man, and we presume,
there is a fair chance of our carrying Tennessee.
SENxVTF- OF THE U. STATEsIk 1841.
As there cannot now be any .reasonable doubt
of the election of General Harrison to the
Presidency, it may be well to look into the prob
able stnte of parties in die United States Senate
after his inaguration. The following will, we
think, be found not far ftom the truth. There
will remain in tho Senate 32 members, whose
terms will not have expired, as in table A.
There will be 20 Senators to take their seats,
who are to he elected between this time and March,
1841. Tablo, B shows bow they will probably
stuud.
fcPTh. Pre.1 Jout ho, recognizedJ, ns C,F„.
Savannah.
Our IHend of tin Provldonca Journal, n u ,
flnoa the difference between Democracy pronatl.
ao called, and the 10 coiled Democracy ofih, J
miuletreUan parly.—
AWxKSsrJWMS
ahead Ibr himself. The democracy conienn,Li!j
by the new echoot put. every men upon tli. l!-j
of Procrualei, cilia off tliooa .who en too
dmwe out thoao who nro too ahort, and aend. h.£’
forth wounded end maimed i telling them £
thoy are equal, end ought to be happy,
KP Tho packet chip United Statea, which
rived atNew York on the 4th tuol. IVotn Lira/
erpool, on the 11th of Anguat, Ut. « ( | on jT
raw the atonm ihip Brllleh Qnoeo, for London'
und throe ehipa in company. On the 2d imt
off Nett tucket, ehe oaw the eteem ahlp '
hound to Liverpool, *
For the Savannah Republican.
Mihm. Editor! t—Having frequently noticed
the glorioua chaiigoa which have taken place, | n
aevaral countlea of thla (our) Slate, ralatWs to
polilical affain, I could not (being a native 0f
old Camden,) refrain from apeaking aword in har
behalf. I apoak gentlemen, not from any recent
election, but from tho hearaoy of her indepen.
dentpcople.
Old Camden has at last thrown off die yoke of
Martin's administration, nnd at lat has united
herself with old Chatham in coming to the rescue.
She is now in the field, and there intends to r«.
main, until iho can leave with honor to herself,
boiug one among the conquering. Her people
are growing strong in the cause, and some have
actually turned nullifieri in defence of their rights,
Tlihy have found their error end ere now strag
gling to correct it. They ere trying to gein their
former independence, by placing at the head of
our onco happy Republic—men, (William llonry
Harrison end John Tyler) who will rectify nil the
evils under which our country now suffers, end
restore tho government to the pure principles of
Jefferson and AIndiaon. Her men in every de
partment of life, have thought ofdie policy pur-
sued by Mr. Van Buren, and find it at war witl
tiieir best interests and destructive to the national
prosperity; tinder all these evils his lastsupporter
(in tiiis county) is now laboring, but ftom e d*.
pressed spirit, he must and will |gon throw itofT,
yield to our cause, and take ap the fUg ofour
venerable and veuerated Harrison, if ; IJ. J.
Wo have received various accounts ofthe Via
Buren meeting at die Indian Springs. . The num
bers attending are as variously repreeented. Wi
believe die largest amount mentioned even by tin
most enthusiastic ofour opponents, is 7000.-
Othcrs, 2,500, 3,000,3,500 and 4,000, A gentle
man who took more than ordinary pains proper
ly to estimate the number, who measured their
tobies, and compared notes with others similarly
engaged, and those too political opponents, siti-
mates the number all told at not more than .3000.
Be it the minor or the major sum, we should sup
pose our opponents must have betn disappointed
andufterdie acre crowd nt Alacon, must have fell
it to be a failure.—Milledgeville Recorder.
A
B
STATES.
H.
V.B.
To be
filled.
To Elect
H
V.B.
Maine
0
1
1
Maine
0
1
N. Hampshire
0
1
1
NHampshire
0
1
Mass.
1
0
1
Mass.
l
0
U. Island
l
0
1
R.. Island
1
0
Conn.
l
1
0
N. Jersey
]
0
Vermont
2
0
0
Delaware
2
0
New York
N. Jersey
1
1
1
0
0
1
Virginia
N. Carolina
2
2
0
0
Penn.
0
2
0
8. Carolina
0
1
Delaware
0
0
2
Georgia
0
l
Maryland
2
0
0
Kentucky x
1
0
Virginia
N.Carolint
l
0
2
Tennessee
0
1
u
0
2
Alabama
c
1
S. Carolina
1
0
1
Louisiana
1
0
Georgia
0
1
l
Illinois
1
0
Alabama
0
1
1
Arknnuns
c
1
Eouisinnn
0
1
1
Michigan
1
0
Mississippi
1
•1
0
Ohio
c
2
0
Indiana
2
0
0
Illinois
Kentucky
Tennessee
V
1
1
1
1
(
l
1
Missouri
(
2
•o
Arkansas
(
1
1
Michigan
15
0
17
1
20
iU
7
•Walker has been re-elected for six years from
the 4 th of Norch, 1841.
By die foregoing it will be seen that die Whigs
will have in the Senate oftbe United States, on
4th March, 1841, whose terms will not have ex
pired, 15 numbers;
and will probably oleetprior lo that
time, * 13 "
Making a majority of 4, 28 "
There is a strong probability that we have placed
Tennessee in the wrong column in table B, and
that she will come nut on the true Democratic hide]
in which case we will odd her to the 7 in table B>
nnd call onhhejSenntor to retire. "What will Mrs.
Grundy ray ?”—[N. Y. Times.
" elected, he is pledged to remain but four yeors anC0,
“in office, I shall have die enormous circulation
"oftho Globe under my control, I can hold the
" balance of power between Mr. Calhoun and
"Mr. Benton, and whatever cause I espouse,
" must succeed. In any event I am sure of ray
■' position and of my political reward.*’ It would
be so insnlt to Air. KcndaU’a really good sense,
(CF Wo have before us tho first number ofn
monthly, entitled The Christian World, edited hy
Mr. T. II. Stockton, and published at Philadel
phia. The object of thp work appears to be, to
advance die cause of Christianity; aud from what
we can see in the pmentiiuinber, we should sup
pose that the workir by' no means confined to
the illustration ofthe tenets of any particular sect,
It seems to embrace the whole cause, and its
comprehensive character should strongly recom
mend it. In its mechanical execution, it is un
surpassed, if not unequalled. Nothing can ex
ceed it in neatness of appsarance and atyle of ex
ecution.
There cro aomo fine papers in the presentnum
her—particularly those on Rklioious Liberty
and the Inconsistency or Party spirit with
Christianity, and a biographical notice of
Father Mathew, the Irish apostle of temper-
The price of subscription is only $125 per
annum.
Q3*We wonder ifottr ftiend of the Georgian,
has receivedany election returns from Vermont?
We have not uoticed any in his paper. Therd
are aomein our office which are quite ititerelting.
The Richmond Enanirer, the great file leader
of Van Burenism in Virginia, aud now, for per-
ty ends, the opponent of General Hnrrison, that
spoke his honest convivctions of men and thing
in April, 1814.—After censuring the conduct d
some of the American officers, particularly flat
of General Wilkinson, the Richmond Enquirertf
that date says:
“Brave ns American troons have recently ben
they fought, they bled, and bat for nnfortunak
circumstances they would have conquered, fled
them where you will you will find them brtre.
heroic, und enterprising. In the walls ofDetni
I they were betrayed bv Hull. On the banks offer
Raisin, tli**y snatched .a laurel in suite of the b
providence of their General, and mows whid
surrounded them. On the heights of Qnem
town they won even the applause of a moit Ten
cious enemy. At York aud Fort George tH
lerformed deeds which did them honor,nnd wot
lAve done more if they had been seconded by
activity of the leader. On the thames thtg t
erotened with a brilliant victory, because they Wil
HARRISON to lead them. New glories wod|
havo encircled them nt Montreal If their*
manders had conducted them to its walls. C'n
us officers but worthy of these men, soda
troops in die world would be able to rangui 1
them. j\,
"Whore orewetomeet with tucha mM
By what qualifications are wo to know him via
we see mm? He must not be merely brave,ta
bold, enterprising, and decisive; always *eM|
an opportunity to strike al tho enemy. He wsi
lie os prudent as he is brave, always weMj
for information to rogulute tho blow. IU n*
be abstentious in his habits, not too mudi dewM
to the pleasures ofthe table; but his mind nlwji
devoted to the exercise of arms. He musth/vesl
eagle's eye, forever on the watch, insped'"!"
condition of bis camp, and inducing every reiwj
siblo officer to attend to the ai.*chargeof«l
duty. Sloth and indolence muit flee from M
presence. His officers respect and fear MM
while his men love and respect him. He u*
bitions of fame, bnt he studies how best to deaf"
it. He is attached to arms; not so much becaa*|
iv is his business as his pleasure. . .
If any one ask us where such a manu Mi
met with, we answer to the best of our abiiw|
in the man who has washed away the disaattr
Detroit; who had every thing to collect for a
campaign, and who got every thing
wailed through morasses and snows, ana
mounted the most "frightful climate in
nion; the man who was 'neither to be daunted w
aster, nor difficulties under any shape, by tno« .
the civilized or die barbarity ofn savsgs
man who won the hearts of the PfJ
spirit, tho respect ofItis officers by IjJ
love of his army by a participation of mew
ships; tho man who was finally trimnpnjm J
his enemy. Such a man is WILLIAM Hi*
HARRISON." 1
Chapman.—We wish to keep oar .]“V
friends fully advised ofdie order««suf“ - ^
man whom wd regard 1 as the Adjutant u _
of the forcos, and through whom they J
ceive their own directions. He wa* n ‘ J
ed to "crow,”—after that, tho Boston r
reeled him to "howl,” on the receipt of 4
ful Intelligence from the West; but ««
the rank and file, notwithstanding
times diey had been deceived,notwittisw?y
gross falsehoods in which they l»y e °
loaders, In regard 10 North c, f r< {lU'Ji'diouIontR
Kentucky, still credit foe equally ri . ^4
dictions touching New York
Poal in compliment to the in,0 [j5 r)„pl'
■o rondily iinpoacd upon, any.—• J -
to bray."
The population ofthe town
Jersey, according to the , iha *.
In February, 1838, when tSj'S,ili«
woe also liken, Patcraon M jjflS
0043, ahowing o felling off j" 1 .'* 0 ) ™ I
peraona, Tho Poteraon Intelligencer W . J
1 Thie grant fulling off in
abort apace of two yeora, „r brfj"
nothing hut the general „f oof*
einco that time. A jjj v0 bre.
mechanic., with their fliro '''“*| „f .mpWL
palled to leave town in
Slaowhero, and o large rOen M
reroein with ui, ere Tying entirely W"