Newspaper Page Text
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&
REPUBLICAN.
BV LOCKE ft DAVIS,
CUg and Count]/ Prittlen.
'-<?> OCTOBER 6, 1840.
~ * ’
Jfiper, IB per Annum j For 6 months, 15
luutry Paper, 3 per Annum; for 6 months, #3.
- (DATABLE IN AUVAKCB.)
Ift* AHvertiitmtntf, appear in both Papers.
at tire corner of Bay end liiiU-strcot#,over
Mr, J. B. Gaudry’s Store.
bold fellow and l« willing to contfttt tlie result
lit once. It it not true that the/ alter from him
He looks further fan thoy end hee
That la all the difference.
7TT~
ato*' 4
SAV ANNAIT.
i^DAV- MORNING, OCTOBER 6, 1840.
Union of (ho Whiffs for tho soke
of (he Union..
, r NOMINATION
BY THE WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION.
jm ” FOR PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
of Ohio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN T YLER, of Virginia,
For Electors of President and Vice-President.
'GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
Gen. DUNCAN L. CLINCIi, of Camden.
Gol. JOHN W. CAMPBELL. ofMuscogee.
Maj. JOEL CRAWFORD, ofHnncock.
.CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GUANTLAND, of Baldwin.
Gen. ANDREW MILLER, of Casa.
Gen W W. KZZARD, ofDeKulb.
C, B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke
(Sen. E. WIMBERLY, ofTwfags.
Iff on vote with the South,said
a friend to Gen. Harrison, you
will destroy yourself.
“That is probable,** he replied,
“but it Is better that I should de
stroy myself than to destroy the
Constitution of my country.—Wil
iam Henry Harrison.
03" The Northern Mail failed yesterduy from
beyond Norfolk.
B3" Our Post Master, Mr. Schlkt, informs
ns, that both the Augusta and Macon Mails now
•lose at seven o'clock, P. M., daily.
{CHATHAM COUNTY ELECTION.
Savannah has redeemed herself nobly. We
bate haver seen so orderly and quiet an election.
ft is now 4| o’clock, P. M., and not the first in
stance of riot or fighting or uproar of any kind,
has occurred. We have hardly seen an intoxicated
man on tho ground. We commend all men of all
parties for this nice regard oflaw and good order.
We know notwhether we are beaten or not, but
the ,supremacy of tlie laws has triumphed—and
this is a triumph worthy of being recorded.—
Whatever may be the result, we are happy to
■ay that the proceedings have all been orderly
hitherto. The disgraceful scenes witnessed at
our Jest; election have not, we are happy to say,
.been repeated.
£.*SVffP’Ci.ocK. The polls have just.clos
ed, > and it gives us pleasure to state that the
•amequiet and good order which has characteri
zed the election continued up to the lost moment.
There were 1186 votes polled—at the Municipal
•lection lost month 903. Wo were then beaten
by an average mnjority of82. The votes will be
counted this morning, and from the largo number
polled, we are no doubt beaten by a greater ma
jority than at the last election.
FROM FLORIDA. 1 .
By the arrival of the steamer Forester, Captain
W#at, from Black Creek, we are in possession
of the St. Augustine News of the 25th, and tho
Jacksonville Adtocatc of the 29th all. The dates
from 8t. Augustine were anticipated by an at
rival at Charleston, and copied into onr pnper of
Saturday lost, from the Courier of that city.—
The Advocate contajns no Indian news, but what
has been already published in our paper. The
following is from the Advocate:
The Scltr Wm. E. Jester, loaded with Govern-
mentSlofes, was last week wrecked on St Johns
Bar. No lives were lost; and the cargo was ta
ken from her by the steamer Santee, nnd Scbr.
Ambuscade.
The wreck was to bo sold this day.
A* i
%
ttJTJttlhe absence of a Northern Mail, we oc
cupy our columns this morning with the excel
lent speech of Gen. Haiuusox, delivered at top
Dayton (Ohio) Convention, on the 10th Sept,
and with extracts from Hon. Daniel Webster’s
speeeh-. st the meeting of the Merchants in New
York, on the 28th ult. If a mail hnd been re
ceived, we are certain wecould not have furnish-
cd our readers w ith more interesting matter than
is contained in these excellent papers.
Kj^We publish below a letter from an esteem
ed friend, now in Boston. We have from tho
same letter writer a long communication, to
which we shall give place to-morrow and ncx t
day—fall ofprqfound, sensible, common sense
matter-of-fact, in short, American views of the
humbug incubus which now broods over the land.
We recommend it in advunce to readers of both
parties:
. .. . Boston. Sept. 22d, 1840.
.Tba more that wo hear of the course of our
rulers, the more thoroughly I become convinced
of a few important facts.
Whatever some oCfoelr friends may believe,
they are apt* in truth/ contending for anyprinci-
pies that they care a sixpence for. Thoy would
about oa readily ciy up a bank as they have cried
it downj/ ifthat would secure their own success.
mil ■* ' ’he Sub-Treasury plan is one of very little
fanpurttnee, either way, in the present state of
-. the finances. It is brought forward with some
noise to make a show of doing something. If
the/had any accumulation of money it might be
of as an iustrument of vengeance a-
nksas are out of Government favor.
.In principle,
more courage,
Corporation-, whether for banking or other
.purposes, are essentially democratic. They en
able the numerous small people to combino and
compete with the lioavy capitalist? ond they i-r.n
n new powor out of loose and feeble threads that
odds vastly to tho wealth of tho community. Tho
inconsistency* of those w ho rail at them, while
they oro themselves presidents or directors of
such institutions, is manifest.
03* Fanny Elssler has offered tho Bunker Hill
Committeo on unconditioua! subscription of
$1000, or the exercise of her professional servi
ces at tho discretion of the President and his
colleagues.
The President hns accepted the offer, but
leaves it to Funny to exercise her own choice,
nnd consult her own convenience in regard to
the manner in which her generous sympathy shall
bo indulged.
OCPA clerk In the N.York Post Office has been
found guilty of joining n Tippecanoe Club, ho
wns forthwith discharged, of course. Had lie
merely broken open n few political letters, and
revealed their contents, he would probably been
promoted.
From the Cincinnati GOzcltc.
GEN. HARRISON’S SPEECH,
Atthe Dayton Convention, fuld 1 OtA September 1840-
The Convention was organized by calling to
the Chair Ex-Governor Metcalfe ot Kentucky,
nnd appointing IS Vice Presidents, among whom
were Preston W Farrar of Louisiana, Major
A. Miller, of Mississippi. Gov. Bigger, of In
diana, Ex-Governor Vanco of Ohio, Ac. W.
Snethen of Louisiana, Secretary.
After a brief and happy address, welcoming
the Old Chief to Day toil, from Judge Crone,
one of the Vico Presidents of the day, General
Harrison rose and in a clear, sonorous voice
that was heard by every man of tlie immense
multitude before him, addressed the Convention
for nearly two hours. The appearance of the
Old Hero was hailed by tho mighty shouts of
thousands for several minutes. Ho looks well,
is in excellent health, and speuks with a fervor
oud animation belonging wilier to youth than
to age. Compared with oilier men whom the
writer bf this has lately seen ond heard, less in
years than the General, there is not any marked
difference of mauner or mutter. Thefircofhi9
eves is not dimmed by age, nor has the strength
of his manly intellect suffered in the least. He
will go into the Presidential ebui r, a veteran iu wis
dom and experience, and he will grasp the helm
of state with a steady hand and firm resolution,
ready to administer the Pcoplo’s government af
ter tlie People’s will.
GEN. HARRISON’S SPEECH.
I rise, fellow-citizens—(The multitude r was
here agitated as the sea, when the wild wind
blows upon it, and it was full five minutes be
fore the tumult of joy, at seeing oud hearing the
next President of the U. States, could be clamed)
—I rise, fellow citizens, to express to you from
the bottom of a greatful heart my warmest
thanks for the kind and flattering mauner in
which I have been received by the representa
tives of the valley of the Miami. I rise to say
to you, that, however magnificent my reception
has been on this occasion, I am not so vatn-as
to presume that it was intended for me, that this
glorious triumphal entry w«9 designed for one
ndividual. No. I know too well that person’s
imperfections to.believe, that this vast assemblage
has come up here to do him honor. It is the glor
ious cunse of Democalic rights that brought
them here! (Immense cheering.) It is the proud
anniversary of oue of the brightest victories that
glows on the pages of our country’s bistortv,
which hath summoned this multitude together!
—(Tremendous cheering.)
Fellow-citizens, it was about this time of the
day, 27 years ago, this very hour, this very min
ute, fout your speuker, as Commander iii-chief
i*f the North Western Army, wus plunged into
an agony of feeling, when tlie cannonading from
our gallant fleet announced an action with the
enemy. His hopes his fears were destined to be
soon quieted, for the tidings of victory were
brought to him on the wings of the wind.’ With
the eagle of triumph perching upon onr bnoners
on the lake I moved on to complete the overthrow
ol tlie foreign foe. The anniversary of that day
can never lie forgotten, for every Ameicanhas
cause to rejoice at tlie triumph of our arms of that
momentous occasion,hut the brave and gallnnt he-
to of that victory is gone, gone to that home
whither we are all hurrying, nnd to his memory
let us do that reverence due to the deeds of so if-
lustrious a patriot. From Heaven doeshissoul
look down upon us, and gladden at the virtues
which still animate his generous countrymen in
recurring to his noble and glorious career while
on earth! (Great sensation for several sec
onds.)
I am fully aware, my fellow citizens, that you
expect from me some opinions upon the various
questions which now agitate our country, from
centre to circumference, with such fierce conten
tion. Culmnny, ever seeking to destroy all that
is good in this world, hath proclaimed that I am
averse from declaring my opinions, on matters
so interesting to you, but nothing can be more
false. (Cheers.)
Have I not declared, over and often, thut tlie
President of the Union does not constitute any
part or portion of the Legislative body? (Cries
•—you have, you have.) Have
count upon its being pronoun
ced a failure after Mr, Van Buren is seated for the
second terui, and has time before him to try some-
~!ank of the United States,
ions is merely for ef-
foundod on disorganizing principles
who rain it would bo afraid to no
. These principle., bring us ineviui-
bfrtoth.gr, rand (hat Brownson takes iu advance |
"" ly have no right to denounce him.
Jtad indues to the end. Ile is a
'■ : * ti I
■ eA'-jin Y 1
from every quarter-
I not said, over and’ often, that the Executive
should not by any act of his, forestall Uie action
of the National Legislature? (You have, you
have.)
Have I not, time out of mind, proclaimed my
opposition to a citizen’s going forvvurd among tho
people and soliciting voles lor the Presidency?
Have I not many a time and often said, that iu
my opinion, no man ought to aspire to the Presi
dency of these United States, unless he is desig
nated as u candidate for that high office by the
unhought wishes of the pcopleRCheering.) If the
candidate for so high an office be designated by
the will of a portion of a majority of the people,
they will have come to tlie determation of sus
taining such a tnnn, from a review of his past ac
tions and life, and they will not exact pledges
from him of what ho will not do; for their selec
tion ofliiinis proof enough that he willcnrry out
the doctrines of his party. This plan of choos
ing a candidate for the Presidency is a much surer
bai against corruption than the system of requir
ing promises. If the pledging plun is pursued,
tlie effect will ho to offer the Presidental chair to
the niun who will nmkn the most promises!
(Laughter.) He who would pledge most, he who
would promise most, would be the man to be vot-
eu for, and I have no hesitation in declaring my
belief, that lie who would suject his course to be
thus tied up by pledges and promises, would not
stop to break them when once in office. (Cheer
ing.) Are my views on this topic correct, or are
they not? •'(With one voice the multitude indica
ted they were.)
If, fellow-citizens, we examine the history ofall
Republics, we shall find as they receded from the
.purity of Representative Government, tlie con
dition of obtaining office was the making ofpro-
inises. He who hid the highest promises was the
favored candidate, and tho higher the bids, the
more marked und certain the corruption. Look
ntthe progress of this flung in our own republic.
Were any p ledges requjrod of your Washington
or your >Vdum9? Adijjis "as.the candidate of
the Federal party, nnuJaMSltotaRmiui wan bound
to carry out the priiici]9|^Wj[ pnrty .—Was his
successor, Thomas Jeffcrflralhe high priest of
constitutional democracy, called on far pledges ?
—No. His whole life was a pledge of what he
would do. And if we go back to this old system
of selecting men far the Presidency^ whose past
career shall he a guarantee of their conduct,
when elected to the Chief Magistracy of the Re-
piiblicjlhe nation would advance safely, rapidly
and surely, in Uie path of prosperity .—But of late
years, the corrupting system of requiring pledges
put up to the Richest bidder in nrojpisc#, a~d wc
see tlie result.' It rfetnaitiv far you, tny fallow-cit-
item, to arrest this course of things.—(Cries of
—we Will, wo will).
While, then, tny fellow-citizens, I havo never
hesitated to declare my opinions on proper occa
sions upon the great questions befare the nation,
I cannot ennseut to mnke mere promises tho eon*
ditioti ofohtuining the office which you kindly
wish to bestow upon me. My opinions I am free
to express, but you already have them, sustained
and supported by the acts of a long and ardotts
lifo. That life is a plodge of mv (hture course, if
I am elevated by your suffrages to the highost of
fice in your gift. (Iinmenso cheering for several
seconds.)
It has been chart’d npainstmo.felloW-citizcni.thnt
I am a Federalist. While I acknowledge that the
original federal party of thin country was actuated
iu us course by no improper motives, I dray that I
ever belonged to that class of politician*. (Tre
mendous cheering.) How could I belong to*that
party f I was educated iu the school of nnti-fed-
alism, nnd though too young to tako nn active
part iu tho poliiic* of the country, when at the
erection of the Constitution, the tuition was divi
ded into two grout parties, my honored father had
inducted me into tho principles of Constitutional
Democracy, nnd my teachers were tho Henrys
nnd the Masons of font period. He who declared
that the seeds ofmonnrchy were sow n in tho soil
of tho Constitution wus u lender in my school of
politics. Ho, who said that " if this Government
be not n monarchy, it hus-an awful squinting to
wards n monarchy/’wasmy Mentor. (Immense
applause. Some time elapsed before order
could be restored at hearing these euipatliio de
clarations of the General.) If i know my own
feelings, if 1 know my own judgement. 1 believe
now as I did then, with the patriarch of the Jeffer
sonian school, lliut thf seeds of monarchy were
indeed sown in Uie fertile soil of onr federal Con-
ablution, and that though, for nearly Tifty years,
they laydorninnt.they atlast sprouted A shot forth
into strong and thriv ing plants, beariug blossoms
and producing ripe fruit. This Government is now
a practical monarchy! (Loud and long cheering
indicating thut the people fell the full force of the
declaration.) Power is power, it nintters not by
what name it is called. The head of the Govern*
ineutexercisiug monarchical power may be named
King, Emperor, President, or Imaum, (great
laughter,) still he is a monarch. But this is not
ail. Tho President of these United States exer
cises a power superior to that vested in the hands
of all the European Kings.—It is a power far
greutcr than thatever dreamed of by Uie old fed
eral party.
It is on uUra-fcderal power, it is despotism !
(Cheering.) Audi may here advert to on objection
that has been made against me. It has been said,
that if ever I should arrive at the dignified station
occupied by my opponent, I would be glad and
eagar to retain the power enjoyed by Uie Presi
dent of the United Stati’9. Never, nerer. (Tre
mendous cheering.) Though averse from pledges
of every sort, I here openly and before the world
declare that I will use all the power and influence
vested in the office of President of the Union, to
abridge the power and influence of the National
Executive! (It is impossible to describe the sen
sation produced by this declaration.) Is this fed
eralism? (Cries of no, no, for several seconds.)
In the ConstituUon, that glorious charter of our
liberties, there is a defect, and thut defect is, the
term ofservice'of the President was not limited.
This omission is the source of all the evils under
which the country is laboring. If the privilege of
being President ofthe Uuitea Stales had bean li
mited to one term, the incumbent would devote
all his time to the public interest, and tlufre would
be no cause to misrule tlie country.' I shall not
animadvert on tho conduct of the present .dinin-
istratiou, lest you may, iu that case, conceive that
1 am aiming lor the Presidency, to use it for sel
fish purposes. I should be an interested .witness,
if I entered into Uie subject. But I pledge myself
lefore Heaven and earth, if elected President of
these United States, to lay down at the 'end of the
term faithfully that high trust at the feet of die
People! (Here the multitude was so excited as
to defy description.) I go farther. I here de^
clare before this vast assembly of the Miami
Tribe (great laughter) thnt if l urn elected, uo hu-
man being shall ever know upon whom I-would
prefer to see the people’s mantle fall. But I
shall suTender ibis glorious badge of their anthfl*
rity into their own hands to bestow it ns Uiey
please! (nine cheers.) Is this federalism? (uo,
no, no.)
Again, in relation to the charge of being a fed
eralist, 1 can tefer to the doings previous to, and
during the late war. The federal party look
ground against that war, nnd as a party, there ne
ver existed a purer band of patriots, for when the
note of strife was sounded, they rallied under the
banner of their country. But* patriotic as they
were, I do know that I was not one of diem! (cheer
ing.) 1 was denounced in unmeosnred terms as
one of the authors of that war, ond was held up
by the federal papers of the duy os the marked
object of the party. I could here name the man
who came to me, and a more worthy man never
lived, to say that he was mistaken in his views of
my policy, as Governor of Indiana, when I was
charged by the federalists as uselessly involving
the country in an Indian war. He told me that
I acted rightly in that nmtter, and that the war
was brought on by me as a matter of necessity
(Cries of—name him, name him.) It wns Mr.
Gaston, ofNorth-Carolina. (Three cheers.) Is
this proof Umll was a federalist? (No, no, no.)
I have now got rid, my fellow-citizens, of this
baseless charge—no, l have not. There area
few more allegations to notice, I am not a pro
fessional speaker, tior a studied orator, but 1 am
an old soldier and n furmer, and os my sole ob
ject is to speak what I think, you will excuso me,
if I do it in my own way. (Shouts of applause,
and cries of—the old soldier nnd farmer lor us.)
I have said that there were other allegations to
notice. To prove that l was a Federalist, they
assert that I supported the alien and sedition luws,
ond in doing so, violated the principles and ex
press words of Uie Constitution. I did not, fel
low-citizens, ever participate in this measure.
When those laws passed, I was a soldier iu the
army of the United States. (Applause.)
I bad the honor as C'iiairmnn of a Committee
in the year 1800, to devise a bill which had for its
object in suntch Iron) tlie grasp of speculators, all
this glorious country which now teems with rich
harvests under the hands of the honest, industrious
and virtuous husbandmen. (Immense cheering.)
Was I Federalist then?—(Cries, of no, no, no.)
When I,wus Governor of Indiana, ask how the
unlimited power bestowed upon me. was exercis
ed—a power us high as that exercised by the pre
sent President of the United States! . I wus their
sole monarch of tho North West Territory !
(Laughter.) Did I discharge my duties as Gov
ernor oftliat vast Territory in such a way os to
chow Uiat I was in love with the tremendous
powers invested in me! (Here some 4000 iu
oue quarter of Uie crowd raised their lints in Uie
Agnin, they censure me for my course in Con
gress, when I served you in that body as a Repre
sentative of the North West Territory. And here
I will advert to the fact Uint I represented, ut the
time, n Territory comprising now tho States of
Indiana, Ohio, Illinois and Michigan. I was Uie
sole representative of thnt immense extent of
country. (A voice here cried, “ and you nro go
ing to be again!” Tremendous cheering.) As
I understood Federalism to hu in its origin, so I
understand it to be now. It wus and is the accu
mulation of power in Uie Executive to be used
and exercised for its own benefit. Wus my con
duct in Congress then such as to entitle me to
I think 1 have now shown yon, fallow-citizour,
conclusively, that tny aoUoits do not* constitute
mo a Federalist,nnd It is to them 1 proudly point ss
the shield ninlnst which Uinarrows of my calum
niators will fall in vain. [Immense cheering.]
Intion of Federalist? (Cries of no, no,
and cheering.)
air,and rend itwifh shouts of— no, no, no. Thoy
were the delegation from Indiann. This prompt
response from so many produced great senna-
Uon.) There is an essential difference between
the President ofUie United Stales und me. When
he was in the Convention, which remodeled the
Constitution of New-York. he wus for investing
the’Govcrnor with the uppointment’oftheShnrjffs.
When I was Governor of Indiana, und possessed
the power of oppointing all officers, I gave it up
to the people 1 [Intense excitement and great
cheering.] I never appointed any officer what
ever, while Governor of Indiana, whether Slier-
•"* -lorouer, judge, justice of the peace or aught
■“** lout first consulting and obtaining the
the people. [Shouts and applause.!
is on evidence that I was a Federalist 7
no.]
Metliluks, I hear a soft voice asking—are you
In favor of paper money? JAM. (8lioutaof
applause.) If you would know why lam favor
of the credit system, I con only say it is became
l nin a democrat.—(Immense cheering.) The
two systems ore the only means, under Heaven,
by which a pnor industrious umn may become a
rich mau without botviug to colosal wealth,
(chocrs.) But with nil this I am not a Bank
mail. Once in my life I was, and tlion thoy cheat
ed me out ofevory dollar I placed in their bunds.
(Shouts oflnughtor.) And I shall nover indulge
in this way again; far It is more than probuble
thut I shall never again have mouey beyond Die
day's wants. But Ism in favor ofncorrect bank
ing system for the simple.reason, that the share of
tho precious molals, which, in the course of trade,
falls to our lot, is much less than the circulating
medium which our internal and external com
merce demand, to raise nur prices to n level with
the prices of Europe, where the credit system
does prevail. There mustbe some plan, to mul
tiply tho gold and silver which our industry com
mands; nnd there is no other way to do this, hut
by a safe bunking system. (Great applause.)
I do not pretend to say that a perfect systom of
bunking con he devised. There is nothing in
llm offspring of the human mind that does not sa
vor of imperfection. No plun of govermnentor
finance enri he devised free of defurt. After long
deliberation, I have no hopes that this country
cun ever go on to prosper under n pure specie
currency. Such u currency but makes Uie poor
poorer, nnd the rich richer. A properly devised
blinking system alone, possesses the capability of
bringing the poor to a level with the rich. (Tre
mendous cheering.)
1 have peculiar notions of government. Per
haps I may err. I am no statesman by profes
sion, but ns I have already said, 1 am n half soldier
and n half farmer; and it maybe, dint, if lam
elected to tho firft offico iu your gift, my fallow-
citizens will be deceived in me; but I enn assure
them, thnt if, in carrying out Uieir wishes, the
head shall err, the heart is true. [Great huzza-
ing.] -
My opinion of the power of Congress to char-,
ter a Nutional Bank remains unchanged. There
is not in the Constitution ahy expross grant of
power for such a purpose, and it could never be
constitutional to exercise that power, save in the
event, the powers granted to Congress could not
be carried into effect, without resorting to such
an institution. (Applause.) Mr. Madison sign
ed the law crenliug a National Bunk, because he
thought that the revenues of the country could
not be collected or disbursed to the bea advant
age without the inlerposiUon of such on establish
ment. I snid in my fetter to Sherrod Williams,
Uiat. ifitwus plain thatlhe revenues of the Uni
on could only be collected and disbursed in tho
most effectual wuy by means of a Bank, and if I
wus clearly of opinion that the majority of the
people ofthe United States desired suchnn insti-
tuti.in, then, and then only would I sign a bill go
ing to charter a Bank. (Shouts of applause.)
I have never regarded Uie Chief Mugistrate as
conferring upon the incumbent the power of
Mastery over the popular will, hut us grunting
him the power to execute the properly expressed
will ofthe people, and not to resist it. With my
mother’s milk did I suck in the principles on
which Uie Declaration of Independence was
fouuded. (Cheering.) That declaration com
plained that the King would uot let the people
mnke such laws as they wished. Shull a Presi
dent or an executive officer undertake, at this late
time of day, to control the people iu the exercise
of their supreme will? No. The people are the
best guardian of their own right, (oppfnnse,) and
it is tlie duty of their executive to abstain from in
terfering in or thwarting the sacred exercise of
Uie law-innkitig functions of their government.
In this view of the matter, I defend my having
signed a well known bill which pnssed the Legis
lature while I was Governor of Indiana, ft is
true, my opponents have attempted to cast odium
upon me lor having done so, but while they are
engaged in such an effort, they impugn the honor
onu honesty of the inmates of the Log Cabins,
who demanded the passage and signature of thnt
bill. The men who now dare to arraign the peo
ple of Indiana for having exercised their rights as
they pleased, wero in their nurse’s arms when
that bill passed tho Legislature. What do they
know of the pioneers of that vast wilderness ? I
tell them, that in the Legislature which passed the
bill exciting so much Uieir horror, there were men
as pure in heart, and as distinguished for Uieir
common sense and high integrity as any who set
themselves up lor models in these days. (Im
mense cheering.) I glory in carrying out Uieir
views, for in doing so, I submitted to the law-mak
ing power, in accordance with the Declaration oi
Independence, I did not prevent the people from
making what laws they pleased I (Cheering.)
If the Augean stable is to be cleansed, it willbe
necessary to go back to the principles of Jefferson.
(Cheers.) It hns been said by the Henrys> the
Madisons, the Graysons and others, that one of
the greatdnngcra in our Government is, the pow
ers vested in the General Government would
overshadow the government of the States. There
is truth in this, and long since nnd often have I ex
pressed the opiuioii that the interference ofthe
General Government with the elective franchise
in the States would be the signal for the down
fall of liberty. That interference nas taken place;
nnd while the mouths of professed Democrats
nppeal to Jefferson, and declnro they are govern
ed by his principles, Uiey uro urging at Uie some
time 100,DUO office-holders to meddle in tho State
elections! And if the rude hnnds of power be
not removed from the elective franchise, there
will soon bo an end to the Government of the
Union. (Cries ofassent.)
It is a truth in government ethics, thnt when
a larger power comes in contact with a smaller
power, the latter is speedily destroyed or swnl-
lowed up by the farmer. So in regurd to the
General Government and tho State Govern
ments. Should I everbe placed in the Chief
Magistrate’s seat, I will carry out the principles
of Jeffcison, and never permit the interference
of office holders in the elections. (Immensenp-
plnuse.) I will do more. While 1 will forbid
their interference in elections, l will never do
aught to prevent their going quietly to tho polls
and voting, even against me or my measures.
No American citizen should be deprived of bis
power of voting ns he pleases.
I have detained you fallovv-citizens, longer
than I intended, butyou now see, Uiat I nin not
the man on crutches, nor the imbecile, they say
I am,—(cheering)—not the prey to disease,—-
(a voice cried here,—nor the bear inn cage,)
nor the caged unimul they wittily describo me
to be.—(Great laughter and cheering.)
But before 1 conclude, there arc two or three
other topics I must touch upon.
The violence of pnrty spirit,us oflate exhibit
ed, is a serious mischief to the political welfiire
of the country. Purty feeling is ncceasnry in a
certain degree to the health nnd stability of a
republic, but when pushed to too great nn extent,
it is detrimental to the body politic, it is the rock
upon which many u republic has been dashed
to pieces. An old farmer told me the other day,
that he did not believe one of the stories circu
lated aguinst me, and ho would support me, if I
were only n Democrat. (Laughter.) But if I
support and sustain Democratic principles, what
matters it, how l am ca!Iud?~It motlbrs a good deal
■aid he,—you don’t belong to the Democratic
party! (Laughter.) Can any thing be more ruin-”
oils in its tendency to our institutions, Utah this
high party spirit, which looks to Uie shadow
ana not to the substance of things? Nothing,
noUiing. This running after names, after im
aginings, is omiuous of dangerous results. In
the blessed book, we are told that the preten
sions of false Christs shall be in future limes
so specious that .even the elect will be deceived.
Ami is it not so now with democracy? The
name does not constitute the Democrat.
It is the vilest imposture ever attempted upon
the credulity of the piildio mind to array the poor
of the country under the name of Democrat, a-
gainst the rich, nnd tylethem aristocrats.—This is
dealing in fables. The natural antagonist of
Democracy is not uritlocracy. It is monarchy.
There is no instance on record of a republic like
ours running into an aristocracy. It can hurry In
to pure Democracy, and Uie confidence of that
Democracy being once obtained By a Marini dr
a Coinr, by a Bolivar or a Bonaparte, he ffridos
rapidly from professions of lovo for the nooplo to
usurpation of their rights, ond steps from fast
high emineuoe to a throne! (Cheering.) And
thus in the nsme of Democracy the boldest criiues
are committed. Who forgets tha Square IH Par
is, where rsu rivers of the people's blood, shed
in the name of Democracy at Uie foot of the
statue of Liberty?—Cherish not the man, ihen,
who undor the guise and name of Democracy,
tries to overthrow tho principles of Republican
ism as piofessed and acted upon by Jefferson and
Mtalisou. (Iimnenso cheering.)
General Ilarrisou here adverted to the oalum-
tiios put forth against his military fame by that no-
bio,pair of brothora, Allen und Duncun, and in
sovoro, blit just terms exposed the falsehoods of
these villifiers. Ho proved they were guilty of
falsifying the records of the country, and in a
brief mid lucid manner vindicated himself and
tho honor of the nation from Uie ospersiomsof
llicso and olhar reckless politicians. He showed
that the received history of his brilliant career in
theNoithwost had been stamped by the impress
of truth, nnd he will voon find font n generous
and grateful Peopla wilUostify Uieir admiration
of his glorious services in their cause by raising
the bravo oldBoldicrlo foe highest offico in Uieir
gift.
A precious inheritance, continued the -Gener
al, bus been bonded down to yon by your forefa
thers. In Rome, tho wiercd fire ot* fabled gods,
was kept alive by vestal virgins, and they watch
ed over the gift with enjjcr eyes. In America, o
glorious fire has boen lighted upon tho altar of
liberty, and to you, my fellow-citizens, has it been
entrusted in safe keeping to bo nourished wifo
care und fostered forever. Keep it burning, and
let the sparks that continually go up from it fall
on other altars ami-light up iu distant lands Uie
fire of freedom. Tho Turk busies himself no
longer with his harem or his bow-string. To li-
centiousuess have succeeded the rights of man,
and constitutions are given to foo People by once
despotic rulers. Whence came the light that now'
shines in that land of durkness? It was a branch
snatched front your own proud altar, am[ thrust
into the pvre of Turkish oppression. Shall then
the far-see’n light upon the shr.ne of American
liborty everbe oxtinguished? (No, no. no.) It
would not be your loss only—it would be the loss
ofthe wholo world. The enemies of freedom in
Europe aro watching you wifo intense anxiety,
and your friends like a few planets of heaven, are
praying for your success. Deceive them not,but
Keep Uie snerod fire burning steadily upon your
ultnra, and foo Ohio farmer whom yon design to
make your Chief Magistrate, will, at Uie end of
four years, cheerfully lay down foe authority
which you may entrust him with, free from all
ambition. It will have boqn glorious enough for
me to be honored os those pure and hqnest re
publicans, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison
were honored—with the high confidence of a
great, noble, just ond generous People. (The
excitement and cheering conUnued for several
iniuutes.atid tha multitude were swayed to and
fro, as Uie leaves ofthe fores) in a storm of wind.)
EXTRACTS FROM MR. WEBSTER’S
SPEECH.
We regret that we cannotat present give more
than the following extracts from Mr. Webster’s
speech lately delivered before the merchants of
New York. This* speech is emphatically an A-
mericau one. We beg our readers to observe
the statement of the new Banks created from 1820
to 1830 and from 1830 to 1840, and the corres
ponding Bank expansions for foe same period—
beuring in mind that they agree wifo Mr. Wood
bury’s statement:
And now, my friends, let me remind you, thnt
from 1833 to 1837, we never let a month pass in
Congress that we did uot say that Uiis system of
deposits must soon come to nn explosion. We
were nlwnys urging it upon public attention, Uiat
the deposit hank must breuk. Well, what com
fort did we derive from so stating our opinious?
Why, we were told that we were enemies ofthe
State banks. We were told that our whole do-
hire was to crush the institution of the State
banks; and that we would notbe satisfied unless
we had a great National Institution, Uiat must
ride over and break down all Uie State banks.
Why, ifl were then at any time to get up in
my place in the Senate and say this, 1 was told,
"Oh, you are an Anti State Rights man,”and
want to crush all the State banks.
Well, what happened? Whnt happened?
Why, the system fuilod. The State Banks fail
ing. The whole experiment failed. Then those
very gentlemen were Uie first to turn round, and
revile all these State Banks, which just before
they had praised so much. And they charged
them with nil the corruption nnd all the profliga
cy that had belonged, they said, to foe'opposition,
and added font they considered them not much
better than British Whigs, any of them. And
then, too, wo, who hnd merely wished to protect
the State Banks in their just rights, we wero told
that we had sided with these very batiks to put
down the puVesl administration that ever existed
[Loud cheers.] When we, who had merely
wished to keep these banks to Uieir proper pur
poses, nnd were then charged with a wish to
crush them—when they weie crushed, and we
wished to raise them up—we, l say, were stigma
tized os bank aristocrats, and as being no better
limn the most wicked British Whigs amongst
them.
Now, I nsk you, ns merchants, do you expect
this administration can pooxihly do any thing for
you, or that it will do anything for you, in order
to restore the limes which we have otice enjoy
ed ? [Cries of “ No, no.”]
Well, these words agree wifo my opinions on
these subjects. Because they have turned their
hacks upon the merchants, they have turned their
backs upon the people; nnd because they pay
that they will nut use any efl’ortlodo it. (Cheers.)
Now,gentlemen, what I wish to observe to you
further is that this administration has treated the
States in their own affuirs, just as it has fronted
the State Bunks. They have first seduced them
into extravagant habits, and then turned round
and abused them. We have seen this, beginning
with Mr. Van Buren’s message to Congross^we
have seen it in Mr. Benton’s resolutions; we hnye
seen it in Mr. Grundy’s resolutions; and wo have
seen this Hue of conduct ever since.
Tho wholo oftho movements have been a sys
tematic attempt to depress the credit of foe sever
al Stales. Every where it has been said that these
States have run themselvea deeply into debt with
internal improvements; have incurred unneces
sary expenditures; and that Uiey could never re
pay the money they hnd borrowed. Thut, tny'
friends was foe burthen ofMr. Van Buren’s mes
sage—that was foe burthen of Mr. Grundy's res
olutions, nnd that bus been the burthen of foe
whole pnrty.
That wns the burthen of Mr Van Buren’s mes
sage, and of Mr. Woodbury’s report and resolu
tion, nnd of Mr. Grundy’s report and resolu
tion, nnd I lenvo it to you, if it was noftlin miser
able tendency of such proceedings, to affect the
credit of those States which had undertaken pub
lic works, and which had outstanding bonds in
the market, to enable them to carry on their works.
Lot us look at the history of tins a little, and see
how it was, and under what circumstances these
enterprising suites were induced to contract these
large debts. * Let me call your attention to a few
facts, and to dates nnd figures respecting this. In
foo first place, I do here to-day, gentlemen hi
your presence,charge upon foe administration of
the national government the great expansion of
K rooney, and the sudden contraction of it,
if which have so much deranged the affairs
of foe country; and I propose to prove it—that is.
I propose to lay before you facts and dates, nnd
transactions, which shall enrry conviction of this
truth to the tninrl of every honest man. Now, let
us go back no further than the ye nr 1832, when it
became settled, by the exercise ofthe veto power
by General Jackson, thnt foe Bunk of tho United
States would not be re-chartered. Now suppose A
we take a series of yeurs, by tens and fives, and fl
trace tlie history, very shortly, of these tilings, n u
and of foe creation and institution of state hanks tin
in thisoonmry. From 1820 to 1830, a period of
ten years, there wore only twenty^wo new banks
crested In foe UHited States, and those 22 new
banks, added to foe capita). of the banks of the
country no mi
B orlod, from 1(
tntos was It
ntion of flint
niffe doubt thi!
how do you take
pened from 1830 to
increaso in foe number ol
11*948 instead _
jo capital was 268 mill
•teud of 8 millions. So thnt, instead of {fa
there wero 348, und Instead of an addition or a
millions, there was on addition of268millln.
And tl.i. wB. l!.o program of bunk * I
during tho chnnnlng Venn or Out e*ncrim,M I
(Apple,ire.) Now, ullnw mo lo go » IIR |
thor! Not only wm there in them y.»„or .,
poriinent, the augmentation of banka in numl...
nnd in capital, but there wan that eatroardinir,
proceeding of Government, when in 1633 tl j
moved tho depoalta. end by which it made
duly of all dapoaite banka lo loan money freel. i?
Ilm mercantile community. The Scarelurv lr
the Trouanry, by an order in September of I8M
uftor tho removal of . the depositor told divl^S
thnt It wni their duty to diaconnt freely, 10 j ,7V
tho money of the government received daiin. I
that period ehauld he nttheuee of the bank, a I
that purpoao. And n cnahlor of a baak in thi. 1
atroet then told me that he hardly knew wliai JJ
do, for he had orders from the government m
lend more monoy than ha could get good lecurk
ty for. Now, then, die inoreaie or there bank,
iu consequence ofthe decision that there should
ho no national bank, and the increase of iuuta
Ikon, these banka, which occupied Ihe position of
local banka, and the order of the Uecret.,ry to
the Treasurer lo discount freely, occasioned that
expansion which then arose.
• • « •
I hope you will not bo alarmed if I draw out
one more paper before I conclude what I have to
sny. [No, no, goon.] I wish merely to espre
my opinion of this sub-treasury business. No..
itnpponra tome,gentlemen, that\\ u a schema
new to our history, and foreign to our habits, as it
is the last of a series of hazardous experiments,
and nn experiment into which, ns it seems, tho
representatives of foe people have been lashed
and fatigued by foe constant exercise of exncu- I
live power continued over them through four f
mortal sessions of Congress. Now I propose to L
say something of this system, under foe various I
aspects which it presents. What are the nrgu- 1
inents of its supporters? You all know tho pro* I
visions of that measure, nnd therefore I need not f
ropeat them. The leading argumeut with which '
Mr. Van Buren set out in 1637, was the safety of
foe publio money, and thnt governmant should
place it somewhere beyond foe reach of rogues,
so that they should not run uway wifo it. [Laugh
ter.] Well, now I foink there is a way to pre
vent rogues running away wifo it, and that in not
to trust rogues to keep it. [Renewed laughter.]
But as to belter vaults, and better safes, is it not
the most ridiculous humbug that was ever prac
ticed? I do not know in which of the Bunk safes
foe Receiver General’s deposits are. [Laugh
ter, excited as was understood by foe discovery of
the Receiver General being present in tho crowd.]
If the hank safes are used by foe Receiver Gen
eral in that bntik,the security is foe same as hereto- (
fore, and except such as are used by foe bank it
self, (will undertake to say that there can be do
better or safer. We hear it said, gentlemen, that
foe government now keeps its own money.
What is the meaning of thnt? Who? Wlmtis !
the government ?—Who is that 1 that am the gor- ’
eminent, and that keep my own mouey in my
own pocket? Is not tho government a mere col
lection of agencies?—Is not every dollar ofthe
money of the United States, at this moment, in
trust somewhere to somebody?—You pul iu the
bank vaults, hut the keys of tho locks you entrust
to somebody. The government is not a private
person that can keep his money in his pockets;
it entrusts its money to agents, and foequestiun
is whether this new system will bring the govern
ment to a condition in which its money is entrust
ed to safer agents than before. I observe that .
Mr. Wright in his late address here,said thatlhe !
great object was to keep the money by agents
more responsible to the people than formerly.
Now how are they more responsible to the peo-. L
pie? Here is tlie Receiver General, he is an- J
pointed and he gives a bond for foe safe custody ,T
of fop public money. How, nrny, is he morf^ F
directly responsible than the collector down intlit 1
other street, who receives foe public monysnd I
gives a bond also ? Why, they are precisely tbs
same, and are both alike answerable to the latv. i
They give a bond to secure foe money ol tlie
people, and foe one is as nearly responsible to.
foe people as the other. What meam foe gentle- .
man then when he says that now we have gots- I
gents nearer to tlie people, and more directly re* I
ponsible to the people? * Why every one will seo ,1
that there is uot one particle of truth in the whole ,1
mutter. Well how can it be sure that the seen- r
rity is any better? Take it that the gentleman ]
who holds foe office of Receiver General here, |
and of whom I have not foe honor to know any
thing, is u respectable gentleman, and has given
security, but where is the proof that the money
is safer iu his bauds than in the custody of the
bonks? How is foe money safer with Mr. Allen
than in a bank wifo a paid in capital of half a mil
lion of dollars? Of a bank which is under the
administration of sworn officers—n bank whose
affairs are under a daily or weekly supervision of
u body of directors, whose money is kept wtui
yours, and who therfore will take core that the
money is well looked ufter.. Try the experiment, ■
and see what privute depositer will feel hw V8n *4J I
so safe, that they will withdraw their deposits I
from the vaults of foe bunk in Wall-street to
place them wifo him. .
On the contrary, I maintain that it is obvious
tho present system endangers foe public money,
becuuse it multiplies the hunds tliiough wmen l
it pnBses,aud therefore the chauces of defoira*' ■
lion are increased. Mr. Hoyt, when he gfts I
tho money,pays it to the Receiver General,and ne
puysit to foo Treasurer at Washington, end
therefore there is a double chance ot n,llDe *
haviour, because there is a double hundthroujn i
which it has to pass. (Grent applan* , e.)But, in -|
foe next plnce, there is foe circulation ol specie. i |
Let us look to that a little. ' .
But gentlemen, this sub-trasury scheme, lei
ur look into it—I shall not very long detain you.
Ifl understand it rightly, by oue of itscM*** ■
it Is expected of you font you should pay the oi |
quarter of all duties in specie, and the other na
in notes of specie pnying banks. N° w » J[ °" _
of you had a custom house bond to pay, and) 1
present lo tho collector n certified cIibck o » ■
bank and one fourth specie, docs the I
lector tako it? [Several voices—he oom. m ■
does'] Well, then, nevertheless, fo»* J
sury is a* mere sham. If you go to the J
General und demand specie for a sub-tre j ■
note, will he give it, or will he give note* |
specie paying banks? If he do not go ■
gold, nnd gives poper, of what b« Uervfl ]P BV .. L
sub-treasury nnto than the note of a *P® CI ' JJJL j I
ing bank? Nona whatever. Tli8,P®KjfWO|
is a chant—it ia all a humbug! (LaugM« ■
^Aud again i Whnt done Die collooto r do n'ore I
llinn make Ilia deposits ill a batik Bn5?95 1 «,(, I
a very unsavory namo too—The liunltoj W r
led States? (Lniightor and applnuaa.) ™ hi , |
mnko his returns to llio receiver gaMej“' j, {
does ho do more than “»«h or J ou ."J d KI 1 i a Ineoit 'I
i« pecioliyldepoait apeeiot This.po" ■
js also *?
when you* pecinUyJdoposit t r -
pnying is a delusion—it can’t go on.
But wo are told that foe snb.treastn
enuso o divorce of hank and, stale. .. . M
Howdoea it effect thisl Uy lodging th p ^
irtoney in banks (hr safe kcepiug! Wiy,^,
clearly no aeparniion at all. The whole ^
ia a pretence. It ia ell unfoundod . j' r ' P | . .
mati, If tho connection heretofore held l^e^
twoett bonk end note Ilea been dWojK 1 jj ;||p I
oil connection bos taken lU P. lo “7“"?' . „ great
cit connections differs only in belli* »ep 6
deal more accret. (ApplaiiBO.)
2 Not content with culling this dlusion M Jg
pendent Treasury, some go so fir" 1 . |,i,
second' Declaration of Independence. I jj oW f ,
A declaration ofindependoncc of whnff ^ ||l0
Tho trust ia yat divided with the h "« ’ toI( . rB , e d .
monoygoea into tho bonks. I» it 1 ™ roWc d
that such a perversion ofloffiji ' „„yuiontJi
upon ne! Tho divorce,like the speclo p y I