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JJej jwsoiuan.
Vol. 14, No. 29
TN the United States Court, in Baltimore,
Judge John C. Rose instructed the jury to
return a verdict of acquittal in the case
brought against Romanns Baker and Jacob
Wilhide, charged with “conspiracy to cause
young men to evade or violate the military
draft law.”
The Judge said—
“ Every man has a perfect right to any
opinion he may see fit to form about any law
that is proposed, or about any law that is on
the statute books.
Any man may do anything that is lawful in
itself to secure the repeal of any law that is
on the statute books.
To that end he may make any argument
that commends itself to his reason and judg
ment, against the policy of any law, whether
it be a law for the selective draft, or any
other.
And he is not answerable for the wisdom of
his arguments. And he could not very well
be put on trial even for the good*faith of
solpe of them.
But there is one limit: so long as the law
is the law, it is the duty, of every man to
obey it, and he may not, under color or pre
tense of arguing against the wisdom of the
law, or advocating its repeal, do anything
with INTENT TO PROCURE ITS VIOLATION.”
Does not this decision meet the approval
o.f your common sense ?
AT Gettysburg, 1863, President Lincoln re
** dedicated himself and his administration
and the “loyal” States to the proposition, that
popular self-government should not perish
from the earth.
The Roman Catholic church had him
murdered, a couple of years later, because ho
asserted the Monroe Doctrine, and defeated
the Pope’s effort to re-establish in Mexico the
diabolical tyranny of the Roman priest and
Spanish grandee.
What has become of our government of the
people, by the people, for the people?
It doesn’t exist any more.
Senator James Hamilton Lewis of Illinois
—the Senatorial spokesman for this Hamilto
pian-John Adams administration —says that
the U. S. Constitution is “obsolete.”
Even his oath to support it, cannot breathe
life into it.
His oath is not yet five months old —Presi-
dent Wilson’s is six.
But the Constitution is dead—says Sena
tor Lewis, spokesman in the world’s greatest
legislative body, for the Chief Executive of
the world’s greatest government.
The Constitution is our shrine: it holds the
sacred principles of that democracy for which
the President is going to make the world
“safe.”
The first step we take in our crusade “to
AN APPEAL TO COMMON SENSE
There Should Be An Appeal to the Country
Thomson, Ga., Thursday, July 26, 1917
Isn't that the exact line The Jeffersonian
has taken?
From the very beginning, I made it plain
that the only two legal methods by which the
people could fight the new laws, were an ap
peal to the U. S. Courts, and peaceable as
semblies petitioning the Government to re
peal the Acts.
These methods are strictly constitutional,
and they were a portion of the liberties of
every Englishman, centuries before the Con
stitution was adopted.
In support of the legal fight on these new
Prussian Acts of Congress, and against the
maniacal policy of sending to Europe an
army larger than those of Darius and
Xerxes, I have used every argument that com
mended itself to my “wisdom.”
In the language of Judge Force, I was do
ing exactly what it was my perfect right
to do.
There isn't a reader of The Jeffersonian
who does not remember that, before Con
fress passed the Press-gag law on June 15th,
had already outlined the legal contest be
fore Judge Emory Speer, anti had tendered
my services to make the constitutional argu
ment before him, and before the Supreme
Court of the United States.
Os course, everything said in the paper
afterwards, must be construed as a com
mentary upon the pending proposition to
make the world safe for democracy,” is to
announce to the world that our shrine is no
longer worshipped, no longer respected, no
longer preserved, as the Israelite guarded
his Ark of the Covenant.
This time last year, The Jeffersonian, with
many other papers that are intensely hostile
to German militarism and U-Boat atrocities,
strenuously advocated the severance of rela
tions with Germany, the sending of Bern
storff out of the country, the seizure of hos
tile aliens as hostages, and the energetic as
sertion by e our naval forces of our neutral
rights upon the high seas.
This time last year, the Wilson partisans
were denouncing The Jeffersonian for that
attitude, affd were making the daily papers
ring with hymns of praise of the President
who refused to go that far.
It wouldn’t do to send Bernstorff home: it
wouldn’t do to sever friendly relations with
the Kaiser: it would not do to use our fleet
to convoy our vessels across the ocean and to
sink any German boat that dared to molest
them.
No, indeed! That wouldn't do: that would
be going too far. The thing to do was, to
write another note to the Kaiser, and then
another, and then another, and .then a few
more—each of which would be hailed by
proceed against the Prussian laws in the
Federal Courts.
Not one word in our paper can be twisted
into an “intention to procure a violation of
the law.”
On the contrary, my public and private
advice was, to await the actual conscription,
and tfAcn apply for writs of Habeas Corpus.
Suppose it should be held that any criticism
you may honestly make of governmental
policies is unlawful: suppose you are denied
the right to argue against Acts of Congress,
or policies of the executive: suppose you are
punished for expressing your opinion, ver
bally or in print: suppose your right to pea
ceably assemble and discuss your public
affairs is destroyed: suppose you are thus
reduced to silent submission while your re
publican form of government is changed into
a government of persons and armed soldiers—-
would the world thereby be made “safe for
democracy?”
The wise men who made your Federal Gov
ernment put it in writing—-and in the plainest
possible words —that Congress should never
do certain things.
Don’t you think it is time to protest, when
Congress is doing those very things?
If the citizen can be made a criminal for
reminding the President and the Congress
that they swore to not do those forbidden
(CONTINUED ON PAGE TWO.)
Wilson’s partisans as the very sweetest thing
that ever came out of a type-machine.
Don’t you remember i It was only a year
ago: and the Wilson cuckoos continued their
perfect peace prattle down to the November
election.
The only real issue between Hughes and
Wilson was this issue.
Hughes and Roosevelt 4 * were boisterously
clamoring for the policy which The Jefferso
nian had advocated ever since May 1915,
when Bernstorff advertised the German in
tention to murder the American passengers
on the British steamboat Lusitania.
When those 119 Americans had been
murdered in cold blood, as per the Bernstorff
advertisement in the New York papers, what
did President Wilson do?
He typed out a note to the Kaiser—a note
full of sweetness, light, verbosity, and bunk;
and this note was trailed by others of the
same sort, for two long, nerve-racking years.
In morals, the hands of Bernstorff were
crimson with the blood of those Lusitania
victims when he ate dinner in the home of
Vice President Marshall: in morals, Bern
storff was accessory to murder, when he was
the guest of President Wilson at Shadow
Lawn.
That was before the election, and the
(continued on page four.)
Price, Five Penis