Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME II.
m
ATHENS, GEOEGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 17, 1856.
rUBUSHEU WEEKLY,
NUMBER 33
by JOHN H. CHRISTY,
1DIT9I AND mrilltoi. •
ViMi at Subscription
TvV o i) o lla
if paid ■‘tricily in ad
as will ba Chaired
2Zaberwtse.THREE DOLLARS wilts* eharped
Egsg&srs, :: - i&tsm
Hates of Advertising.
a,—>—. adfcniNOiaiita willbeiaaaned at One
KjuMMrasaarsforikaflrat.aad Fifty Csatapetai|safs
ir>e» wt»n«aati»wni a.
■Li) a ad yearly ad ran imaasta St Iks c«al rates
SUdaMs •rillfca eharp-d RS for annoiincunrnta,
Tiiiatry aarkeiaaaeaeiNf «a lisa* la^Fitb »il(
“ od a( advertise u:«nu. ' ■.
'"SiWSTSasMreasrss
cordingljr.
[liinns anil professional (f-arira.
'irTLoTtfBARDT™
DENTIST,
ATHENS, OEOROU.
|Hn ,iheStureof Wilson fc VeaL Jan3
■plTNER & ENGLAND.
Wholesaled RetailDaalerdn
Cf icerics, Ory Goods,
URDITARE, SHOES AND BOOTS,
' yrilS ATnr.N8.GA.
CLARK & CARTER.
dealers in
family. Groceries and
Provisions. . . .
lilftN. Judton’s old stand, Hrosd street,
Athens, On.
MOORE & CARLTON,
I,FILERS IN
LK, FANCY AND STAPLE GOODS,
hard ware and crockery.
hpril No. 3, Granite How, Athens, Ga.
LUCAS & BILLUPS,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN
DRY GOODS,
[GROCERIES, HARDWARE, Ac. Ac.
No. 2, Broad Street. Atheu*.
WILLIAM G. DELONY,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
I OBce over the More >1Win M. Morton >l Son
ill attend promptly to all businessentrusl
'vohis care. Athens, April 6
JOHN II. CHRISTY,
PLAIN AND FANCY
[Book nnd Job Printer,
“Frankliu Job Office," Athens. Ga.
| All work entrusted to hi. earelailhliilly. rorrrnly
icJ punctually executed, at prices rorrc*|><*nd-
|nb ins with llie hard lies, of (be lime*.
pidnj.
GOD BLESS AMERICA.
A NATIONAL AKTHM—XT E. H. BIRD.
God bless the land that gave ns birth!
No prayer but this know we—*
God blues the laud of all the earth.
The happy and the free.
And where's the land like ours, can brave
The-splendor of the day, „
And find no son-«f ber’s a slave t
God bless America l
God bless the land, , ij'i '
The land beloved foreTer nnd for aye I
God bless the land (bat Rave us birth i
bless America. — — ‘v S-
For liberty our grandsirea trod
The wide and stormy sea;
They bought the treasura with their blood,
1 ijeir children all are Bee—-
And free ainid earth’s servile hordes.
To point the patriot's way.
With plough -shares turn’d in war to swords
God bless America I
God b!ees the laud, Ac.
The deserts bowl'd—tbe pilgrims came,
They lied opprAion-s chain;
Tbe deserts bloomed and I he flame
Oi' freedom rose again; .
And liert, when hearts of fire are born,
• Tint flame shall ne’ei decy, [seprn.
While babies laugh kings and crowns to
Gisl bless America!.
God bless tbe laud, Ac. • *
And from our land, in hour of need,
Avert thy daskeuing fro vn;
Bind up ail tbe pat riots hearts that bleed,
And strike' the traitor down.
And shall the serpent foe prevail)
shall foe or friend betray S •
Up «ith the star flag to the gale 1
God bless America!
God bless the laud, Ac.
Tire tenner of our Union loved,
Shalt wave for ages on;
While time shall find no stripe removed,
No blight star quenched and gone*
And singly States cou voiced shall die,
From earth be swept away;
W bile millions still uphold tbe i
God bless America!
God bless the land, Ac.
cry,
bp'pwup^nf" ron ? ri ^ acts » w h*ch would the principle of equality, among the
be cause of war between foreign powers -.,-.2-1-
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
WILLIAM N. WHITE,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL
BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER,
.1»CNt*tpnftr a*d .Vaxr.iitAgnt.
DEALER IN
rsic and musical instruments
Hurt, riNE CUTLERY, FANCY fiuOHS.cC.
f 5, Cullfff Avenue, Newlon House. Athens, C*
tiisnf •• While’s University Bookstore.”
ilcrs promptly filled at Augusta rates.
SUMMEY & JONES, *
DEALERS IN
SERIES. HARDWARE, STAPLE-
JYliOODS, STOVES. IRON, CAST-
!Sii3. CROCKERY-WARE, Ac. *
'Comer of Broad and Wall streets,
ifM.Ca. ’ August 16,1855.
Hosts. J*. A. SCURRY.
JAMES M. ROYAL,
lUtUIES&IUAKBR,
|AS removed his shop to Mitchell’s old
1 Txrern, oue door east of Grady A Nich-
where he keeps always ou baud a
»1 assortment of articles in bisline, and
»y*ready to fillordertin the best style.
P*“ i« ' tf
COLT & COLBERT,
DEALERS IN
IPLE DRY GOODS,GROCERI ES
AND HARDWARE.
19 Granite Row Athens, Ga
I I. COLT. | W1L C. COLBERT.
6,1895.
T. BISHOP & SON,
lesale and Retail Gocers,
1 • No. 1, Broad street, Athens.
C. W. & H. R. J. LONG, •
lesale and Retail Druggists,
ATHENS, Ga.
NOTICE.
P«P*"4-» fili order.
| Mr «utuk<la of
^ for Carriages and Wagons,
wme establishment we msnufac-
taie all kinds of
bobbins,
r«.£f* di J our cottonfactoiiea. All
IWh i*?', che *P « can lie had from
I P i “™*rras.
willi^MMEY & BRO. Athens,Ga
lit ilT'™* ,0 “11 ordova, and the ahip-
*he smue. March, 1864.’
SLOAN & OATMAN,
dealers in
<nmJ 9 *' J American
ftATBABtr, .
dsr TBXXBSSgB MA&LB
rgTbmh, %nA Vwj . Mnrb ^
f“Aliord.. d ^“mtshing Marble-
«M*rs promptly filled.
ATLANTA, GA.
to Mr, Ross Crone. j 0Bel4
[continued/]
Hence, while the g neral government,
as well by the enumerated powers grant
ed lo it, as by those not enumerated, and
therefore refused to it, arms forbidden to
touch this matter in the sense of attack
or offence, il was placed under t he gener
al safeguard of the Union, in Hie sense
of defence against either invasion or
domestic violence, like all other Incal in
terests of the several Stales. Each
Slate expressly stipulated, as well for
itself as for each and all of its citizens,
nnd every citizen of each Slate bccflne
solemnly bound by his allegiance to the
constitution, that any person held to
service or labor in one State, escaping
into another, should not. in consequence
of any law or regulation thereof.be dis
charged from such service or labor, hut
should be delivered upon claim of the
parly lo w hom such service or labor
might b<- due by the laws of his Slate.
Thus and thus only, by the recipro
cal guaranty of all the rights of every
State against interference on the part
of another, was the present form of go
vernment established by our fathers nnd
transmitted to us: and by no other
means is it possible for it to exist. If
one State ceases to respect the rights of
another, and obtrusively intermeddles
with its local interests—if a portion of
the States assume to impose their insti
tutions on the others, or refuse to fulfil
their obligations to them.weare no longer
united frienuly States, but distracted,
hostile ones, with little capacity left of
common advantage, but abundant means
ot reciprocal injury and mischief.
Practically, it is immaterial whether
aggressive interference between the
States, 6r deliberate refusal on the part
of any one of them to comply with con
stitutional obligations, arise from errone
ous conviction or blind prejudice, wheth
er it be perpetrated by direction or in
direction. In either case it is full of
threat and of danger to the Union.
CONSTITUTIONAL RELATIONS OF SLAVERY
Placed in the office of Chief Magis
trate as the exentive agent of the whole
country H bound to take care that the
laws be faithfully excuted, and special
ly enjoined by the constitution to give
information to.Congress on the state
of the Union, it'would be palpable neg
lect of duty on my part to pass over a
subject like this, which beyond all
things at the prestnt time, vitally con
cerns individual and public security.
It has been matter of painful' regret
to see Slates, conspicuous for their
services in founding this Republic, and
equally sharing its advantages, disregard
their constitutional obligatibns to it.
Although conscious of their inpbility to
heal admitted and palpable social evils
of their own, and which are completely
within tbeirjurisdiciion, they engage in
w - 6. DELON Y.
A.T I* Jk w
w«R^f?!- 0f . P gr,Qtl » > vn*
to* viii SSStSHT' * ko ,8U
tf.
1 'bp jltev.
and only fail to be such -in our system,
because perpertrated under cover of the
Union.
It iB impossible to present this subject
as truth and the occasion require, with
out enticing the reiterated, but ground
less, allegation, that the South has
persistently asserted claims and obtain
ed advantages in the practical adminis
tration of the general government, to
the prejudioc of thmNortb, and in which
the latter has acquieced. That is, the
States which either promote or tolerate
attacks on the rights of persons and of
property in other States, to disguise their
own injustice, pretend or imagine, and
constantly aver, that they, whose, con
stitutional rights are thus systematical
ly assailed, are themselves the, aaggres-
sors; At the present time, this imput
ed aggression, resting, as it does, only
.tn the vague, declamatory- charges of
political agitators, resolves, itself into
misapprehension, or misinterpretation,
of the principles' and facts of the-politic-
al organization of the new Territories
of the United States.
What is the voice of history T When
the ordinance, which provided for the
government of the territory northwest
of the river Ohio, and for its eventual
subdivision into new States, was adopt
ed in we Congress of the confederation,
is not to be supposed that the question
of future relative power, as between the
State# which retained, and thoae which
did pot retain,' a numeros colored pop
ulation, e-caped notice, or failed to be
considered. And yet the concession of
that Yast territory to the interests and
opinions of the Northern States a territo
ry now the seat of five among the largest
members of tbe Union, was, in great
measure,, the act of the State of Virginia
and of the South.
When Louisiana was acquired by the
United States,-it was an acquisition not
less to the North than to the South; for
while it was important to the country at
the mou’.h of the river Mississippi to be-
the emporium of the country above it,
so also it was even more important to
the whole Union to have that emporium;
and although the new province, by reo-
ason of its imperfect settlement, was
mainly regarded as on the Gulfof Mex
ico, yet,: in fact, itextends to the oppo
site boundaries of the United States,
with far greater bread thabove than
below, and was iu territory, as in every
thing else, equally - at least an acces
sion to the Northern States. It is mere
-delusion and prejudice, therefore, to
speak of Louisiana as acquisition in the
special interest of theSouth.
The patriotic and just men, who
participated in that act, were influenced
by motives far above all sectional jeal
ousies. It wa* in truth the great event,
which, by completing tor us the posses
sion'of tbe valley of the Mississippi,
with commercial access to the Gulf of
Mexico, imparled unity and strength to
tbe whole confederation, and attached to
gether by indissoluble ties the East and
the West, as well as theNorth and tbe
South. -
As to Florida, that was but the trans
fer by Spain to the (Juited States of ter
ritory on the east side of tbe river- Mis
sissippi, in exchange for large tertitory.
which the Uoited States transferred to
Spain on the west side of Jhat river, as
the entire diplomatic history of the
transaction serves to demonstrate. More
over, it was an Jicquisitilion demanded
by tbe commercial interests and the
security of the whole Union.
In the meantime, the people of the
United States had grown np to a proper
consciousness of their strength, and in a
brief contest with France, and in a second
serious war with Great Britain, they
bad shaken off all which remained of
undue reverence for Europe, and emerg
ed from the atmosphere of those trans
atlantic influences which' surrounded
the infant Republic, aud had begun Jto
turn their attention to the full and sys
tematic development of the. internal
resources of tbe Union.
Among the evenescent controversies
of that period, the most conspicuous was
the question of regulation by Congress
of the social condition of the future States
to be founded in the territory of Louis-
Staies guaranteed by the constitution.
It as received by the Northern States
with angry and resentful condemnation
and complaint, because it did not concede
all which they had exactingly demanded.
Having-passed through the forms of
legislation, it took its place m the statute
book, standing upon to repeal, like any
other act of doubtful constitutionality,
subject to be pronounced null nnd void
by the coarts of law, and possessing no
possible efficaey to control the rights of
the States, which might thereafter be
organised out of any part of thftpriginal
territory of Louisiana:.^- ' " m ’ m "
- In all this, if any aggression there
were, any innovation upon pre-existing
rights, to which portion of the Union are
they justly chargeable.’
This controversy passed away, with
the occasion, nothing -surviving it save
the dormant letter of. the statute. But,
long afterwards, when by the proposed
accssion of the Republic of Texas, the
United States were to take their next
step in territorial greatness, a similar
contingency occurred, and became the
occasen for systematized attempt to in
tervene in the domestic affairs of one
section of the Union, in defiance of their
rights *s States and of the s.Upulations
of the Constitution. These atteraps as
sumed a practical directious. in the shape
of persevering endeavors, by some of
the representatives,’ in both houses of
Congress, to deprive the southern Slates
of the supposed benefit of the provisions
of the act authorising the organization of
the State of Missouri. But the good
sense of the people, and the vital force
of the Constitution, triumphed over sec
tional prejudice, and the political Errors
of the day, and the State of Texas re
turned to the Union as she was, with so
cial insitutions which her people had
chosen for themslves, and with express
agreement by the re-anneXing act. that
she should be susceptnble of subdivision
into a plurality of States.
Whatever advantage the interests of
the Southern States, as such gained by
this, were far inferior iri results as they
unfolded in the progress of time, to those
which sprang from previous concessions
made by the South.
To every thoughtful friend of the
Union—to the true lovers of their coun
try—to all who longed and labored for
the fnll success of ibis great experiment,
of republican insti utious—it' was cause
of congratulation, that such an opportunity
bad occured to illustrate our advancing
power ou this continent, and to furnish
to the world additional assurance of the
strengh and stability of the constitution.
Who would wish to see Florida still a
European colony ? Who would rejoice
to hail Texas us a loue star, instead of
one in the galaxy of Slates?- Who does
not appreciate the incalculable benefits
of the acquisition of Louisiana ? And yet
narrow views and sectional purposes
would inevitably have excluded them
from the Union.
consent, it was observed in the organi
zation of the Territory of Washington.
When more recently, it became re
quisite to organize the Territories of
Nebraska and Kansas, it was the natural
and legitimate, if not the inevitable, con
sequence of previous events and legisla
tion, that the same great and sound
principle, which had already been appli
ed to Utah and New Mexico, should,
be applied to themthat they should
8landexecpt from the restrictions pro-
j >osed in tbe act relative to-the State of
Missouri.
These restrictions were, in the esti
mation of many thoughtful men, null
from the beginning, unauthorized by
the constitution, contrary to the treaty
stipulations for the cession of Louisiana,
and inconsistent with .he equality ot the
States.
They hadheen a ripped of all moral
authority,by persistent efforts to procure
their indirect repeal tbr ugh contradic
tory euactmenus. They bad beqn prac
tically abrogated bj the legislation at
tending the abrogation of Utah, New
Mexico, and Washington. If any vita-,
lity remained in them, it would have
been taken away, in effect, by the mw
territorial acts, in the form originally
proposed to the Senate at the first ses
sion of the last Congress. It was manly
and ingenuous, as well as patriotic and
just, to do this directly and plainly, and
thus relieve the statute-book of an act
which might be of possible future injury,
but of no possible future benefit; and
the measureol' its repeal was the fihal
But another struggle on the same
point ensued when our victorious armies
.returned from Mexico,, and it devolved
on Congress to provide for the territories
The ordinance for the government of
the territory northwest of the river Ohio
had contained a provision which prohibit
ed the use of servile labor therein, subject
to the condition ol the extradition of
fugitives from service due in any other
part of the United States. Subsequently
to the adoption of the constitution, this
provision ceased to remain as a law ; for
its operation as 3uch was absolutely su
perceded by Hie constitution. But the
recollection of the .fact excited the zeal
ofsocia! propagandism in some sections
J _ 0 .. b confederation ; and when a second Slate,
the offensive, hopeless undertaking of! that of Missouri, came to be formed ir.
reforming the domestic institutions of the territori of Louisiana, proposition
oilier States wholly beyond their con-
Irol and authority. In the vain pursuit
of ends, by them- entirely unattainable,
and which they may not legally attempt
to compass, they peril the very existence
was-made to extend to the .latter territo
ry, the restriction originally applied to
the country situated between the riv ers
Ohio and Mississippi. ...
Most unquestionable as was this pro'
of the eonsiiutionj md all the countless position in all its constitutional relations,
beneflu’which it has conferred. While 1 nevertheless it received the sanction ol
the people of the southern states confine - Congress, with some slight modification.-
their attention to their own affairs, not of Hne. to save the existing right.- ot
presuming officiously to intermeddle 1 the intended ne" State. It was reluet-
with the social institutions of the north-, antljr acquiesced in the soutfiern btate-
ern States, too many of the inhabitants as a 'acrifice to tne cause ai ju ace ana
of the latter are permanently organised o{ the Union, not only of the rights ?npu-
iu associaiious to inflict injury on thel 1 *^ by the treaty of Louisiana, but ot
Would not a'sectional decision, produc
ing such results by a majority of votes,
either northern or southern, of neessity
drive out the -oppressed and aggrieved
minority, and place in presence each
other two irreconcileable hostile con
federations?
It its necessary to 'speak thus plainly
of projects, the offspring (o that sectional
agitation now prevailing in some of the
States, which are as impracticable as
they are unconstitutional, and which, if
persevered in, must and will end cala
mitously. It is either disunion and
civil war. or it is niere angry, idle,
aimless disturbance, of public peace and
tranquility. Disunion for what? If
the passionate rage of fanaticism and
partisan spirit did not force the fact
upon our attention, it would be difficult
to believe, that any considerable portion
of tbe people of this eniigTtened country
could have so surrounded themselves to
a fanatical devotion to the supposed in
terests of the relatively few Africans in
the United States, as totally to abandon
and disregard tbe interests of the twenty-
five' millions, of Americans,—to trample
under foot the injunctions of moral and
constitut.onal obligation,—and- to engage
in plans of vindictive hostility against
those who are associated with them in
the enjoyment of the common heritage
of our national institutions,
Nor is it hostility against their fellow-
citizens„of one section of the Union
alone. The interests, the honor, the
duty, the peace, and the prosperity of
the-peopleof all sections are equally in
consummation and cbmplcte recognition ; volred and imperriled in this question
of the principle, that no portion' of the | And are patriotic men in any part of the
United States shall undertake, through j Union prepared, on such an issue, thus
assumption of the powers of the general j madly to invite ali thee consequences of
government; todicfalethe social institu- > the forfeiture of thi ir constitutional en-
tions of any other portion. i gagements ? It is impossible. The
1 he scope and effect ot the language storm of phrenzy and faction must ine-
of repeal were not left . n doubt. It was
declared, in, tH*ms. to be the true in
tent and meaning of this act not lo legis
late slavery ir.to any Territory or State,
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave
the people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic i: stitutiohs
in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution of the United States.” .
The measure could not be withstood
upon its merits alone. It was attacked-
with violence, on the false or delusive
pretext that it constituted a breach of
-faith. Never was objection more utter
ly destitute of substantial justification.
When, beforfe, was it imagined by sensi
ble men, that a regulatire or declara
tive statute, whether enacted ten or forty
yeais ago, is irrepealable—that an act
of Congress is above tbe Constitution 1
If, indeed, tb re were in the facts any
cause to impute bad faith, it would attach
to those only who have never ceased,
from the time of the enactment of the
restrictive provision to the present day,
to denounce and to condemn ir; who
have constantly refused to complete it
by needful supplementary* legislation;
who have spared no exertion to deprive
it of moral force; who have themselves
again and again attempted its repeal by
the enactment of incompatible provis-
nn; and who, by the inevitable reac-
nepuired by the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo. The great relations of the sub
ject bad now became distinct and clear
!o the perception of tbe public mind,
which appreciated the evils of sectional
controversy upon tbe question of the
admission of new States. Tn' that crisis
intense solicitude pervaded the nation
But the patriotic impulses'of the popular
heart, guided by the admonitory advice
of the Father of his’ country, rose supe
rior to all the difficulties of the incorpo
ration of a new empire into the Union
In the councils of Congress there was
manifested extrem antagonism of opin
ion and action between some represen
tatives, who sought by the abusive and
unconstitutional employment of the leg
islative powers of the government to in
terfere in the condition of inchoate
States, and to impose their own social
theories upon the latter; and other re-
presantatives who repelled the interpo-
sition.of the general government in this
respect, and maintained the self cOnstitu
ting right of Stales. In truth, the thing
was attempted .inform alone, action of
the general government, which in reality
it was the endeavor,-by abuse of legis
lative power to force the ideas of inter
nal policy, entertained in particular
States, upon allied independent Slates.
Once more the constitution and Union
triumphed signally. The new Territo
ries were organized without restrictions
on the disputed point, and were thus left
tojudge in that particular for themselves;
and the sense of constitutional faith
proved vigorous enough in Congress not
only to accomplish this primary object,
but also the incidental and Hardly less
important one, of so amending the provi
sions of the statute for the extradition of
fugitives from service, as to place that
public.duty under the safe guard of the
general government, and -thus relieve
from obstacles raised up by the legislation
of some of the States.
Vain declamation regarding the
provisions of law for the -extradition ol
fugitives from service, with occasional
episodes of frantic effort to obstruct their
execution by riot and murder, continued,
for a brief time, to agitate certain
loctalities. But the true principle, of
leaving each Slate and Territory to re
gulate its own laws of labor, according to
its own sense of right and expediency,
had acquired fast hold of the public judg
ment, to such a degree, that, by common
vitably dash itself in vain against the un
shaken rock of the Constitution. 1 shall
nfever-doubt it. I know that the Union
is stronger a thousand times than all the
wild and chimerical schemes of social
change which are generated, one after
another, in the unstable minds of vision
ary sophists' and interested agitators. 1
rely confidently on the patriotism of the
people on the dignity and self-respect
-of the States, on the wisdom of Cou-
gress, atid above all, on the continued
gracious favor of Almighty God, lo
maintain, against all enemies, whether
at home or abroad, the sanctity of the
Constitution and the'integrity of the Un
ion.
FRANKLIN PIERCE.
Washington, December 31,1855.
NAPOLEON’S INTENDED INVA-
glON OF ENGLAND.
We extract the following from Ab
bott’s new work, “Napoleon at St,
Helena”:
The Emperor has passed a restless
night, and was quite unwell and depres-
sedin spirits. At two o’clock, he sent
for Las Casas, and beguiled the time for
two hours in listening to his remarks up
on London.
“Were the English much afraid of my
invasion?** inquired the Emperor. “What
was the general opinion at the time ? r
- “ J. cannot inform you,” Las Cas is
replied “I had then rcturned.tn France,
but in the saloons of Paris, we laughed
at the idea of tbe invasion ol England,
and the English who were in Paris at
the time did so too.”
“Well,” replied the Emperor, “you
might laugh In Paris, but Pitt did not
laugh in London. He soon calculated
the extent of the danger, and, therefore
threw a coalition upon my shoulders, at
the moment when I raised my arms to
strike. Never was the English oligar
chy exposed to greater danger.”
“ I bad taken measures to prompt
the possibility of failure in my landing.
I had the best army in the world. 1
need only say that it was the army of
Austerlitz. In four days 1 should have
been in London. I should have enter
ed the Spanish capital, not as a conquer
er,but as a laborer. I should have
been another William HI., but 1 Would
tionary effect of their own violence cn
the subject, awakened the country to
perception of the true conEtitutioual prin
ciple of leaving the matter involved to
the discretion of the' people of the re
spective existing or incipient States.
It is not pretended that this principle,
or any other, precludes the possibility
of evils in practice, disturbed as politied
action is liable to be by human passions.
No form of government is exempt from
inconveniences; but in this case they
are the result of the abuse, and not of
the legitimate exercise of the powers re
served or conferred in the organization
of a Territory'. They are n.ot to be
charged to the great principle of popul
ar sovereignty; on the countrary, they
disappear before the intelligence and
patriotism of the people,exerting through
the ballot-box their peaceful and silent
btu irresistible power.
If the friends of the Constitution are
to have another struggle, its enemies
could not present a more acceptable
issue, than that of a State ’whose coo- have acted with greater generosity and
siitution clearly embraces “a republican ’ disinterestedness. The discipline of my
ed into execution with firmness, modera
tion and good faith. How many ills
that are now endured, and how many .
that are yet to he experienced, would
not unhappy Europe have escaped?
’Never was a project so fvorable lo the
interests of civiization conceived with
more disinterested intentions, or so near
being carried into execution. It is a re
markable fact, that the obstacles which
occasioned mj falure were not the work
of men, but, pr»ce ded from the elemets*
In the south the seas frustrated my
plans. The burning of Moscow, the
snow and the winter, completed my
ruin in the north. Thus water, air,
and fire,-nil nature,^nd nntuie alone,*
was hostile to the universal regenera
tion which nature herself called for. The-
problems of Providence are inscrutable.”’
The Emperor was for a few moments
silent, absorbed in thought. He then
added;; • • *
“It was supposed that my schedule
was merely a'vain thought, because'it
did not appear that it possessed any re
asonably means of attempting its exe
cution. But I had laid my plans deeply,
and without being observed. I had dis
persed ali our French ships,.and the
English were sailing after them' to dif
ferent parts of the world. Our ships
were to retnrn suddenly and at the same
time, and to assemble in a mass along
the French coasts. 1 would have had
seventy or eighty French of Spanish
vessels in the Channel.* I calculated
that 1 should continue master of it for
two months. Three or four - thousand
little boats were to be ready at« signal.
A hundred, thousand men were every
day drilled in embarking and landing as
part of their exercise. They were full
of ardor atid eager ,for the enterprise,
which was very popular with the French,
and was supported by -the wishes of a
great number of the English After
landing my troops, I could calculate
upon only one-pitched battle, the result
of which could not- be doubtful, and
vietory would have brought usto Lun-
dou. The nature of the country would
not admit- ofawarof raana:uvring..My
conduct would have done the rest.
“ The people of England groaned un
der the yoke of an oligarchy. Oft feel-'
ing that their pride had not been hum-*
bled, they would have ranged themsel-*
ves on our side. We should have been
considered only as allies come to effect
their deliverance. We should haver
presented out selves with tho magical
words of liberty and equality.”
•Spain was then in triendly all ance>
with France, and at war with England,
form of government.” being excluded
front the Union because its domestic in
stitutions may not in all respects com
port with the ideas of what is wise and
expedient entertained in some other
State. Fresh from groundless imputa
tions of breach'of faith against others,
men will commence the agitation of this
new question with indubitable violation
of an express compact between the in-
depeodeat sovereign powers of the
United States and of the republic of
Texas, as well as of tbe older and equal
ly solemn compacts which assure the
equality ol all the States.
But deplorable as would be such a
violation of compact in itself, and in all
its direct consequences, llnit is the very
least of the evils involved.. When sec
tional agitators shall have succeeded in
forcing on this issue, can their preten
sions, fail do be met by counter preten
sions? Will not different States be
compelled respectively to meet extremes
with extremes ? And, if either extreme
carry its point, what is that so far forth
but dissolution of the Union 1 If a new
State, fornied from the territory.of the
United Stales,he absolute excluded from
admission therein, that fact ofitselfcon-
stitutes the disruption of union between
it and the other Slates. But the pro
cess of dissolution couidnot stop there.
army was perfect. My troop-t would
have behaved in London the same as
they would in Paris. No sacrifice#, not
even contributions would have been ex
acted from the English. -We should
have presented ourselves to them,’not as
conqneres, but as brothers, who cam-
to restore to them their rights and libe
erties. I would have assembled the
citizens, and directed them to labor
| themselves is the task of their regenera
tion, because the English had already
preceded us in a political legislation. 1
would have declared that our only wish
was to be able to rejoice in the happiness
and prosperity of the English people,
and to these professions i would have
strictly adhered.
“ In the course of a few months, the
two nations, \yhich had been such de
termined enemies, would have hence
forward composed only one people,
identified in principles, maxims and
interests. I shouid have departed from
England in order to effect from south to
north, under republican colors (for 1
was then first consul) the regenera
tion of Europe, which at a •ater period
I was.on the point of effecting from
north to south under monarchist forms.
Both systems were equally gone, since
both would have been attended by the
same results, and would have been carri-
SLANDER.
We adopt the following hints trhicB*
we find in a cotemporary as a genuine
“ home item.” and we wish that all our
readears may treasure them up in their
hearts and tuffer them to be ever pres
ent in their memory. We have probubly
all of us met with, instances in which a -
word heedlesly spoken against the repu
tation of a female has been magnified by
malicious minds until the cloud has he*
come dark enough to overshadow her
whole existence. To those who are ac
customed—not necessarily ftom bad mo-*
lives,.but from thoughtlessness—to speak
lightly of females, we recommend tho
*'htnts”as worthy of consideration:-*’ Ne
ver use a lady’s name in an improper
place, at animproper lime, or in mixed
company. Never make assertions about
her that you feel she herself would blu$hi
to hear. When you meet with men that-
do not scruple to make u e of a woman’s-
name in a reckless and unprincipled
.manner, shun them, for they are the very
worst members of the community—men
lost to every sense of honor—every feel
ing of humanity. Many a good atrd
worthy woman’s character has been for-*
ever ruined, and her heart broken by a
lie, manufactured by some villain, and
repeated where it should n<*i hare been,
and in tbe presence of those whose little
judgment could not better them from city
culating the foul aud bragging report.
A slander is soon propngnted, and the
smallest thing derogatory to n woman’s-
character will fly on the. wings of the
wind, and magnify as it circulates until
its monstrous weight cru.-hes the pout*
unconscious victim. Respect tl>3 name
of woman, for joui mother and sister*
are women; and as you would have their
fair name untarnished, and their lives
unembittered by tliu slanderer’s biting
tongue, heed the ill that your own words
may bring upon the mother, the sister*
or the wife of some fellow creature.-’
A scientific friend was exhibiting to ai
gentleman a balloon of ox-bladder in*
llated with oxygen. “ Bu’, 1 * observed
the gentleman, “ if the oxygen should
escape, how can you get it into the blad
der again?” ** That is not the difficul*
ty,’ remarked a . bystander; “it is not
how to get the oxygen into the bladder 1
again, but hotv to get the bladder ibto
the ox-again?”
Will youjtake this woman to be your'
weddedWife?’tisked an Illinois magi-*
trateof the mosculine of a couple who
stood up before him. “Well, squire,
you must be a tarnal green h ind to a=k
me such a question as that ar. Do you
think that I’d be stieh a plagued fool as
to go to the bar hunt, and *t;tke this
gal from the quiltiu frolic, if i wasn’t
conscriptuoutly sartain and determined
to have her. Drive on with pour busi- re
ness, and don’t ax foolish questions.”