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SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.
Southern (Sonftdtractt
GKO. W. ADAIR HKVLT SMITH,
EDITORS AID rBOTMtTOM.
ATLANTA. OBOBQIA.
TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 1861.
COCffTY MBBflNG AT LAGRANGE.
GREAT SPEECH OF HON. B. H. HILL
Patriotic action if the meeting, and large sub-
scription to the Product Loan.
Od Saturday last, a meeting of the cilisvns
of Troup county was held at LaGrange. The
Coart House was filled to overflowing, and the
mealing was graced with the presence of a
large number of the ladiee of the county. We
attended for the purpose of laying the pro-
ceediogi of the meeting, and especially, Mr.
Hill's speech, before our readers, which we do,
as follows :
Dr. R. A T. Ridley was called to the Chair.
C. H. C. Willingham was chosen Secretary,
and Wiley H. Simms Ass : stant Secretary of
the meeting.
Dr. Ridley then said: Fellow-Citizens: The
object of this meeting is of a two-fold char
acter. One is, to hear the lion. B. H. Hill on
thesubjeotof the Confederate Produce Loan.
He has been appointed by Congress to lay this
matter before the citizens of the Fourth Con
gressional District. He will speak for himself
and for the Confederate Btates to day, and you
will hear him.
The other objeot of this meeting, is to con
sider the means by which funds are to be rais
ed to equip and support the Volunteers who
have gone or may go from this county to the
war, and the families of those who may be in
need during their absence.
Mr. Ferrell moved that a Committee of thir
teen—one from each Militia District in the
county—be appointed to consider upon this
matter and report, which was adopted, and the
following appointed :
B. C. Ferrell, W. P. Beasly, Beth Tatorn, John
Henderson, John T. B<ykin, John B. Phillips,
Robt. Jennings, Wm. Hopson, Jas. M. Truitt,
Gr.ffli Marcus, Wm. II. Clark, Geo. H. Tray
lor and Joe Chivers.
The C immittee retired, and after consulta
tion, presented the following, which was unan
imously adopted amidst the applause of the
large and patriotic audience present:
The fact, beyond doubt, exists, that an un
holy war is upon qs, waged by Linculu and his
mercenary hordes, to d prive us of our rights
as freemen, and in subversion of that sscred
principle established by our forefathers, that
Governments should exist alone '* by the con
sent of the governedand. in order to def nd
our rights and liberties successfully in this
contest, it is necessary that we should have
means to prepare for the struggle, to support
and equip our soldiers already gone, and that
shall hereafter go to the wars, and to maintain
the families of such soldiers in their absence
who may be in limited circumstances. To do
this, it is proper that our Inferior Court shall
assess aa extra tax of one hundred per cent,
for that purpose upon the State tax of the coun
ty ; and, to arrive at the wishes of the people
of the county generally upon the subject, the
following resolutions are submitted to the vote
of this meeting:
Resoloed, Tnat the Inferior Court of Troup
couuty, in assessing the county tax for the pres
ent year, be required to do so upon the follow
ing basis, to wit: assuming the State tax of
the county to be $10,000, the Court is hereby
required to levy, as provided by law, a tax of
10 per cent, for the invalid poor, a tax of 12}
per cant for poor school purposes, a tax of 10
per oeut. for county purposes proper; and, in
addition to these levies, for the purpose of
equipping, uniforming and supporting such
soldiers from tbe county who may now be in
service, or way hereafter go to the war, a tax
of 62} per ceut; and, for the support of tbe
families of such soldiers, in their absence, who
may be in limited circumstances, a tax of 37}
per oeut.
Resolved, That if the Inferior Court, before
tbe assessment of the foregoing per centage,
should believe it to be insufficient to meet tbe
necessary wauts of our soldiers and their fam
ilies, as above contemplated, the Court be au
thorised to increase the same to such amount
as they may think proper, using a sound dis
cretion in the premises.
Rejoiced, That tbe Inferior Court proceed to
act aud carry out the objects of the above res
olutions forthwith ; that said Court be consid
ered a Committee to appropriate the funds col-
leoted for the objects above specified, and that
they allow the Tax Collect such compensa
tion for collecting said funds as they may
think reasonable and just.
Mr. Hill arose, smidst loud applause, and
said:
Ladies and Fellow-Citizens: It is upon no
motion of my own that you have been called
together to-day. I have been deputed by the
Congress of tbe Confederate 8tates to bring be
fore you a business matter of the greatest im
portance to the Government, but vqually im
portant to you. Providence, in His wisdom,
has east your lot sad mine in a perilous crisis
Revolution is the great scene that is now being
enacted, and you and I are actors in the dra
ma. It is difficult to comprehend tbe roagni
tude of the evils that attend such scenes. The
more yon revolve them in your mind the great
er ihe subject becomes. That which was im
agination to the moat eloquent statesman of
hia d »y, is to us, actual fact. We behold the
broken and dishonored fragments of a once
glorious Uuion, now drenched in civil feud
aud fraternal blood. When that great states
man drew tbesed picture, he prayed that his
eye* might never behold the calamity. It is
now upon us. It involves the happiness and
prosperity—the lives, fortunes and sacred
honor of us all. Let as meet it as becomes
freemen and patriots.
Revolutions are curious things. Tbe oourse
they will take is often past being divined.—
You bad ss well try to trace the track of the
lightning before the flash. They rarely end
where they begin, rarely accomplish the ob
jeot for which they were inaugurated, and
thoee who eotamence them are-generally
crushed beneath them. The only safe rule is
to lay fast hold on tko great principles involv
ed, sod be euro to hold on to them. The mar
inti la a storm, when tossed upon the waves,
amidst the ocean's reafo, finds his only safety
in staodiog by bis compass and log-book, and
keeping hit mekoninp correct.
Rat why are these troubles apon ns t froa-
imate'y, it is eaused by the aoeeeaioo of
some of the States, onrs being oot-though
thet was by no moan* the real, tbe actual
cause. As it Is proximately the consequence
of our own set, it beoomee os to give a good
reason for It. Wo are writing our own history
—making a record of glory or infamy for our
posterity, which will go down to all ages.—
Will posterity justify us? Is truth being vin
dicated? Is liberty perpetuated? If to, the
priee ia not too groat, coat what it may.
People who enjoy too great liberty often for
get the value of it—forget bow to ectimate it
properly. It is an easy matter to defend the
right of secession; but it is vastly important
to look to tbe great first principles which lie
behind all this. What are they? They are
the greet bulwarks of English liberty, which
was the fruit of the blood of centuries in Eng
land The Constitution and tbe Union were
not the great principles of liberty ; they were
only the breastworks whioh were thrown up
to defend them. You enjoy those principles of
liberty—that great liberty itself—every day.
You scarcely know or appreciate ft or its val
ue. It ia so common that you take it as matter
of course.
On the 19th June, 1215—now 643 years ago
—the Barons of England wrested from King
John, these immortal principles of liberty, in
what ia known as Magna Charta—iha Great
Charter. It declare* that “ no freeman shall
be taken or imprisoned, or dispossessed of his
free tenement and liberties, or outlawed or
banished, or in anywise hurt or injured, un
less by the legal judgment of his peers, or by
the law of the land.” Here was first conceded
Ibe great right of trial by jury. Before this,
citizens were seized, their property confisca
ted, and their lives taken, at the will of the
Sovereign.
Again, the rightof habeas corpus was wrench
ed from Charles II., 300 years after Magna
Charta was granted. Other important rights
were connected with the habeas corpus grant.
These great rights of freemen and principles
of liberty descended to our fathers, and are
now inherited by us. The great Americsn Rev
olution was not fought to gain these principles,
but only to maintain what was already gained.
George III. had so acted as practically to deny
a good many of them. To maintain securely
these great principles, your fathers and mine
fought the revolution. Tne usurpation of George
III. might have been small; but tbe principle
in tbe claim he set up must not be acknowl
edged in tbe smallest instance. Webster said
the revolution was fought on a preamble. After
the complaints, remonstrances and resistance
by our fathers. King George’s Parliament pass
ed an act relieving us of the tax, but in the
preamble to tbo bill, asserted the right to tax
us, without our being represented in their coun
cils. That right our fathers would no more
acknowledge than they would pay the tax.
Tbe great liberty you now have as a birth
right was not gained in a day, and was not
possessed by your ancestors in olden time. It
was wrenched from power by degrees—a little
at one time, and a little more at another, and
never again yielding anything once gained.—
In this way, it has grown up to tbe fair pro
portions you now see. Our fathers did not set
out to declare independence from England,
but to maintain inviolate the rights they then
hud as freemen. If George III had not denied
to them certain rights which Englishmen pos
sessed, doubtless we would now be under the
British government, without maoy of the rights
which we possess. All these great rights and
principles were yielded by the crown to tbe
exactions of the people. Having established
our independence, our fathers had a right to
establish a new Government, and to introduce
whatever changes and improvements they
pleased. They abolished the right of primo
geniture, which was held by the nobility.—
They dissevered Church and State, and left us
all free to worship God as our consciences dic
tated. The feudal tenure was abolished, and
many other important changes in the political
organisation and constitution of society. But
the great changes that were made were some
three:
1st. We adopted a written Constitution. The
English Government has no written Constitu
tion. Its Constitution exists in history; in cus
toms which have gradually grown into a law ;
in some Parliamentary Acts and certain Grants
of the Crown. It includes Magna Charta, the
Bill of Rights, habeas corpus, la. We trusted
no longer to musty volumes of History and
customs of courts. The powers of our Govern
ment were written down and clearly defined.
The duties and powers of the General Govern
ment and its officers were clearly set forth, in
the Constitution, in language unmistakable.
Each State had its own State Convention;
but there were several outside interests—For
eign and Postal, Ac.—which the States found
more convenient to commit to a general agent.
That was the extent of tbe powers of the Fed
eral Government—nothing more, nothing less.
The State Constitutiona were a restriction upon
State power; the Federal Constitution was a
conferring of power on an agent. Every 8tate
was necessarily independent of this general
agency, from tbe very nature of the arrange
ment.
2d, These changes—these grants of power-
proceeded from the people themselves—the
rightful source of all grants, and of all power.
It was not as in England—fram the crown to
the people; but from the people to their agents,
whether Slate or Federal.
3d, So far as relates to the Federal compact,
the States were parties to it, as States, for the
benefit of each other.
4tb, As our Constitutions were written
grants, delegating certain specified powers
from the people—the only sovereigns—it fol
lows* as a matter of course, that the agents to
execute tbe powers conferred and the duties
imposed thereby, must be chosen by the peo
ple. Iu them alone resided all power and sov
ereignty, which before belonged to the crown;
heace, we have no hereditary officials. These
were the greet outlmee of distinction, showing
the further improvement upon English liber
ty whioh our fathers set up.
But all the oomplex machinery of Govern
ment, which they set so harmoniously to work
-~fitate ard Federal Constitutiona—tbe Union,
Ac., were for one grand purpoee. We did not
form a Union for its own sake. Wo did not
elool a President to eunfsr honor. Nothing of
the sort. It wen a machinery for the preeerv-
ation of the liberty which had com# down to
M from Magna Charta—whioh our revolution
had aueoeesfully maintained and greatly aug
mented. I was a machinery for this purpose,
end not tbe principles, which were to be pre
served.
All these great rights and principles ere re
peated in nil the 8ute Constitutions, as well m
tbe Federal, and our people are self govern
ing. We make our own Constitutions, ourown
laws, and our own executive officers.
Now, the question comes np, wm the de
struction of the Uoion necessary to preserve
these rights, or any one of them ?— for any one
of them is of far more value than all the Un
ions that earth eau afford. If so. though war
come, lot iteoroe. Though a thousand wars
come, let them come ; your liberty is worth
more than any Government, or ell the ca
lamities that can befall you in your efforts to
maintain it. [Applause] As the powers con
ferred, as well ae thoee retained, were equally
conferred and retained, to secure our liberty,
it follows that the abuse of those fowers en
dangered the safety of the great principles
upon which our liberty was founded. The
North did this. History will so record, and you
and I will stand acquitted. For seventeen
years the North has directly infringed that
Constitution, without the concession of which,
tbe Union would never have been formed.—
All their personal liberty bills were in the
teeth of the principles of Magna Charts, and
clear violations of the Constitution. They de
stroyed your property in the face of tbe laws,
and in spite of the laws of the land. W# tol
erated them, under seductive promises of
speedy reformation, rather thau rush into a
rovolution whose end we could not foresee.
But before the party now in power was cho
sen, they declared that they would exeroisea
power, tbe right to do which was not granted.
They aaid Congress should exercise the power
to prohibit tbe spread of slavery—should limit
tbe use of your property, which was in viola
tion of the Constitution and tbe dearest princi
ples of free government. I convict Lincoln of
knowingly and wilfully advocating doctrines
in violation of the guaranties of the Constitu
tion. In his celebraied debates with Judge
Douglas, he said : "I am pledged to the belief,
that it is the right and duty of Congress to pro
hibit slavery in the Territories.” Than look
at hia Inaugural, in which he aska, “Can Con
gross prohibit the extensisn of slavery?” And
adds, “The Constitution does not say.” Then,
of course, Congress had no such power; for,
according to his own confession in bis Inaugu
r&l, none such was granted. Yet. in his de
bates with Douglas, he said he was pledged to
the belief that it was the right and duty of Con
gress to prohibit the spread of slavery. His
whole party—the fanatical North—stands
pledged to tbe same unconstitutional dootri
King John, with all his perfidy never uttered
or claimed a more patent usurpation than this.
Lincoln has claimed the exercise of a power
which, by his own confession, is not written in
tbe Constitution, and hence does not exist.—
The party which put him in power claim the
exercise of the sams power by executive con
struction—not the clearly grant* d powers of a
free people to their agent, but from a forced
construction without the sanction of law. Sup
pose you had submitted to this enactment;
what next? The power that Lincoln and his
party claim, is far more than that set up by
George 111., and far less excusable; for they
have the lights of a written Constitution,
clearly defining tbe power of Congress and tbe
executive. We stand to the North precisely in
the same relation that tbe Colonies* did to
Great Britain and the Barons of King John.—
What has been Lincoln’s subsequent conduct ?
It was said, and I hoped, that after he had
taken upon himself the solemn obligations of
an oath, he would administer tho Government
according to law. Has he done it? Look ai
his Indianapolis speech, on his way to Wash
ington, to take that solemn oath! He asked:
“What relation does a State bear to the General
Government different from that of a county
to a State?" At one fell blow, be strikes down
8tate rights and all the great principles of our
liberty. This would allow Congress to abolish
State lines, Courts and Legislatures, depriving
the people of their power; and yet he puts this
silly question to au American audieuce ! His
party take up the echo and asaert the same
abominable doctrine.
He has not ouly claimed and exercised pow
ers not written, but has violated those that are
written. lie has made war, while the Consti
tution says that Congress alone shall exercise
such power. We, at Montgomery, in the sim
plicity of our hearts did what we could not to
provoke war or give any juat cause of quarrel
with him. We knew thatafter tbe 4tb of March
he would have no Congress to make war on us
--never dreaming that he would usurp such a
prerogative himself! According to the Consti
tution, he would have to call Congress togeth
er, and that Congress would have to be chosen,
before war could bo declared. Lincoln found
a shorter method ; he called himself together,
and himself declared war and has made it on
ua by invading our soil. He calls out a posse
of 75,000 men to make wftr on ua. By bis owd
edict, without authority, he has increased the
Army 25,000, and the Navy 18 000, and he ia
contracting a debt of $1,000,000 per day.—
Shades of King John, come to judgment, and
find all your usurpations entirely outstripped!
But Lincoln has not only usurped the pow
ers of Congress. He has actually set aside the
Judiciary. By his own act, he has usurped the
powers of tbe Supreme Court. He baa suspen
ded tbe right of habeas carpus, in the face and
teeth of the Constitution, sod for a r urposeex
preaaly forbidden—to imprison a citizen with
out the judgment of his peers. He says the
Court shall not have power to relieve you from
unlawful arrest, however lawful its decisions
may be. What reason shall this usurper ren
der to poeterity for having denied the right of
hia courts to investigate his own sets? His
purpose is to reduce to obedience, thoee who
refuse to recognise his usurpation. In addition
to a day of fasting and praysr for our success,
we should observe a day of thanksgiving for
our deliverance from such a usurper. [Rap
turous applause ] If be does all these things
to his own people, what would be not do te us
if ho had the power ? He hu not only claim
ed the right to exercise this power, but bu del
egated it to his military subordinates. But 1st
him and his Govsrnment pass. I have thus
alluded to it to show you what you have es
caped.
OontTMt that Government with your own!
We have revolotieaieed, m well as they. We
have dissolved tbe Uoion, but in a manner on your neighbor, he may fail and you lose
whioh all history will justify. No revolution your money ; but the Government never fails,
aver occurred like ours. The first step wm till the last man iu it fails. So you see you
through the ballot-box. The people revolution
ised. la tbe revolutions of tbe Old World,
power was first usurped, and afterwards rati
fied by tbe people, if at all, through the influ
ence of bayonets; but, with us, tbe people
have inaugurated it. Every form of the old
Constitution has been preserved. Lsst fall,
when this revolution wss in its incipiency, I
feared that war would be the result. What I
dreaded, was that we should not only loss the
Union, but our liberty also. Such had been
the history of all revolutions in Europe. But
the very first thing that was done by the se
ceded States, was to meet the demands of tho
conservative elements atnoDg us. You were
saved from bloodshed among yourselves. You
were lifted across the turbid stream of revolu
tion so quickly that you saw none of the dan
gers of tbe way. The hideous wrecks of revolu
tions that lie all around, standing out in such
frightful vie at, were scarcely seen. I fear you
will never realise the danger you were in, or
the difficulties that lie in tbo way of leadiug a
people safely across that dangerous gulf. This
was my great fear. It has been passed in safe
ty. I am satisfied, and so are all.
Congress next passed such laws as were nec
essary ; adopted the Permanent Constitution,
which has been ratified by all the seceded
States. It is the same as the Old Constitution,
with such slight amendments as experience
had demonstrated to bo necessary—no more.
In the principles of this instrument is our free
dom and our hope, and it will be cf our chil
dren for all future ages. [Cheers ] The great
dangers are past, and my fears are allayed.—
Tbe scenes of terror which have followed rev
olutions in France and other countries are
avoided. Our people are all of one heart and
mind, resolved to maintain our position to the
very death. The Congress at Montgomery was
most harmonious, and performed an unequaled
amount of work lor the short space of time it
was in session. In nine weeks we framed two
Constitutions and passed two hundred acts.—
The Constitution has been ratified by the8tates
We have inaugurated thoroughly our Govern
ment at home, and our policy abroad. In all
this, not a single right of a single State has
been invaded and no p >wer has been exercised
that was not written. The noble Executive we
have placed at the head of our Government,
has, in no single instsnee, sought to usurp a
single power, or control a single member of
the Government.
In striking contrast with this, Lincoln has
usurped the powers of Congress and tbe Courts,
and has done what neither Congress nor the
Courts have the power to do. We have revo
lutionized in form—Lincoln in fact. We the
Uuion, Lincoln the Constitution. We quit the
Union only because we bad to quit those who
had quit the Constitution. We chose to adh'
to the substance, and leave tbe form.
Our objeci, however, is uot lo destroy their
liberty, but to secure our own. For no
iffeuso than this, Lincoln sends down his
army aud says we shall submit to his usurps
lions and surrender our liberty ! Will we do
it ? (Vociferous cries of never ! nkvkh ! NE
VER!) Can lie compel us lo do so ? (No!
NO !) It is no use for him to deceive himself
and posterity. We have resolved to preserve
and he to destroy self-government. If y
are conquered, you arc uo more freemen, but
slaves. If you conquer you remain free.
There is no other alternative. Confiscation
and chains, is the openly declared policy ol
our enemies.
You have said you would not submit, and
that you will be freemen for the future. So
Congress believed. After having done all in
our power to prevent war, it is upon us. We
have met it. We have sent out 100,000 men
to the field of conflict, and hear daily reports
from their valor and deeds of heroic daring,
that are enough to mike every patriot heart
leap for joy. But one thing more is needful.
Tbe statesman has done his duty and you are
satisfied with it. At Montgomery while you
slept we were anxiously considering what was
best for you. Our enemies have acknowledg
ed that we have statesmen.
Foreigners—the great statesmen of England
and France—say that we have retained all the
forms of the old Constitution. The soldier has
done his duty. He has gone forth with a brave
heart to meet your foes, and to shed bis blood
in your defense. It only remains for the citi
zen to do his duty also. Congress hss not tax
ed you as yet; but you must not be deceived.
Congress will lay a direct tax during this year ;
but, if the scheme we have adopted be sus
tained by the people, there will be no more
taxation. We have done what never has been
done before iu tbe history of the world. Rev
olutions have always been sustained by oner
ous taxes or levys, and sometimes by confisca
tions. We have done oo such thing as tj>is.—
Our plan is unique—one that no other Govern
ment ever before attempted, and one that none
other can do. You bold in your surplus pro
ducts tbe bread of 5,000,000 of English people
—let alone the other millions in Europe and
the North. We hold that which Archimedes
dreamed of, but never saw—the lever to lift
tbe world. We are going, with this powerful
lever, to lift our people from the oppressive
yoke of tyranny, that Lincoln ia trying to fas
ten on us. [Applause.]
The correspondent of the London Times, 1
see, says our people have confidence in our
Government. In this he is right. He says our
plan is novel, but that if the scheme succeeds
our Government will be a success. Cotton is
at last the corner stone of our indepencence.
By our plan, the Government docs net sell
your cotton, nor buy it You sell it yourself,
in your own way, at your own lime, selecting
your own market, and to whomsoever you
choose. But instead of taking baok bills, aa
usual, for it, you will take tbe bonds of the
Confederacy due in twenty years, bearing in
tercet eight per cent per annum, payable eve
ry six months in gold and silver.
In the first place, you can’t loee anything.—
If tke Government lasts, the bonds will be
good. If il don’t ImI, you will all be ruined.
Lincoln says your property shall be confisca
te. It the Govern meat fails you fail; and it
matters not whether your property bn in nn
cannot possibly make a safer lavactment
We must come to you to bapport our gov
ernment in (his contest. We must not go to
New York, to London or Parle, or any of tbe
great money marls of the world. Our gov
ernment is new, and we have a special reason
for sustaining it with our own resouroes io
the outset. It will give such confidence aa
tbe world never before bad in any new gov
ernment-secure our speedy recognition a-
broad, and ao early terminetlon of tho war.
These are worth making not only great efforts
for, hut great saorifices if need be ; but no
sacrifices are asked or necessary.
I have a speceial reason for wanting old
Troup County to respond handsomely to thie
proposition I believe I bad the honor first to
suggest this plan to our Government. When
tbe Light Guards left here, I witnessed your
patriotism—and the readiness with which you
pledged all your property to support that sin
gle Company. I went to Montgomery and told
them our people were ready to sustain them
with theircotton bale*, and other surplus pro
duce. The plan hss been adopted, and I hope
you wtll respond in a manner woithy of your
known patriotism, liberality and wealth.
The North yet believes our Government is a
usurpation. I want every body who makes cot
ton to take stock in this proposition. I believe
if we gr up to Cougress on the 20th July with
one million of bales subscribed, it will strike
terror into tbe hearts of the eneoiy. England
and Frauce will speedily recognize us and
they will sue for peace. [Cheers.] Come up,
then, and subscribe your cotton to this loan.—
How many of your crops would you even give
away your entire surplus of to secure a proper
termination of this conflict, and a perpetua
tion to yourselves and your posterity of the
rights and liberty you enjoy ? [“All that we
will ever make," and tremendous applause.]
But you will not be required to give away a
cent's worth or lose a dime. You can’t mske
a better investment of your surplus products.
Some have asked if these bonds will be
good. What more can I say on this point ?
Providence has given me a great privilege. I
have seen every page of the history of this
revolution, as it was made and turned over
from day lo day. I have the utmost confi
dence in its success. Ail my cotton can go
for government bonds. All my property can
be bought with them. If any one don’t be
lieve me try me.
A few years ago, when the United States
had a full treasury, Mr. Secretary Guthrie
offered to buy up the bonds of tbe govern
ment not then due, and actually offered 16
percent, premium on them, and could not
get tbeta. Why ? Because these 6 per cent,
bonds were so valuable and convenient to
capitalists, and considered such a safe invest
ment—so certain and reliable—that they
would not tuke gold for them at 1G per cent,
premium If the bonds of the old govern
ment were worth so much, 1 am safe in say
ing that our bouds will be worth 20 per oent.
in three mouths after the war. I candidly
believe it, and there is every reason in tbe
world for such belief.
But tome have said, it is very dry now, and
they fear tho crop will be cut short, and have
suggested to me that it is a bad time to make
this speech and ask for subscriptions to tbe
loan. The Government has provided for all
that. It asks you to subscribe on the basis of
an overage crop. If the crop fails from drought,
or any other cause, you will be excused. In
such case, no forfeiture will attend your sub
scription. Give U3 just the same subscription
you would if you were sure of an average
crop. This will carry home to your enemies
the conviction that you are determined to sus
tain your Government. We ere in better
condition to carry on tbe war than the North.
The property of that section, in many places,
has gone down 50, * nd even 75 per cent. A
friend of mine passed through Broadway a few
days ago, and counted 189 business houses with
cards “ to let," “ to rent,” hanging on the door*.
Our property is in land and negroes, and don’t
fluctuate with every adverse wind of fortune.
I believe the North cannot find means to carry
on this war. If our scheme can bo carried out,
we can carry on this war 100 years. We don't
want it to last 100 months, or one month ; but
we can carry it on 100 years—and we will do
so rather than submit to Lincoln’s usurpation,
or the dictation of the North.
Mr. Ilill closed amidst applause, and the
following subscriptions ware obtsinsd on the
spot. Men were appointed in every distriot
to receive subscriptions from those who were
not present. Every body with whom we con
versed seemed confident of getting 5,000
bales in Troup oounty ; and advices since
received by letter from the highest sources of
information eonfirm this opiniou.
Besides this, several of the large money lens
dera of tbe county gave publie notice that
they would receive the bonds of the Confed
eracy in payment of all dues to them.
Samuel Reid...... 20
LEATHER! LEA
At Wholesale or
Edward Broughton
William Re.d
Dr. Henry T. Heard
Dr. A O. Stanley..
60
50
IA
25
Daniel Ware........
25
25
50
20
25
.25
35
6
$ of hie crop
Russell K PoythrsM
.} of bis crop
} of hit crop
NOTICE!
T WILL pep * liberal prtoo for
lutdPoUwBMg.hne.ht^
e few thou.-
TM.id.nce or
T. AAAUt. Ij
1
W E arc now
to furniah man
Hnd dealers wi
Hemlock Sole Leather,
While Oak »o.
French Calf Skin,, vari-
Phlladclphln Oo.
Morocco Oo.
Cioal Oo.
LlniitK and Binding Sk
Shoe Thread,
Shoe Eyletn,
Ijnta, Pegu,
And everything connected
manufacture of hoots and
A Large Lot of the above
JUST RKCKIVBD,
And for sale at Wholesals or
DIMICK, WILSON A
June 20—d&wlrn
FIRE AND LIFE
—AND-
MABDfE INSURANCE
T HE subscriber represents four Ft
Southern Companies, and eight “
Companies, with an aggregate Cash
SEVEN MILLIONS. Tbe honorable
ment and pavment of losses without
necessary delay, words here need set
to prove. Tbe proof can be found «!'
who have suffered loee, and were so ‘
as to procure Policies at this Agsncy.
Risks, both Atlantio mod River, tsksa*
LIFE I NSURANC.
The attention of both saxes who
cure for themselves an importsnlt
thev live, and also provide for their
and loved ones in the event of Death,
vited to examiae the superior advea
EQUITABLE LIFE INsURANCI *
affords over other Life Insurance
Information relating to the prinsiplei
Insurance will be cheerfully given si
flee, in the second story of Connolijk
ing, corner of Whitehall and Alsbaw*
Atlanta Georgia. SAMUELS
march 30. General Insurasee
Notice.
I N coneequence of the withdraws!
Steamers between Mobile and 9aw
the Through Fricight Tarirw fro®
leans to Atlanta and Columbus, ae
March 1861. is suspended until iu
GEO. G HULL,
8upt. A. 4 W. P.
D. H. CRANE.
Supt. M. A W. P.
COX, BRAINARD A CO.,
Mobile and N. 0.8
june 8-dtf.
BUTLER & PET
(Bocoewora lo Hl(fc, Bolin * M
Commission Mcrcho
FOB TIB N10I1II <*“ *
TMjyjvmaamB rmaa
Cotton, OroecriM. *«.
ATLANTA
H AV* 1. .tor., at their Fin
Home, on the corner of Fonj**J
tho Ruined, (oppo.it* tho Slat*
100 BARBELS LARD
60 BALES YARN;
100 BARRELS LARD;
200 KEGS PRIME LEAF
1,000 BARRELS FLOUR.
THI FINEST WATISINO FtACI
SOUTHERN CONflOEfiACT.
THE CHALYBEATE
Huwimi* ouorrr, *
W ILL bo open for the ncoplim
ou the fr.1 of U»J. *
SCHOOL OF TUB GUI
B THI PRACTICAL. »0U>1
1 lor the we of the Millu* ol
