Newspaper Page Text
r * • —m I ,m mmm.m i. . . ■■ ■
m *
tencri take place, an hereditary or exe
cutive, is not fardillant. Caelar had no
for* to inherit his ill-gotten pou'tf, but
he had a nephew. 11 we pay due atten
tion to the conduft of thole two men,
We lhall find how much we have todread
as a republic. The firft Caesar with
the molt exalted abilities, wanted policy ;
he did not conftder that the people were
seduced, though they would not bedriv
>en into llavery. After repeated at
tempts to get his tyranny fanflioned by
the senate of Rome; he fell by the hands
rs the lalt patriots of his country. The
fccond Caesar, the interior of the
firft, in every virtue which can cither
ornament or dignify humanity, was
pollellcd of that deep-ton’d dilfimu
ation, which enabled him to triumph
over the liberties of his country. He
aimed at power, he disregarded the title
wndei which he was to adminittcr it;
the Romans were prejudiced against a
King ; he would not be a King or an
Emperor, but he would be a perpetual
dictator. The senate of Rome bad long
been the .defenders of their countries
rights; to this senate he appeared to
xeiign his power every ten years, when
he was again compelled by their accla
mations to rc-allumehis dignity. Thus
are men beguiled by baubles, while re
alities areftolen irom them. Let us
reflect how many oi the monarchies o 1
Europe were once elective ; how lew
ol them arc now so.
As the Prefluent of the United States,
from the importance he will acquire in
his office, will generally hold it lor life,
or as long as he willies ; so the son, if a
inan of abilities, will have a greater op
portunity of being chosen to fucceedhim,
than any other individual in the govern
ment. This once done, there will be an
’ end of elections. The term of time for
which a man is chosen to ad as the firft
servant of the people, is not material,
provided it docs not extend beyond fix
years. The constitution of the United
Government, if it then absolutely pro
hibited his reappointment, for the fame
term of years that he had been in office,
would do all that laws could do. We
might fee a man at the head of the exe
cutive department today, and fee the
fame individual to-tn rrow, in a private
and retired Ration of hie. The repub
lic of Rome,preferred itlelf free, longer
than we have ever known any govern
ment ofafunilar kind ; herconqueits were
made by Cunluis chosen for a year, and
no longer ; they could not be reappoint
ed. As her Consuls generally comman
ded her armies, the had no regular exe
cutive to lupply this want on any emer
gency ; a dictator was chosen ; he had
no precile time limited, as he generally
gave up his dignity in a tew days. Yet
to this imperfection, fmallas it appears,
may we attribute the lacriiice of Roman
liberty. Caeiar could not be a Conlul
for more than a Angle year, but he could
be a dictator for life.
The freedom of America was dearly
paid for ; our lieids have been died with
the blood of our citizens. The adfors
in this fcenc ill soon have palled away,
but I trust that thole who succeeded
them, will inherit their virtues.
WARREN.
Meftrs. Powers oc Seymour,
APIECE having been published in
your last Tuclday’s paper, under
the signature cl Gracchus, which appear
ed to have for its only object, illiberal
language and perjonal inveftive. A ttton g
a variety ofperfons therein abided, I cou
riered my reputation implicated ; and as
the author of this Jcurrilous compoftion,
was generally believed to be General
Jackson, I held myfelf jullified in call
ing on him, by my friend, Captain Ro
bertson, for this wan on and unprovoked
attack on my reputati m ; but this man
tmly added intuit to the injury he medi
tated, and ultimately refufed to receive
3 Ch .7 nge, or give me that fatisladion
due from one gentleman to another.
.1 have mentioned that the attack was
wanton and unprovoked ; and 1 conceive
it to be so, because I had been absent from
the State for upwards of two months,
. and had not even read, much less wrote,
or been concerned in the various publica
tions which have appeared in the public
prints. I therefore pronounce General
James Jackson, an AJfafmof reputation ,
and a Coward.
JACOB WALDBURGER.
April 24, 1796.
IDO hereby certify, that in the morn
ing of Wednesday the 20th inst. I
waited on General Jackson, and deliver
ed him a Note from Jacob Waldburger,
Esq. which hepromiled me should be an
swered in the course of the day.—ln the
evening of the fame day, I again waited
m General Jackson, with an open note
Columbian Jfclufeum,
from Mr. Waldburger, which the Gene
ral refufed to receive, faying that he
would receive no letter, or hear any thing
from Mr. Waldburger; who had in
ftruded me, ifhis note was not received,
to deliver a Verbal Challenge from him
to General Jackson ; of which I infor
med him, and whilst I was repeating
the particulars of the fame, he hastily
withdrew, nor would lie pay any atten
tion to my call after him, to compleat
the delivery of my mefl’age.
JAMES ROBERTSON.
Savannah, 2?th, April 1796.
j?or tlje Columbian flpufmm.
M.-JTrs. Powers & Seymour,
CM VIS has perused your last paper
J and takes this opportunity ol con
gratulating his fellow citizens, that our
modern illujlncus Gracchus has been rout
ed, and is difeovered to be the identical
character Civis supposed him to be. The
only weapons left him are his small arms,
such as oyster wenches generally wear.
It may nevertheless be proper to re
capitulate the various windings he has
been traced through, and to dole with
fome ftridures on the artful manoeuvres
of our hero, during the campaign, in
order that he might avoid detection,
“ Every citizen (faysour Gracchus)
of common perception, mult plainly
difeover that the eauic he (Civis) is en
gaged in, has little to lupport it where
so much paper has been waited on quib
ble, noise and nonfenle.”
Civis has no pretentions to infallibili
ty, but freely submits it to the judg
ment of the impartial public to deter
mine which of’ the two, Gracchus or
Civis, has quibbled molt—wafted molt
paper or illued moil nonsense.
Is it mere “ nonsense” to analize the
characters of men by the teit of experi
ence ? Can there be a truer criterion to
measure the adions of our Gracchus,
than by comparing him with such in
flammatory unprincipled dilturbers of
society, as it appears lie has been hum
bly imitating, anil by such means, to put
the citizens on their guard against the
baneful consequences that mult inevita
bly result to the community, should a
ftopnot be put to the career of this fac
tious deflgmng demagogue ?
Is it mere “quibbling” to demon
strate how, when and by whom, the fun
damental laws of our country have been
wantonly sported with ?
Is it mere “ noise” to ihew that this
Gracchus of ours, milled a number ot
the 1 -ouifviile aflerilbly, who had placed
a reliance on las . pretended candor and
judgment ; and that by doing To, they
have been induced to do that, which of t
erwife they would not have done ?
Is it mere nonienfe to ihew that that
aflembly afiumed powers not warranted
by the constitution or our country ? Is
it mere noise to diferiminate between
theditferent departments of government
and to illullrate that an interference
with each other, or an alfumption by
one branch of the authorities belonging
to another, is not only a violation or
those institutions which the people oi
this country agreed on, as the basis of
their political happinels, but has eier
been the curie ui republican govern
ments: and that whenever theie inter
ferences have taken place, tyranny and
defpntifm have been the result ?■
.s it mere sophistry to prove that cer
tai r opinions, principles and fads which
were Rated to the public as true (in or
der to millead) were diredly the re
verse ? And that a bold attempt had been
made by this demagogue, to undermine
tiic very principles which the virtuous ci
tizens of America were seven years ftrug
ling to cßabiilh, and on which their in
dependence was finally eroded?
I fall this be mere quibble, noise, non
fence and sophistry, then indeed Civis
will beg pardon of the public for having
obtruded his remarks upon them ; but
fell con vision and that regard which
Civis bears towards his country, com
mand him (as far as he is capable) to op
pole such wicked seditious attempts.
And here Civis begs leave to remark,
that no one is more ready than himfelf
to concur in endeavoring taurocure such
amendments, or alterations in our funda
mental laws, as may seem belt for the
whole : but that until such mealures be
taken in a regular and conititutional
manner, he feels himfelf bound by his
oafrh, and warranted by the tyrannic
pernicious effects, which have ever been
the result of lawless intemperate inter
ferences w’ith existing institutions (which
were the choice of the people) to do all
he can to oppose such attacks whether
they be open or Jecret —And particularly
so when he is apprifedof the lource from
whence they iiiue.
Has it not been proven, (nay has it
not been acknowledged by Gracchus, in
the course of this correspondence) that
the constitution of the United States
was intentionally violated, in the at
tempt to “ impair the obligation of con
tract ” ?
Does it not appear from Gracchus’s
own Brewing, that he caused that alfem
bly to ered themselves into a court, and
tyrannically to alfume powers against
this and all other free governments ?
Has it not been -dernonftrated that
the controversy alluded to, is altogether
of a judicial nature, and not of the le
giflatiie kind ?
Has it not appeared that Gracchus af
iumed the molt unwarrantable steps under
the function of authority, indifcriniinate
ly to vilify the characters of a large
number of refpeCtable citizens, that he
might bring theirs on a level with his
own, contrary to jußice, to law—and
contrary to all order and good govern
ment ?
Is it not a fad he infulently and pub
licly exults in, that he mutilated and
committed to the flames, the sacred re
cords of the Bate—which was an arbi
trary alfumption of power forbidden him
by-the constitution, and a precedent the
molt dangerous that can be conceived to
the rights and liberties of the goodciti
zens ot this state ; -and which, if it had
not been done under colour of authority,
would by the laws of this, and every
other country have brought him to the
gallows ?
. Does it not appear from the letters of
Sicilius, (which Gracchus has not pre
tended to deny were his offspring,)
that he therein fupprelfed the truth, in
his quotations from Vattel’s law of na
tions, in the moft palpable manner, in
order to deceive and millead the un
guarded ; and that those letters were cir
culated in a secret clandestine manner,
throughout the interior] counties, just
before the last election for that express
purpole ?
Has it not been (hewn that he has re
peatedly attempted to prejudice the
minds of the citizens, by aliening in
the public prints, that the allignees of
the grantees, could fell the lands to the
King of Great-Britain, the Dey of Al
giers or to any other power they pleased,
notwithstanding it has been proven they
could not do 10, and when the ad itlelf
expiefsly prohibits such a sale.
Had not this daring demagogue, the
consummate effrontery to tell Civis in
a paper of the Sthinftant, that his aifer
tion was falfe, as to the members of the
Louisville Aflembly being paid out of
rhe Yazoo money ? Did not Civis in’
his lalt, difeover the deception attemp
ted to be pradifed by G racchus in this
particular, and also fay that he had it
not in his power at that moment to refer
to written proofs ? Civis now exhibits
those written proofs to Anew that the
members of that house were paid out of
that identical money.* Does not'Grac
chus fan l fairly convicted before the
public ? Did not Civis premise fome
time ago that the person who Could be
guilty of deception in one instance,
weld no.t hesitate at a second trial ?
D;d you not, Gracchus, v : r\te a piece
under the signature of a Suhfaiber, in
last weeks paper, in which are the fol
lowing expreiiions—“ Had the repre
sentatives in the leoiflature returned
• -5
without that reiteration, as the mem
bers of the convention in May last did,
they would have been laughed at by the
Yazoo holders, and hooted at by their
condiments.” Can any other rational
influence be drawn from these words than
this—That after the promises you had
made, and the artifices you had pradi
fed to accomplifn your vindictive sedi
tious pur poles—you would sap the prin
ciples on which our independence was
bottomed—rend asunder the government
of our country, and fvvallqw up all pow
er in your person, rather than he g laugh
ed at ?
Gracchus supposes he knows Civis,
and in order to reflect on him for the
want of health, arraigns the great
Author of our ex fence for the dispensa
tion of his Providence. Would such a
man halt at the commission of any
crime, which the depravity of the hu
man heart is capable of perpetrating ?
Would he who thus dares to insult the
will of his Maker, hesitate to disturb
the quiet of a country —or to fee an
archy or tyranny beltride the land, so
that he could but gratify his vindictive
pafiions, or his lawless ambitious pro
jects ?
To what pitch of insolent dominion
must he with to arrive at, who being
actually a foreigner himfelf, will dare to
proclaim others to be so, who together
with their kindred and connections in
every direction, are natives of the coun
try ?
How, (Civis would alk) has this state
increaled in population, [twenty fold i n \
ten years ? Has it not been almost total
ly from the emigration of natives from
our filter states ? But all are foreigner?
let them be here ever so long, who will
have an opinion of their own, or will bat
dare to differ from or refill the seditious
projects of this upfiart.
Gracchus speaks of treason and in
gratitude towards himfelf. We read of
treason against states, and against kings,
emperors and dictators—but not by one
citizen [againft another. This prove*
what Civis had in part been contendinw
to eftablilh, that our Gracchus wishes to
aflume one of those characters, doubtless
that of Difiator, no wonder then that
he confiders the lead disobedience to hi#
will, an instance of treason against his sa
cred person.
Ingratitude Civis takes to be an at
tribute belonging to the enemy of that
omnipotent dicing, whoie providential
difpeniations Gracchus ‘jnpioufy calls in
question. As he therefore appears to be
a friend of the former, andas ingratitude
is one of his attributes, he must nccef
iarily partake of any thing that the for
mer delights in. Let us fee if we can
not prove that Gracchus receives plea
■ Jure in being ungrateful to his patron
and friend.
Judas we are taught to believe be
trayed our Saviour , and had him nailed
to across, but for this he had been re
warded, afterwards however he repent
ed, and at last hung himfelf.
What must we think of our Grac
chus’s voluntarily betraying his patron
and friend, after having been fofterel
and supported by him, and causing his
patron to be superseded in the firft coun
cil of the nation, almost at the com
mencement of a fellion. But our Grac
chus did rot flop here—his patron’*
friends after this, proposed placing him
on the bench at home, which feat he had
filled fevtval years, with honor to him
felt and to his country, yet Gracchus’*/
companion ingratitude ituck close to
him, 3- and the bench was filled with a
perion of whose intentions Civis has
the lUgheft opinion, but whose qualifi
cations todilcharge the important duties
of a judge, before whom alone the lives
and properties of the citizens are ulti
mately to be determined—-Civis enter
tains great doubts indeed.
With this Angle instance of depravi
ty and ingratitude before you, let your
good sense determine on the merits of
judas and our Gracchus.
It will hardly’- now J>e denied, but
that our tllufinoiis Gracchus has fome of
the ingredients of j uias in him, only of
a higher tincture, the latter had been
rewarded, but at Jaft hung himfelf for
his villainy ; but Gracchus volunteer’d
it, and finally exults in it.
Gracchus charges Civis with others,
in corrupting the members of the legiila
ture. Tlerej Gracchus, not only your
own confidence (if you have one) but
the tellimony of the moll ltrenuous op
pofers of the sale, and fome of them who
acted from principle, and were your
colleagues, will give the lie to the af
ferlion. ’They know and doubtless have
informej you, of the part the person you
luppofe Civis to be, took in that bufi
uciS, and will do Civis thejullice to lay
that he never even mentioned the fubjeCl
to them during the fellion, although if
there was a member in that house to
whom Civis could have spoken, one of
those alluded to is that person.
No Gracchus, this is not the charac
ter ol Civis. He does not interfere
with the political opinions of constitu
ted bodies—nor does he ever draw up
inflammatory presentments, and fend
them through the country —nor does he
publish seditious pvapers m order to cre
ate jealoufics ainongll his fellow citi
zens—nor does he ever aflume an over
bearing insolent deportment, insulting
to his neighbours—nor did he ever pai
ry the attack of his personal enemy, biy
(bidding himfelf under the cloak of pß
triotifm, andfecretly attempt to ftabthje
reputation of others, in order to reaejh
his enemy, that he might thereby £-
void chastisement—nor did he ever g o
secretly armed with deadly weapoi ;*
as if troubled with a guilty confcieno
Can you, Gracchus, fay r as much, andte 11
the truth ?
Gracchus’s aftertion, that Civis a] <-
plied to him in a fubmiftive manner, t >
procu re an admiifion to the Bar, the men -
bers ofthe'legiliature of 1785 will di -
credit : You, on that occasion, and lon j
before (if I have been rightly informed )
were a warm opposer of those who ap -
plied for admiifion to the bar, but find -
mg yourfelf unable to keep the doo r
ihut, you attempted to make a merit olf
necelfity ; and as soon as you had
vered that you were an ignoramus i#
in the profeflion, you applied to the pelj
fon you take Cm* to be, to aid yoojr
No. 16