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VOl. I.
11. C. JONES.
.j,/) Imported front LONDON, per the 11A.R
----3 3 MO NY, Capt. MARSHAL L,
A HANDSOME ASSORTMENT OF
Seasonable Goods,
And now opening for Sale, at his Store on Mocre’s
Wharf: — Among which are,
SUperfine Broad Cloths and Cafiimers,
Fine Elallic Cloths,
strouds Bath Coatings and Negro Cloths,
g gandio-4ths Role Blankets, Dulfills,
y’ine and coarse Hats,
Irish Linens and Cambrics,
line Romalls and Marlelles Quillings,
Durants, Oznabufgs and Sewing Twine,
Shoe and Oznaburgs Tread,
jleftfteel Corn Milis,
Rice and Flour Seivcs,
Padlocks and Sickles,
An Invoice of Cutlery,
Paints of different kinds, dec. Sec. Sec. ‘
Savannah, October 4. 62-ts.
‘ _ Juft~LA NDING,
f>cm 0:1 hoard the Brig Welcome ‘Return, from
Philadelphia;
AN D FOR SAI. E,
Superfine FLOUR.
Bottled PORTER, in Calks.
CRACKERS, in Kegs.
Pickled OYSTERS, and
A few thousand BRICKS.
ALiO, on Conlignment, an Invoice of
Dry GOODS,
Confiding of Seasonable Aricles.
JAMES ALGER.
% vannah, July 8. 37 _t l
Thomas Smith,
Has just received in addition to his former A/Jvrt
xent, by the CHATHAM, via New-York :
AN elegant fine toned FORTE TIANO —
A quantity of GUN POWDER of the
fined quality, in kegs of 251 b. each—Brass, desk,
and trunk Locks—aquantyol Princes Mettle,
Nails of the bed quality, 6d, Bcl, tod and
20d Englidi Nails—Mill, whip, 7 feet crois
cut and hand Saws, of the bed deel plate—an
sffortment of Plains and other Carpenters Tools
—a large qnantity of Rice Hooks and Planta
tion Tools—Loaf Sugar, frefli Hyfon and Sou
chong Tea—the bed London Particular Madei
ar Wine, in half Pipes and quarter Calks.
Savannah, Sept. 13. 56 -ts
Adrian V. Sinderen
j
Has for SALE, at his Store on the Bay,
A Valuable Assor. r m e n t of
Frefli Imported GOODS ,
Amongd which are the following Articles
DRY GOODS.
ELEGANT tamboured, checkered, ftrined,
and plain muffins ; muffin (bawls, aprons,
and handkerchiefs; cravats, muflincts, dimities,
chintzes, callicoes, ginghams, white and black
mantua, coloured peifians and farcenets, black
mode and crape, silk shawls, black florcntinc
and satins, fupeifine broad clotlis and eaffimer.s,
9*4ths to ia-4ths cotton counterpanes, table
cloths, diapers, bcdticks, Irifli sheetings and
linens, cambricks, long lawns, laces and edg
ings; plain, clouded, and twilled nankeens;
silk striped ditto ; (balloons, durants, calliman
coes bombaiins, and bombalWs ; fine hum
hums, ‘brown holland, oznabrigs, mens and
■♦.• omens silk and cotton hose, black and co
loured beaver hats, silk and leather gloves, rib
bons, lans, threads, tapes, bobbins, pins, silk
and twilt; gilt, plated, Reel, anu mohair but
tons, Sic. Sic..
JEWELLERY, PLATED AND
HARDWARES.
Gold, silver, and enamelled watches; chains,
seals, and keys ; gold rings, ear-rings, and lock
ets ; gold and silver epaulets, silver tea spoons;
plated coffee, tea, and milk pots ; caltors, I‘alt
ccllars, goblets and porter mugs, knives and
forks, penknives, fcilfors, razors. Morocco
pockctbooks and thread cases, spy glades, fpec
taclcs ; japannid tea trays, bread balkets, Iruit
ditto, knilc trays, candlesticks, and lamps ;
eoony cruet frames, inlaid varnished mahogany
knilecaies, poriable defies, paint chclls, lilvcr
and camel hair pencils, and a variety of fancy
articles.
BOOKS and STATIONARY.
Large and small Bibles, Watt’s Hymns,
Larvey’s Meditations, Dictionaries, Morse’s
geography, Buchan’s Domestic Medicine,
•ranklin’s Works, Enfield’s Speaker, Scott’s ,
Ddons, Pleafmg Inltrutlor, Thompson’s Sea-
Milton’s Puradifc Loft, Young’s Night
thoughts, Shakespeare’s Works complete,
s. erne s ditto, Rambler, Adventures of a Guin
** Isabella, Sorrows of Werter. Lady Mon
■ gue’s Letters, Misses Magazine, Ladies Pock-
Library, Fordycc’s Addrelles to Young
Monitors, Fisher’s Companion, Dil-
Arithmetic and Spelling Books ; large
ITyal, letter, and common writing paper;
ank books, Holland quills, wafers, India
bber, & c .
PERFUMERY.
flair powder, bell feented pomatum in rolls
. P otß > violet and Wind for soap, waihballs,
j ca and gentlemens drclfing cases, lavender
,• effenfe of mulk, lemon, and bergamot;
u n ge nt f me ii; n g bottles, patent blacking,
‘■nos, too h brulbfs and tooi.ii powder.
Savannah, June 17. gx
REASON and TRUTH impartial guide the zvay.
FRIDAY, October 7, 1796.
To the PEOPLE of the UNI
TED STATES :
Friends and Fellow Citizens,
THE period for anew election of a citizen*
to adininifter the executive government
of the United States, being not far dillant, and
the time aflually arrived, when your thoughts
mull be employed in delignating the perion
who is to be cloathed with that important trull,
it appears to me proper, especially as it may
conduce to a more diilinttexprellion ofthc pub
lic voice, that I ftiould now apprise you of the
resolution I have formed, to decline being con
sidered among the number of thole, out of
whom a choice is to be madci
I beg you, at the fame time, to do me the
julliccto be allured, that this resolution has not
been taken without a ilridl regard to all the
considerations appertaining to the relation,
which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ;
and that, in withdrawing the tender of lervice,
which liiencc in my situation might imply, I
am influenced by no diminution of zeal for
your future interefl ; no deficiency of grateful
refpefl for your pall kindness ; but am sup
ported by a full convitftion that the ilep is com
patible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto
in the office to which your iuffrages have twice
called me, have been a untiorin lacrifice of in
clination to the opinion of duty, and to a de
ference for what appeared to be your delire. I
conilantly hoped, that it would have been
much earlier in my power, confidently with
motives, which I was not at liberty to d.ll're
gard, to return to that retirement from which
I had been reluctantly drawn. ‘The flrength
of my inclination to do this, previous to the
last election, had even led to the preparation of
anaddrefs to declare it to you ; but mature re
flection on the then perplexed and critical pos
ture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the
unanimous advice of persons entitled to my
confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the Rate of your concerns, ex
ternal as well as internal, no longer renders
the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the
sentiment of duty, or propriety ; and am per
suaded, whatever partiality may be retained
for services, that in the present circuinitanees
of our country you will not dilapprove my
determination to retire.
The imprelfion with which I firll under
took the arduous trull, were explained on the
proper occasion. In the difeharge of thistrufl,
I will only fay, that i have with good inten
tions contributed towards the organization and
adminiilration of the government, tkc belt ex
ertions of which a very fallible judgment v/as
capable. Not unconlcious, in the out-let, of
the inferiority of my qualifications, experience
in my own eyes, perhaps If ill more in the eyes
of others, has llrengthened the motives to dif
fidence of myfelf ; and every day the increa
sing weight of years adinonifhcs me more and
more, that the. fbade of retirement is as necei
fary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied
that if any circumltanccs have given peculiar
value to my services, they were temporary. I
have the confutation to believe, that while
choice and prudence invite me to quit the po
litical feene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which
is intended to terminate the career of my
public life, my feelings do not permit me to
lufpend the deep acknowledgment of that
debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved
country, for the many honors it has conferred
upon me ; Hill more lor the lteadtall confi
dence with which it has supported me; and
for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of
manifclUng my inviolable attachment, by fervi
ccs faithful and per levering though 111 ufeful
nefs unequal to my zeal. It benefits have re
liilted to our country from thefc services, let
it always be remembered to your pratle, and
as an irdlrublive example in our annals, that
under circuml : M ces in which the paflions,
agitated in e, • direction, were liable to mis
lead, air .'inces sometimes dubious,
vieixfi’ ic often diicouraging in
fin not unfrequently want of
fi need the spirit of criticism,
t ir support was the essential
’ and a guarantee ot the plans
were ettefcled. Profoundly
V this idea, I shall carry it with
‘e, as a ilrong incitement to un
that heaven may continue to you
t oxens of its bcnificcnce—that your
.j- -othcrly affe&ion may be perpetu
. e free constitution, which is the
iur hands, may be sacredly main
,nat its adminiilration in every depart
iy be {lamped with wisdom and virtue
n fine, the happiness of the people of
tes, under the auspices of liberty, may
,e complete, by so careful a preservation
prudent a use of this blelling as will ac
o them the glory of recommending it to
pp.aufe, the affettion and adoption wf ev
aiion which is yet aftranger toit.
re, perhaps, I ought to ilop. But a foli
* for your welfare, which cannot end but
my life, and the apprehension of danger,
•ft to that solicitude, urge me, on an occa
ike the present, to offer to your solemn
mplation, and to recommend to your
*nt review, fome fentiinents, which are
fiiltof much rcflcttion of r.o inconlidera
bfervation, and which appear to me all
tant to the permanency of your felicity
•opie. These will he offered to you with
>rc freedom, as you can only ice in them
ntcrcfled warnings of a parting friend,
m pofftbly have no personal motive to
s couniel. Nor can I forget, as an cn
ment to it, your indulgent reception ol
iments on a former and not difftniilar
. rwoven as is the love of liberty with
every ligament of your hearts, no recommen
dation of mine is neceffaty to fortify or con
firm the attachment.
1 he unity of Government which conflitutej
you one people, is alio now dear to you. It
is jullly so ; lor it is a maiu pillar in the edi
fice of your real independence, the support of
your tranquility at home, your peace abroad ;
of your lafety ; of your prosperity ; of that
very Liberty which you so highly prize. But
as it is ealy to forefee, that from different caus
es and from different quarters, much pains
will be taken, many artifices employed, to
weaken in your minds the conviction of this
truth ; as this is the point in your political
fortrefs againll which the batteries of internal
and external enemies will be molt conilantly
and a£lively (though often covertly and inlidi
oufiy) diredled, it is of infinite moment, that
you should properly eflimate the immense
value of your national Union to your collec
tive andindividuai happiness; that you should
cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable at
tachment to it ; accutioming yourfclves to
think Rind fp< ak of it as of the palladium of
your political faiety and prosperity; watching
tor its preservation with jealous anxiety ; dil
countenancing whatever may fugged even a
luipicion that it can iriany event be abandoned ;
and indignantly frowning upon the firit dawn
ing of every attempt to alienate any portion of
our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the
facrcd ties which now link together the vari
ous parts.
For this you have every inducement of sym
pathy and interclf. Citizens by birth or choice,
ol a common country, lhai country has a right
to concentrate your affe£lions. The name of
American, which belongs to you, in your
national capacity, mull always exalt thejull
pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation
derived lrom local diicrimimuioii.s. With
iligiit lhadcs of difference, you have the fame
religion, manners, habits and political princi
ples. You have iua common cauie fought and
triumphed together ; the Independence and
Liberty you possess are the work of joint coun
cils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, fuf
ierings and fuccclfes.
But thclc considerations, however powerful
ly they address themselves to your sensibility,
are greatly outweighed by thole which apply
more immediately to your interefl. Here eve
ry portion of our country finds the inofl com
manding motives for carefully guarding and
preserving the Union of the whole.
The North, in an unreflraincd intercourse
with the South, protected by the equal laws of
a common government, finds in trie produc
tions of the latter great additional rcfources of
maritime and commercial enterprize, and pre
cious materials of manufadluringinduflry. The
South, in the fame intercourse, henefitting by
the Agency of the North, fees its agriculture
growand its commerce expand. Turning part
ly into its own channels the fcamcnof the North,
it finds its particular navigation invigorated;
and while it contributes, in different ways, to
nourilh and increafc the general mass of the
national navigation, it looks forward to the pro
tection of a maritime flrength, to which itfelf
is unequally adapted. The Lajl, in a like in
tercourie with the Wefh , already finds, and in
the progrelfive improvement of interior com
munications, by land and water, will more and
more find a valuable vent for the commodities
which it brings from abroad, or manufactures
at home. The IVeJI derives from the Eajl fup
plics requisite to its growth and comfort—and
what is perhaps of llill greater consequence, it
muff ol neceflity owe the ftcure enjoyment of
indifpenfible outlets for its own productions to
the weight, influence, and the future maritime
flrength of the Atlantic fide of the Union, di
re£tcd by an indissoluble community of inter
cll as one nation. Any other tenure by which
the \\ cjl can hold this essential advantage, whe
ther derived from its own feparatc itrength, or
from an apoflate and unnatural connection with
any foreign power, muff be inlrinfically pre
caiious.
While then every part of our country thus
feels an immediate and particular interefl in
Union, all the part* combined cannot tail to
find ia the united mats of means and efforts
greater flrength, greater relources, proportiona
bly greater security from external danger, a less
frequent interruption of their peace by foreign
nations; and what is of ineftimabie value*,
they muff derive from Union an exemption
from thofc broils and wars between themlcivcs,
which so frequently afflffl neighbouring coun
tries, not tied together by the fame govern
ment 5 which their own rivalfhips alone would
be fufficient to produce, but which opposite
foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues
would stimulate and imbitter. Hence like
wile they will avoid the neceflity of thofc over
grown military ellabliffimcnts, which, under
any form of government, are inauspicious to li
berty, and which are to be regarded as particu
larly hoflile to Republican Liberty ; inthisfenle
it is, that your Union ought to be considered
as a main prop of your liberty, and that the
love of the one ought to endear to you the pre
servation of the other.
Thefc considerations speak a persuasive lan
guage to every relieving and virtuous mind,
and exhibt the continuance ot the Union as a
primary objeft of patriotic desire. Is there a
doubt, w’bcther a common government can
embrace so large a iphere ? Let experience
solve it. To liffcn to mere {peculation in luch
a case, were criminal. We arc authorized to
hope that a proper organization of the whole,
with the auxiliary agency of governments for
the refpeflive subdivisions, wifi afford a happy
issue to the experiment. ’Tis well worth a
fair and full experiment. With such powerful
■md obvious motives to Union, affecting all
pans of our country, while experience lhall
not have deroonllnued its impracticability,
thfire will always be rcafonto diftrufl the pat
riotism of thofc who in any quarter may en
deavour to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the caufcs which may dis
turb our Union, it occurs as matter of ferioua
concern, that any ground should have been
turniftied for characterizing parties by Grogrz
jlffoWdifcriminations—Northern and Southern—‘
Atlantic and Wejlern ; whence designing men
may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a
real difference of local intcreils and views.
Oncol the expedients of party to acquire inllu
cuce, wiihin particular diftritts, isto mifrepre
feat the opinions and aims of other diitridls.
\ oucannot shield yourtelves too much agaiult
the jcaioufics’ and heart-burnings which fipring
from these mifrepreientations : they tend to
render alien to each other, thofc who ought to
be bound together by fraternal aftc&ion The
inhabitants ol our western country have lately’
had a ufclul lei Ton on this head': they have
icen, in the negotiation by the executive, and
in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of
the treaty with Spain, and inthe universal fatis
ladlion at that event, throughout the United
States, a decilivc proof how unfounded were
the lufpicions propagated’among them of a po
licy m the general government, and in the At
lantic Hates, unli iendly to their interclfs, in re
gard to the Millifippi : they have been wit
nefies to the lonnation of two treaties, that
with Great-Britain and that with Spain, which
secure to them every’ thing they could desire,
in rcfpcfct to our foreign relations, towards con
firming their prolperity. Will it not be iheir
wildom to rely tor the preservation of these
advantages on the Union, by’ which they were
procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf
to thole .advisers, if such they are, who would
fever them from their brethren, and conncft
them with aliens ?
To the efficacy and permanency of your U
nion, a government for the whole is indifpen
liblc—No alliances, however ftridt, between
liie parts can be an adequate substitute ; they
mult inevitably experience the infractions and
interruptions which all alliances in all times
have experienced. Senlible of this momentous
trulh,you have improved upon your firfteffay,
by the adoption ot a constitution of govern
ment, better calculated than your former, for
an intimate union, and lor the efficacious man
agement of your common concerns. This go
vernment, the offspring of your own choice,
uninfluenced andunawed, adopted, upon full
investigation and mature deliberation, com
pletely free in its principles, in the distribu
tion of its powers, uniting security with ener
gy, and containing within itfelf a provision for
its own amendment, has a just claim to your
confidence and your support. Relpcdt for its
authority, compliance with its laws, acqui
etcence in its rneafures, are duties enjoined by
the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The
basis ot our political fyltem is the right of the
people to make and to alter their* coriftitutions
of government—But, the constitution which
at any time exists r ’till changed by an explicit
and authentic a£t of the whole people, is lacrcd
ly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the
power and the right of the people to establish
government, preluppofes the duty of every in
dividual to obey the established governrnent.
All obftruttions to the execution of the laws,
all combinations and aftociations, under what
ever plaufiblc character, with the real design to
dirett, controul, counteract, orawe the regular
deliberation and aftion of the conftfiuted au
thorities, are deftruCtive of this fundamental
i principle, and of fatal tendency. They lerve
to organize la£tion, to give it an artificial ancl
extraordinary force—to put inthe place of the
delegated will of the nation, the will of a party,
often a linall but artful and enterprizing mi
nority of the community ; and, according to
the alternate triumphs ol diiFerent parties, to
make the public administration the mirror of
the ill concerted and incongruous projefts of
faction, rather than the organ of confident and
wholefomc plans, digefled by common coun
cils, and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or alTociations of the
above defenption may now and then answer
popular ends, they are likely in the courlc of
time, and things to become potent engines,
by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled
men will be enabled to subvert the power of
the people, and to ulurp for themfelvei the
reigns of government ; deilroying afterwards
the very engines which have lifted them to
unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your govern
ment, and the permanency of your present
happy state, it is requisite, not only that you
steadily discountenance irregular oppositions
to its acknowledged authority, but also that
you refill with care the spirit of innovation
upon its principles, however specious the pre
texts, One method of assault may be toeiFett
in the forms of the constitution alteration*
which will impair the energy ot the fyllcm,
and thus to undermine what cannot be dirett
ly overthrown. In all the changes to wjfich
frou may be invited, remember that time and
labit are at least as ueceffary to fix the true
character of governments, as of other human
inllitutions—that experience is the surest
llandard, by which to test the real tendrncy of
the rxifting constitution of a country—that
facility in changes upon the credit of mere
hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual
change, from the cndlefs variety of hypothesis
and opinion; and remember, efpecwiiv. that
for the efficient management of your common
interests, in a country to extenliva as our’s, a
government of as much vigor as is confident
with the perfect security of liberty, is indif
pcufible. Liberty ilfell will find in such a
government, with powers properly dillribut
dand adjuft'-d, its furcll guardian. It is, in
deed, little ellc than a name, where the go
vernment is too feeble <o withll n l the enter-
No. 63.