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prizes of faction, to confine racli member of
llie society within the limits prcfcribed'by the
laws, and toynaintain all m the frcure and
tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and
property.
I have already intimated to you the danger
of parties in the flare, with particular refmencc
to ihe founding of them on geographical dis
criminations Let me now take a compre
hensive view, and warn you in the moll folernn
manner against the baneful effedls of the ipirit
of party, generally.
l his ipirit unfortunately, it inseparable from
our nature, having its root in the strongest pas
sions ot the human mind—lt rxills under dif
ferent ftiapet in all governments, more or less
liiti ‘d, contvouled, or repressed ; but in thofc
ol the popular form, it is seen in its greatest
rtnkncfs, arid is truly their word enemy.
The alternate domination of one fa&ion
over another, (harpened by the spirit of re
venge, natural to party diflentions, which in”
different age* and countries has perpetrated the
<noll horrid enormities, isitlelfa frightful def
potilm.— But this leads at length to a more
formal and permanent dclpottlm. The disor
ders and nnifeiics, which result, gradually in
cline the minds of men to frek security and
rrpofein theahfolute power of an individual :
and looner or later the chief of fome prevail
ing fail ion, more able or more fortunate than
his competitor*, turns his disposition to the
purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of
Public l.iberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity
•f this kind (which neverthclefs ought not to
be entirely out of light) the common and con
tinual mifehiefs of the spirit of party are fuffi
cientto make it the interest and duty of a wile
people todilcourage and reflrain it.
It serves always to diftradl the Public Conn*
cils, and enfeeble the public adminiflration.
It agitates the community with ill founded
jraloufies and falfe alarms ; kindles the antino
my of one part against another, foments occa
sionally riot and infurreftion. It opens the
door to foreign influence and corruption, w hich
finds a facilitated access to government itfeif
thro’ the channels of party pallions. Thus the
policy and the will of one country are subjec
ted to the policy and will of another.
Thete is an opinion that parties in freecoun
tries are ufcful checks- upon the adminiflration
of the government, and Ibrve to keep alive the
spirit ot liberty. This within certain limits is
probably true; and in Governments of a Mo
narchical call, Patriotism may look with indul
gence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of
party. But in thole of the popular charader,
in governments purely ele&ive, it is a spirit
not to be encouraged. From theii natural ten
dency, it is certain there will always be enough
ot that Ipirit lor every falulary purpose. And
there being constant danger of excels, the ef
fort ought to be, by force of public opinion,
to mitigate and afluage it. A lire not to be
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to
prevent its burlling into a flame, lelt, inllcad
ol warming, it fliould consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of
thinking in a free country, fliould infpi're cau
t’-on, in those entrulled with its adminillvation,
to confine themlelves within their refpeftivc
-onftitution.il Ipheres, avoiding in .fie exere.il'e
of the powers ol one department to encroach
upon another. The'fpirit of encroachment
tends to confelidate the powers of all the de
partments in one, and thus to create, whatever
the form of government, a real despotism. A
jull elliinate of that love of power, and prone
ttefs to abuft it, which predominates in the
human heart, is fiifficient. to fatisfy us ot the
tmth ot this pohtion. The necefiuv of rici
procal chocks in the exercile of political pow
er, by dividing and dillributing it into dill-r
----ent depositories, and constituting each the
Guardian of the public weal againll invasions
by the others, has been evinced bv experiments
ancient and modern; fome of them in our
own country and our own eyes. To preserve
them mull be as neccfiary as to institute them.
11, m the opinion of the jieople, the dillribu
tton or modification of tire constitutional pow
ers be in any particular wrong, let it be cor
lected by an amendment in t he way which the.
constitution driignates.— But let there be no
change by tilurpation ; for though this, in one
inllance, may be the instrument of good, it is
ihc cttllomary weapon >by which free govern
ments are destroyed.— The precedent mult al
ways greatly overbalance in permanent evil
any partial or iranfient benefit which the ufc
an at any time yield.
Os all the difpolitionsand habits which lead
to political prosperity, Religion and Morality
•re tndelpenfible supports— In vain would
i t haL man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who
Ihould labour to subvert thefc great pillars of
nuinan nappinefs, theft firtneft props of the
duties of men, and Citizens.—The mere Poli
tician, equally with the pious man, ought to
relpetl and to cherilh them—A volume could
not trace all their connexions with private and
public felicity. Let it simply be alked where
1% -c U V P ro P ert >b reputation,
tltf,rrf C .l ls l | lC C P fc religious Obligation
• c oaths, which are the inilruments of
invdhgauoH in Sour.sol ] u ftice ? And let us
wiUi caution indulge the luppofition, that mo
rfll ty can be maintained without religion.
\\ hatever may be conceded to the influence of
refined education on minds of peculiar ftruc-
V*'!™ 3ud cx J sCrifn r.e both forbid us to
exped that national morality can prevail in
rxtlulion of religious principles.
Tis lubftantially true, that virtue or morali
’V s a fpring of popular government,
the rule indeed extends with more or less
hsice to every species of free government.
. lhat 15 a hnccre friend to it can look with
indifference upon attempts to shake the foun
dation of the fabric ?
Ptomote, then, as an obje£l of primary’ im
ponauce, mftuutions for the general ditlufion
of *" ow,ed S---In proportion as the llrudure
it iISS”? 11 8' V C S f° rcr to public opinion,
lightened * 1 *** opinion- should be en-
WnV’ e cUl POrt Kr f ° Ur r ° f ftren B th and
of pubh r C crcd,t ’ One method
fibl . e i avoidmg occtfions'of * <pann S l )’ PPf
vating peace but r* l °\ cx P e nce by culti-
p alf °
prevent much greater difll frc< l u< ‘ nt, y
it ; avoiding l,kewifl b fc, ? CnU to l? P cl
not only bv flium!;, accußlu lationof debt,
btU bv vieornu, , . ‘ 8 occ *fions of expence,
o ‘Whi CACtuou# ta time of peace to
Columbian itlufcum, &c.
difebarge the debts which unavoidable wars
may have occasioned, not ungenerously throw
ing upon poilerity the burthen which wc our
selves ought to bear.—The execution of thefc
maxims belongs to your reprelentatives, but
it is neccflary that public opinion should co
operate. —To facilitate to them the preform*
ance of their duty, if. iseffential that you fliould
practically bear in mind, that towards the
payment of debts there mult be Revenue ;
that to have Revenue there mull be taxes; that
no taxes can be deviled which are not more
or lels inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the
intriiific rmbarraflment inseparable from the
feleition of the proper objeds (which is al
ways choice of difficulties'ought to be a deci
fivc motive lor candid confti ufclion of the con
duft of the government in making it, and for
a spirit of acquielcence in the meafurcs for ob
taining Revenue which the public exigencies
may at any time didlate.
Obfcrve good faith and justice towards all
Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with
all; Religion and Morality enjoin this con
du6l, and can it be that good policy docs not
equally enjoin it p It will be worthy ol a free,
enlightened, and at no ditlant period, a great
Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous
and too novel example of a people always
guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.
Who can doubt that in the courle of time and
things the fruits of such a plan would richly
repay any temporary advantages which might
be loft by a fleady adherence io it ? Can it be,
that Providence has notconnefted the perman
ent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue ? The
experiment, at least, is recommended by every
sentiment which enoblcs human nature. Alas!
:s it rendered impofuble by its vices?-
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is
more eflential than that permanent inveterate
antipathies against particular nations, and pal
fionate attachments for others fliould be exclu
ded ; and that in place of them just and amicable
feelings towards all should be cultivated The
Nation which indulges towards another an ha
birual hatred, or habitual fondnefs, is in fome
degree a Have. It is a Have to its animosity or
to its affection, either of which is fufficicnt to
lead it affray from its duty and iis interest.
Antipathy in one nation againll another dilpo
feseach more readily to offer insult and injury,
to lay hold of flight caules of umbrage, and to
be haughty and mtrafticable, when accidental
or trifling occaiions of dilpute occur. Hence
frequent collitions, obstinate, envenomed and
bloody contcfts. ‘ihc Nation, prompted by
ill w’ill and relentment, sometimes impels to
war the Government, contrary to the best cal
culations ot policy. The government some
times participates'in the national propensity,
-and adopis through paflion what realon would
rejecl ; at other times, it makes the animofitv
of the nation lubfervient to projetts of hostili
ty, instigated by pride, ambition, and other
iinifter and pernicious motives. The peace
often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Na
tions has been the viftim.
bo likcwiie, a pallionate attachment of one
nation tor another, produces a variety of
evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, fa
cilitating, the iilulion ot an imaginary common
• interest, in cases-where no real common inter
‘ est exilts, and mfuiing into one the enmity of
the other, betrays thefonner into a participa
tion in the quarrels and wars of the latter, w;‘th
oui adequate iuducernciu or juitificauoni It
leads a!Io to concefiions to the favorite Na
tion, of privileges'denied to others, which is
apt doubly to injure the Nation making the
concefiions ; by unneceflfarily parting with
vyhal ought to have been retained ; and by ex
citing jealouiy, ill will, and a difpolitionto re
taliate, in the parties from whom equal privi
leges are withheld : And ilgives to ambitious,
coirupted or deluded citizens (who devote
themlelves to the favorite nation) facility to
betray or facr the interefls of their own
country, without odiunij sometimes even with
populariiy ; gilding with llic appearance of a
■\iituoiis lcnlc ol obligation, a commendable
i deftrencc for public opinion, or a laudable
■ z-al for public good, the bale or foolifh com
pliances ol ambition, corruption or infatuation.
‘j , avenues to foreign influence in. iitumcra
ble ways, such attachments are particularly
alarming to the truly enlightened and indepen
dent Patriot. How many opportunities do
they affordi to tamper with domeflic fadions,
■to practice the arts- of iedublion, to -mi(lead
public opinion, to influence or awe the Public
Councils ! Such an attachment of a frnall or
weak, towards a great and powerful nation,
dooms the former to be- the iattcllites of the
latter-.
Against the infiduous wiles of foreign influ
ence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow ci
tizens) thejealoufy of a free people ought to be
con/iantly awake ; Ijnce hillory and experience
prove that foreign influence is one of the moll
baneful loes of Republican Government But
that jealousy, to be ufcful, mu ft be impartial;
elle it becomes-the instrument of the very in
fluence to be avoided, inflead of a defence
h a 6 ain ft it.—Exceflivc partiality foroue foreign
nation, and cxceffive dtftike for another; cause
thole whom they afluate to lee danger only on
one fide, and serve to veil, and even second the
arts ol influence on the other—Real patriots,
who may refill the intrigues of the favorite,
are I.able to become fufpetted and odious:
while us tools and dupes usurp the applause
and confluence ot the people, to surrender their
interests.
The great rule of conduft for us, in regard
to foreign nations, is in extending our commer
cial relations, to have with them as little boliti.
cal connefhon as poflible. So far as we have
already formed engagements, let them be ful
filled with perlett good faith. Here let us
flop.
Europe has i set of primary interests, which
to us have none, or a very remote relation.
Hence she inuft be engaged in frequent contro
versies, thecaufesof which arc cirentially for
eign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it mull
be un wile in us to implicate ourfclves, by arti
ficial ties, in the ordinary vicifiitudcs of her
politics, or the ordinary combinations and col-
Itfions of her friendfliips, or enmitiej.<
Our detached and diilant situations invites
end enables purfue s different comfe. If
we remain one people under an eflicicut govern
ment, the period is not far otf, when we may
•defy mateiial injury .from external annoyance;
when wc may take such an attitude as will
cause the neutrality, we may at any time re
fold upon, to L'C taupußjuil y relpracd ;
when belligerent nations, under the impoflibil
ity of making aequifitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when
we may choose peace or war, as our interest,
guided by justice, fhallcounlel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a
situation ? Why quit our own, to Hand upon
foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our
’ dclliny with that of any part of Europe, en
tangle our peace and prolperity in the toils of
European ambition, rivallhip, interest, humor,
or caprice ?
’ I is our true policy to ftear clear of perma
nent alliances, with any. portion of the foreign
world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liber
ty to do it for let me not be underllood as
capable of patronizing infidelity to existing
engagements, i hold the maxim no lels ap
plicable to public than to private affairs, that
honefly ft always the bell policy. I repeat it,
therefore, let thole engagements b< observed
in their genuine lenfe. But in my opinion, it
is unncccffary, and would be unwise to extend
them.
laking care always to keep ourfclves, by
suitable eilablifhments, in a relocatable defen
fi\e poilure, we may lafely trull to temporary
alliances tor extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourle with all nations,
are recommended by policy, humanity, and
inteieft. But even our commercial policy
fliould hold an equal and impartial hand ;
neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours
or preferences ; conlulting the natural courie
ot things; diftufing and aiverfifyingby gcntL
means the firearm of commerce, but forcing
nothing ; eilabhfhing with powers so difpo
led, in order to give trade a liable courfc, to
dehne the rights of our merchants, and to ena
ble the government to support them, conven
tional rules of intercourle, the bell that pi cleat
circuxnftances and mutual opinion wall permit,
but temporary, and liable to be irotn time to
time abandoned or varied, as experience and
circumilanccs {ball didlate ; constantly keeping
in view, that ’tis folly in one nation to look for
difintcrefted favours from another ; that it
mull pay with.a portion of its independence,
for,whatever it may accept under that cbara&er j
that by. such acceptance it may place itfeif in the
condition ot having given equivalents lor nomi
nal favours, and yet of being reproached with in
gratitude for not giving, more. There can be no
greater error than to expeft, or calculate upon
real favours from nation to nation. ’Tis-an il
lusion which experience mull cure, which ajuft
pride ought to dilcard.
Irf offering to you, my countrymen, these
counsels of an old and affe&ionate friend, I
dare not hope they will make the flrong and
lalling impreflion I could wilh ; that they will
controul the ulual current of the pallions, or
prevent our nation from running the course
which has hitherto marked the deltiny of na
tions : hut it I may ifven flatter inylelf, that
thv*y may be produhlive of fome partial bene
fit, fome occaiional good.; that they may.now
and then recur to moderate the fury of party
spirit, to warn againll the mifehiefs-ot foreign
intrigue,, to guard against the impostures of
prelcnt patriotism ; this hope will be a full
leco.npence for the folicitudc for your welfare
by which i?ley have been diftated.
How iar, in the difeharge of my. official du
ties, I have been guided by the principles
which have been delineated, the publsc records
and other evidences of my conduit, mull wit
neis to you and to the world. To mylelf, the
assurance of my own conscience is, that I have
at least believed mylelf to be guided by them.
In relation to the Hill fubiiiling war in Eu
rope, my proclamation of the 2zd 4>f April,
1 79d> ls l -f iC mdex to my plan. Sanctioned by
your approving voice, and by that of your re
prelentativcs in both Houles of Congress, the
tpirn of that measure has continually governed
me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or
divert me from it.
After deliberate examination with the aid of
the best lights I could obtain, I was well fatis
fied that our country, under all the circamilan
ces of the case, had a right to take, and was
bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral
polition. Having taken it, I determined, as
far as should depend upon me, to maintain it,
with moderation, perseverance and firmnefs.
The considerations with refpedl to the right
to hold this conduil, it is not necessary op this
occasion to detail. I will only observe, that
according to my underloading of the matter,
that right, so far from being.denied by any of
the belligerent powers, has been virtually ad
mitted by all..
The duty of holding a neutral conduil may
be inferred, without anything more, from the
obligation which justice and humanity impole
on every nation, in cafesfin which it is free to
a£l, to maintain inviolate the relat’on* of peace
and-amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing
that ccndttft, will beft.be referred to your own
reflections and experience. Wilh me a pre
dominant motive has been to endeavour to
gain time to our country to fettle and mature
its yet recent institutions, and to progress,
without interruption, to that degree of strength
and confillency, which is neccflary to give it,
humanly fpcaking, the command of its own
fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my
adminiflration, I am uiiconlcious of intention
al error, lain nevertheiefs too lenfible ot my
defetls not to think-it probable that I may
have committed many errors. Whatever they
may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to
avert or mitigate the evils to which they .may
tend. I shall also carry with me the hope chat
my country will never cease to view them with
indulg'-nce ; and-that after forty-five yearsi of
my life dedicated to itsfcrvice, with an upright
zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be
consigned to oblivion, as mylelf mull soon be
to the mansion of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in ot her
things, and aftuated by that fervent love to
wards it, which is so natural to a man, who
views in it the native foil of himiclf and hts
progenitors for several generations. I ant ici
pate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in
which.l promise myfelf to realize, without al
loy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the
mtdll of ray fellow citizens, the benign influ
ence of good laws, under a free governmei u—
the ever favourite objeCt of my heart, and the
happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual c-’res,
labours and dangers.
G. WASHINGTON.
United Sutcs, tythSept. 1796,
IRISH LINENS
By the PIECE or BOX,
25 P ‘ r C< VoT”u C
At Mr. Dillon’s on the Bay
1 . Toy? Coji,from 13 i. to a/ 5 per ’ Y ar and
Savannah, Oel. 7. ‘
X33.n1, }no. Orccnc,
Informs his Friends and the Public, that he ha.
Commenced the ’
Fadoiage cincl C guiwijji
Bufmefs ,
On Clarke’s Wharf-And flatterzhimfelf, from
his attention and punctuality, to merit a share
of public favours in that line.
OClober 7. c -
Arrived from Gambia,
The Schooner Nancy, Captain HARRIS, with
100 Prime Slaves,
MnvrfA’' E ° f r h ' ch L Wdl Commence on
MON DAT next., the 10th inst. at 12 o’clock
For Terms, apply to
Caig, Mac 1 cod er Cos.
Savannah, OClober 7. t j-
Mr. BELZONS,
RESPECTFULLY informs the Laflics and
Gentlemen of Savannah , that he has removed to a
convenient Apartment at the corner of Dravton
Street, near the Old Coffee-Houfc.— Req w [l S those
Ladies and Gentlemen who io?fh to have their
, T. ILLNESSES taken, to apply hi time, as his Ba,
■ finefs wi Ilf pec dily cull him to C harUjion.
October 7. p 3 . t f_
S3” This is to give Notice
to the Public, that no Person is to be Credited
on my Account, without my written Order.
P. Daugherty.
Savannah, OClober 7.
Wanted to Hire,
BY THE YEAR OR OTHERWISE ,
C)ne or Two Negro Fellows,
Who understand the Shoe-Making Bufineis;
for whom reasonable Wages will be given.—
Enquire of tlie Printers.
October 7. 63*6’.
Win. & Robert Mein ?
BEG leave to inform- their Friends and the
Public, that they have Imported per the HAR
MONY, Capt. Marshal l, a Largeani com
plete Cargo of
FALL GOODS,
Which they arc determined’ to fell upenths
moll reasonable terms for ready payment, by
the Piece or Package.
Savannah, Sept 30. 61-ts.
just Received.
By the HARMONY , Capt. MARSHALL,from
LONDON,
An Assortment of SeafonLle
G O O D S,
Which will be fold-on reasonable terms, bv’.hft
Piece or Package, ccnfifting of
White, brown, blue and green Plains,
6-4ths and 7-4UIS Blankets, Checks,
Irifb Sheeting tnd brown Linens,
Nails, Glass-ware, Window Glaft,
Manchester Goods,
Oznaburgs, Cotton Bagging,
Cloth Cardinals, Printed Goods,
Writing Paper, Brown Stout in Hhds, ar.d
a number of other Articles.
Kenedy G? Parker.
Savannah, Sept. 30th. 61-ts.
E O R S A L E,
2,000 Buflreb best ALLUM SALT.
1 Mahogany DESK, and 1 do. BI.AUREAU,
BEDSTEADS with Packings and Laths,
Madeira and Port WINE in pipes,
Fay all, in ditto.
An Elegant Riding CHAIR*
with Plated Harness, made in Philadelphia.
A Georgia Audited Certificate,.
iffited December 1794, for supplies to the
Continental Armv, October 1777, for Tw*
Thousand Pounds.— *
Also on hand,
About 49 NEGROES,
Which will be fold low, in order to close
Sales.—
Robert Watts.
Savannah, 16th Sent. re-ts
1 i \J I
FOR SAL E,
Superfine FLOUR in Barrels,
Madeira WINE in Pipes & Qr. Pipes,
Mould CANDLES in Boxes.
Cii/g Macleod & O?.
Savannah, August <7. r.. ,
FOR SALE. !
SUGAR in Hhds. and Barrels,
Best Green COFFEE,
By BORDMAN & HILLS,
Savannah, March 28, 1769.
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICF, ,
Fools Cap Writing Paper, of 3
superior quality.,
By the Ream ,r
Srft. JO.,
No. 63.