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OLD SERIES, VOL. LVII.
C . THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
■7 IS PUBLISHED DAILY, TRI-WEBKLV, AND WEEKLY
BY J. W. st IV. S. JON ES.
The Weekly Chronicle & Sentiin
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TH- Weekly paper, at Five Dollars per annum.
Daily paper, at Ten Dollars per annum.
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money received at its value in this city.
Chronicle anil Sentinel.
A U G U S T A.
FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 8.
Mr. Caruthers’ Address.
We publish to-day the letter <>t the Hon.
R. L. Caruthers, of Tennessee, to the Hon.
C. Johnson, on the subject of National Politics
and in defence of the Whig Congress, &c. &c.
Altho’ intended for the immediate meridian of
Tennessee, it may be read with profit bj' every
voter in the Union, and as such we ask for it an
attentive and careful perusal. Let no man be
deterred by its length, from a careful investiga
tion of the array of facts which it presents to
the consideration of the American p?ople, for
however much of his time may be consumed,
he will rise from its perusal if not convinced
■with the truth of its arguments and deductions
cer'ainly delight, d with the ability displayed by
the author.
That Load of New Cotton.
Had the sage or statesman with prophetic ken
proclaimed on the first introduction of the Cot
ton plant the various-uses to which that great
staple would be applied, and the immense ex
tent to which it would be cultivated, we appre
hend that his cotemporaries would have ridicul
ed his predictions as the mere vaporings of a
wild and visionary imagination. Be that how
ever as it may, it is certain that in this age we
are almost daily advised of some new triumph
ol American skill and enterprise, by which our
great staple is made subservient to some new
purpose, widening and deepening the influence
upon the commercial prosperity of the country,
and thereby extending its usefulness into a new
and unexplored region. Year after year and
day after day its triumphs over almost every
other fabric, tor all the various uses to which it
has ever been applied, are proclaimed as well in
the genial climate of the tropics as the foreign
regions of a high northern latitude. But a short
time since necessity, which has been wisely
proclaimed “the mother of invention,” forced
the discovery that it was perhaps the very besl
fabric in w’hich itself could be packed, and yes
terday with a number of other highly delighted
citizens,,we were invited to witness yet another
use, which a load of this valuable article of
Southern production was made to subserve.—
And what think you gentle reader it was ?
Nothing less than furnishing the occasion for
one of the most splendid collations of the sea
son.—Start not —for we speak nought but truth,
and “truth is stranger than fiction.” Collation
did we say? Aye, collation it was, such as the
. Geds themselves might haye envied, and such
-> the very acute, discriminating taste of our
: Mr. Dawson, of the firm of
Dawson & Son, is so admiralty fitted to get
up, upon the occasion of the introauction of the
first load of New Colton into their splendid
New Fire-Proof Warehouse, immediately
opposite their old stand on Mclntosh street.
Repudiation in Indiana.—The Frankfort
(Ky ) Commonwealth says:—We have been
sh< eked by information that one of the causes
of Locotbco success in the late Indiana election,
was the advance of the infamous doctrine of
Repudiation. If that nefarious doctrine is
gainingascendancy, the Whigs may bid fare
well to Indiana. The Whigs had better never
be in power, in the State or National Govern
ment, than in the slightest manner give counte
nance to a doctrine which is too villanous to
be debated in a State Penitentiary, much more
in a Legislative Assembly.
a thunder storm al Richmond, on
Friday last, a Mrs. Coghill and her daughter
were killed instantaneously by lightning.
Ten Pius.
This game, which had almost grown into dis
use, has within the last year or tw o become the
most fashionable game in all ourcities, forthose
gentlemen whose sedentary business habits re
quireauaily resort to some athletic exercise.
With us it has become a very popular game,
and we are pleased to observe that the splendid
bowlingsaloon of the Messrs. King is the re
sorl of gentlemen, who duly appreciate the en
terprise ol the proprietors, and their determina
tion to keep it upon temperance principles.—
The popularity of the game and the skill of the
players in New Orleans and New York may be
interred from the following, which we clip from
the Picayune:
A great game is this “ten-pins,” whether you
play the “cocked hat,” or the “nine ball game;”
the “single string” or the “match”—“on and
off" or “roll out.” If you will only go into it
with a rush, you can get mu-e exeicise in an
hour—good, wholesome exercise ol every part
ol the system —tnan in any other amusement
which we k.iow ol in twice the time. The
game is increasing in popularity all over the
country. We recollect wneu it was estei men
essentially a vulgar, Yankee g: me; now almos.
every gentleman can make his “ten strike” in
the course of an evening. We have had oui
attention called to the subject by articles in the
N. Y. Express and Spirit of the Times, describ
ing some magnificent saloons in that city devo
ted to bowling only. One paragraph in the
“Spirit’s” article looks griffy, amt we copy it
After enumerating some of the crack alle’ s ol
New Yoik, the writer goes on thus:
There are several private club alleys, ol
which Niblo’s, in the rear ol his Garden, is the
best suppoited. This club numbers among its
members some of the besl amateur players in
town. Six or ten of them would roll a match
against the same number of gentlemen belong
ing io any club in the Union.
Ihe manner of keeping the game, in rolling
ten-pins, varies so much in the different ci ie>
that it is dlificu't to estimate the comparative
skill of the bowlers. Here, we roll “strings,”
or thirty balls in a game, and it is not very unu
sual to see scores made ol 150 by gentlemen.
There are three or four individuals, howevei,
“loose fish” about tow n, who can get over two
hundred in a game! At Frank’s Saloon, in
Barclay street, two gentlemen have each got
5‘J pins with six bails; that is, five ten strikes
and a nine strike in succession!! The increas
ed and increasing popularity of this healthful
amusement, as wellasthatof cricket, induce us
to believe that at no distant day it will become
a common occurrence to report the more extia
on inary games of ten-pins.”
Now, we should really like to see that match
officially offered by six or ten gentlemen of Nib
lo’s club. YVeare inclined to think it might b<
accepted, as there are a good many people hen
that have not much else to do this lazy suinrne
than play al ten-jir-s. That we have players
too, of some pretensions we can satisfy me Nev
Yorkers by stating one performance made hen
which quite puts to the blush the “fifty-nim pn
with six balls,” n entiomd above. A strange,
walked into Johnson’s alleys for a little sjon
and there being at the time no one else pre.-ei
Johnson himself gav ihe man a mm. Ihi
stranger commence ; the game, when Johns:.:
was called oft’, but bi 1 the otbei to go on till li
could serve one at the bar. Bu :,'ng tlc:i «
he found the stranger had made th re enroll s, .
in other words had rolled nine t ails, making ;
good score. Johnson then lookup the garni
and with his first nine balls he made eighty-set
en, that is, eight successive “ten sti ikes," follow
ed by a “seven strike.” 7’b: s-Tnagcr put
h'<mnt. What think they of this in Bare!
street? We should state, too, that Johnson’s al
leys are lull ninety leet tn leng h. Yv euo n
krow how many the ex-French editor ol tl
Picayune might get there, but we dare sa
enough to entitle him to admission among Nm
lo’s cracks.
fa 'wr & Wk. M I M I fel fl B ‘ Ml Bl HI %
“The last twenty-five years, in this country
ivebeen the epoch of expedients, of mystifies
on, delusion, imposture and degeneracy frot
■publican virtue. During that every way de
sirous peiiod, the expenditures of the U. 8
j .overmnent augmented more than threefok.
hilc t ie population increated but in the rate o
tie, and the producing class of the America:
eople were fleeced by Biddle’s bank and its hy
.ra progeny, to the enormous amount otjiftec
undred ana forty millions of dolla rs.’’
The first part of the foregoing extract from the
YlaCon Democrat, is as true as graphic. W<
are only sorry lo find that the Editor was “tak
■n short,” and made such a bad conclusion t>
what would have otherwise been an effort decid
edly' out of his usual line of business. His dis
covery about the “fiftci n hundred and forty mil
lions," is some w hat like Mr. Lawson’sstory at the
Windsor Barbecue, about the ‘ last U. S. Bank's
having robbed widows and orphans!”— And whet
called to the proot by Mr. Toombs, his contend
ing that he meant "the U. S. Bank of Pennsyl
va nia., which was identically the same, because i.
was the same stock, < wned. by Ihe same stockholders,
and having its transactions carried on in the sami
building!!" The declarations of the Democrat
and Mr. Lawson are a dead match, both as to
their logic and their facts. The latter only mis
took Biddle’s Bank of Pennsylvania for the old
U. S. Bank, by which neither the people nor the
government ever lost a single dollar-, while the
former, we presume, confounded the U.S. Bank
with the sub-treasury, by which the country .die
loose its millions, and the people were ground to
the dust under the combined influence of Benton
gold and Van Buren Democracy!
Such statements come with truly a bad grace
from a party, whose financial abtli ies have been
so recently and so satisfactorily tested in the op
erations of the Central Bank of the State ol
Georgia, and State matters generally—op nions
by which the people and the Slate have, per
haps, lost more in proportion than even under
the disastrous failure of Biddle’s Bank of Penn
sylvania.
But if the past has been the "epoch of expe
dients, of mystification, delusion, imposture and de
generacy, from republican virtue“if the expen
ditures have been increased threefold and “if Ihe
producing classes have been fleeced,” who did it ?
Certainly not the YVhigs. They have not had
the control of the government.
It is a poor shift to charge Biddle’s Bank with
increasing the expenditures of the Jackson and
Y r an Buren administrations—causing the defal
cations of officers and the consequent degeneracy
ol republican virtue.
The Democrat had better “acknowledge the
corn,” and, instead of turning such acute angles,
charge the whole matter upon the immaculate
Democracy ol the land. Come, Dr., “an open
confession is good for the soul.”
Sj’Let every planter give particular attention
to the ai tide from the Memphis Eagle on the
“History of the two United States Banks as
connected with the price of Cotton;” and let
those answer the argument who can. Allow
ing full force to the received doctrine that “the
price of an article is determined by the combin
ed influence of supply and demand,” and there
is a striking coincidence between the existence
of a Bank and the price of our great staple
which speaks volumes in favor of a soundcur
rency, such as the YVhigs have always battled
for.
The unkindest cut of aIL
Byway of announcing the nomination of Mr.
H. V. Johnson, as a candidal’ for Congress in
room of Mr. J. B. Lamar, resigned, the Federal
Union concludes its editorial thus: “YVe wil
adu no yj.l &teg
recommendation to Mr. Johnson, it must, by
implication, be a reproach to Mr. Cooper. To
our mind, it contains a keen, though covert sar
casm, how much soever it may smarter of in
consistency. YVe have become accustomed,
however, to survey “the animal with its head
where its tail should be,” and itno longer excites
our surprise. The glittering tinsel oi the new
panel has certainly shaded and obscured the
more homely virtues ot the old, for it is noto
rious that the ancient regime of Georgia have
been, in some sense, compelled to follow in the
tortuous wake of the new lights. The eld Un
ion men have provided for Colquitt and Black,
and Mr. Cooper is the Calhoun candidate of
the “suns” for Governor of Georgia. But Mr.
Johnson is “one of the old panel!” “O, save
me from my friends!” To say the best of it,
Mr. Cooper cannot be thankful to his reluctant
supporters for aiming a dagger at a part at once
so tender and so exposed. Verily, “the way ot
the transgressor is hard.”
Jj'A person has been arrested at Millbury,
Mass., on a charge of being concerned in the
late robbery of Millbury Bank notes.
O’l’he quantity ofFlour received at Alba
ny during the month ol August, was 150,79 ft
bbls., and ol Wheat 16,805 bushels.
fj-The amount ot Treasury Notes outstand
ing on the Ist inst., it is officially announced,
was $5,567,106 01.
FTTen dollar notes on the North Riverßank
ot New York, altered from ones, are in circu
lation in that city.
The Alexandria Gazette announces the death
of Judge Lewis Summers, of Virginia, who
died on the morning of the‘27th ot August last,
at the White Sulphur Springs. He was one of
the most eminent citizensol the State, and uni
versally respected.
Steamboat Disasters. —The St. Louis Re
publican of Saturday week records the loss of
two more steamboats—the Exact, which struck
a snag and sunk to her boiler deck, about nine
miles above St. Louis, while on her way to the
Illinois river, and the Julia Chouteau, which
struck a stump or log the same day in Grand
Tower Shute, which rendered it necessary to
run her ashore, where she sunk in six feet wa
ter. She was on her way to New Orleans. Her
cargo will be saved tn a damaged stale, and it is
supposed the boat can be raised.
The Crops.— Ihe Savannah Republican of
Wednesday says: YY’e have conversed with a
gentleman from Baker county, who informs us
hat the crop in that quarter will be decidedly
less tba.i an average one. From the 22d0l July
10 the 31st of August, it rained every day, with
out a single exception, which has seriously dam
aged the crops.
YVe were surprised to learn from our inform
ant that there are young plan ers there who
inake 800 and 1000 bags of cotton. There can
be no question that the land in Baker is almost
unequalled in the U. States lor producing the
great staple.
Darien, Sept. 2.
Dull times here—the planters dispirited in
consequence ofthe heavy rains, and caterpillars
having nearly destroyed our Sea Island Cotton
•rop. If buyers expect large crops they will be
Aofully mistaken. The season of resuscitation
in the plant has passed, and two-thirds of the
ruit in the low lands has dropped, other lands
uffeiiiig in equal proportion. This is no ex
ravagant statement, let those who doubt wait its
n ival at matket.
Henry Ci.ay in Arkansas.—A correspond
■nt of the Louisville Journal says: “In this
Slate wc shall make a gallant struggle for Har
y if the West. We design holding a Conven
ion atthe proper time, andforming a State and
ed ectoial ticket.”
jS’Curnelius, do you understand whether
’resident Tyler intends going South by land or
>vt?” “YVhy, no, you spoony; he will go per
e, of course. — Y« «‘’ eBl ide.
IT.etoieignai’vicesbv the li b riia have
. en an impulse to the New York Cot onmar-
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 9.
♦ hich is the Party without Principles .
What will be the course of the democracy ii
rteotgia, in relation to the law of Congress di
■ctingthe districting of the States? Will Mi
ooper, if elected, cany out this measure:
dopted and supported as it is and has been, bi
te YVhigs, or will he “follow in the footstep:
f his illustrious predecessor,” and dpi pse it
■ither by his veto or his influence? United will
he Whigs on this question, are a large and re
IK’ctable portion of the democrats of the State
It is, and ought to be, a popular question. Thi
measure is entitled to the attention and consider
lion of the people. It is de facto a measurt
n which the interests of the Southern andsmal
r States are involved, as well as a measure it
vhich the interests, feelings and convenient
f the people are enlisted. There is nothin"
nore natural than that the people should desirt
t personal knowledge of, and acquaintance
with, their representatives. This intimacy be
(ween constituent and representative, so saluta
y and gratifying in itself, can only be secure:
by the provisions of the district system. M r
eel no pleasure in voting for a man whom they
do not know, or, as is often the case under the
general ticket system, 0/ whom they' ha.veflsyei
heard. But, in this question is involved mon
serious considerations than mere convenience
01 gratification. The law’ of Congress direct
ing the States to be laid ofl in Congressional
districts was passed under a provision of the
Constitution, plain, express, and beyond the
possibility of cavil or dispute. Do the boast
ng, democratic, exclusive strict constructionist.-
of the constitution, mean to trample under fbo
that instrument which they profess to hold ir
such jealous veneration? Friends of Mark
Antony! willy'ou answer or be silent?
The Helicon,
Is the name of a new YVhip paper, published
at Marietta, Cobb county, Ga. It is a neat, ti
dy little craft, well manned, having a bold Caj:-
tain atthe helm, and its flag gallantly floating
at the mast head, is inscribed with the magic
names of “Clay, Crawford and Stephens.”
How could we do otherwise than wish it a safe
cruise and many a gallant victory ?
The party has long wanted an able and fear
less exponent of its principles in Cherokee, am
now, with the dauntless and intelligent Editors
of the Rome Courier and the Helicon, we have
nothing to fear as to the result. Whig opinion.-
and YVhig policy will be properly and judicious
ly defended, whilst the trickery, the tergiversa
tion and the tactics ofthe Locofocos, will be as
promptly and fearlessly exposed; their argu
ments will be refuted, and finally their leader
repudiated and defeated at the ballot box.—
Those tff our Whig friends who are heart and
soul in the cause, and who have the means
within their reach, a.e respectfully requested to
aid the enterprising publishers by patronizing
these papers, and thereby sustaining their prin
ciples in that interesting and thiifly portion o.
Georgia.
The Party without Principles.
In the campaign ot 1840, the Locotbco parly,
from one end ofthe country to the other, denomi
nated the YVhigs, the great mass ofthe people,
“the party without principles.” The leaders ol
the Demociacy, with characteristic recklessness,
freiterfled the charge, and among the rank and
file, the honest but ignorant, it became a catch
word ofthe party. For ourlives, wecouldnev
er discover the justice or the foundation of the
charge. YVe then advocated the establishment
□1 some institution with adequate power to reg
jilate exchanges, to afford the people a sount.
ind uniform ct(rrency,, wh»|g> at ttaLWMiWftL
we denouncedtheSu b-t rea sitty as a gbWAim Si
bank, an odious monster, a hive for office-seek
ers and office-holders, where they might rio.
and fatten on the substance ofthe people.
We then advocated a tariff for revenue, happy
in the reflection that such a tariff would extern,
its blessings to the laboring and manufacturing
classes; while, atthe same lime, we scouted the
chimera of “free trade” for the benefit and sup
port of the monarchies of Europe.
YVe then advocated the distribution of the
public lands, in fulfilment ofthe contract enier
edinto by the General Government, and because
it would, by giving to the States their own prop
erty, relieve most of them from their oppressive
load of indebtedness; while, atthe same time
we were unwilling that the General Govern
ment should retain that which did not b long to
it, and which would so much benefit the States ;
and which, while it was unjust to tnese, was a
fruitful and continuous source of evil, by keep
ing, in an unsettled state, the policy of the gov
ernment on a great and important measure.
YVe then advocated the one term principle, as
applied to the Presidency, holding, as we did,
that by the successful establishment of this
principle, we would be able to strike at the lout
of the evil of President making; while, ai the
same time, we wete disgusted with the election
eering and corrupting efforts to provide for the
succession, which had been perpetrated by G- n.
Jackson, and which resulted in the
of Mr. Van Buren to the chief magistracy.
These were our cardinal principles then, ai d
the eX| erience ol the last three years has lut
confirmed us in their wisdom, and strengthei.ed
us in their support.
How is it with the Democracy now I Wl at
do the levellers mow propose? They cann t
evade the issue by saying “the principles o! 11 e
Democratic part}' are wed known—they a.e al
ways the same,” &c. &e. They ipusl recapitu
late, or the people will t eat them as they de
serve, and re-tnflict upon their lacerated backs
the chastisement administered in 1840. YY e
know to what they are opposed— they would de
stroy any thing which the \Y higs have built, or
which they would construct —but what are they
in favor of ? In lieu of a National Bank, wi.i-b
they have destroyed, would they, if in power,
revive the sub-neasi.ry, and reduce us t > a
hard money ciiculation? Would they rob the
States ofthe proceeds of the public lands!
Would they go for direct taxation, a horizontal
tariff or a discriminating tariff?—and if the lat
ter, will the discrimination be in favor of sugar
or wool? Would they, if they could elect a Pres
ident, aid him to provide lor the succession?
■“Don’t all speak al once!”
Ominous. —The Boston Courier, the ac
knowledged organ of Mr. Webster, and which
has been rather < ff-ish -or Tylerish, for some
time past, denounces the removal of Gov. Lin
coln from Ihe Boston Custom House, and pro
nounces the appointment of Mr. Rantoul as in
judicious and unpopular/ We rather think
Daniel has discovered “where he is to go” at
last, and has resol' ed to take shelter under the
glorious flag of Harry Clay and the people.—
“Better late than n-’Ver.”
■Tj On Monday evening last, the passenger
train on the Central Rail Real, ran over a man
liv tl.e name of Robert Thomas. One of his
arms was severed from his body at th<e shoulder,
and one leg broken. He survived but a shur
time.
Progress or Temperance.—ln Laurens Dis
trict, S. Carolina, theie is but otic grog shop in
the whole district. This district sent be.wer-n
sixty and one hundred delegates to the late tem
perance Convention at Sparta nburgh.
Cass and Van Bl hex in Oh 10 —The Colttni
bus S a e men says that twet tty-seven countt
meetirgs save declared in favo. > ofMr. Van Bu
ren for the Presidency, and b ut one for Gen.
Cass.
yVThe number of deaths in the New Orleans
Charity Ho pi al, from yellow fever, duringthe
week ending on Saturday last, was twenty-sev
en.
AUGUSTA, GA THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 14, 1843.
MONDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 11.
YYhig Nomination.
A portion of the committee of 21 appointee,
by the Whig Convention, assembled al Mil
-1 dgeville on Saturday last, to nominate a Whig
candidate for the vacancy of the Hon. John La
nar, when the Hon. A. H. Chappell of Bibb,
was nominated.
The high estimation tn which Mr. Chappell
is held by the people of Georgia, as a profound
jurist and sagacious statesman, forbids, did our
limits this morning permit, any attempt to por
tray bis merits. YVe, therefore, commend him
to the YVhig party of Georgia, as deserving, in
an eminent degree, their highest confidence, and
tneir most cordial and zealous support.
£J“It is amusing to see with what zeal the De
mocracy of Georgia labor to impress upon the
people the belief that Mr. Calhoun will certain
ly be their candidate for the Presidency, in tl.e
face of the multiplied evidences to the contrary,
which are daily flowing in from every quarter
ot the Union.
In New Hampshire, where his candidate for
the Vice Presidency, Mt. Woodbury, resides,
the Vanites are in the ascendancy ten to one.
In Maine, there is a similar state of public
sentiment.
In Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
and Connecticut, do.
In New York, seven-tenths of the Delegates
thus far selected are in favor of the Magician of
Kinderhook. ,
In Pennsylvania, Gov. Porter, YVm. Wilkins,
and nearlj’ the whole of the “original panel” ol
old Federalists, but now Democrats, are Mr.
Van Buren’s open adherents.
In Ohio, even against Cass, in 28 counties,
Van has 27toll! Mr. Calhoun is not even
mentioned.
In Indiana, Michigan, and Kentucky, they
are for old Tecumseh fir-t, and Van as the al
ternative Cathoun scarcely spoke of.
In Missouri and Virginia, where Messrs.
Benton and Ritchie have not forgotten their ori
ginal dislike for “nullification” and Mr. Cal
houn, Van Buren is in the ascendant.
In New Jersey, Maryland, and Delaware,
Mr. Calhoun is not seriously urged.
In North Carolina and Tennessee, the case is
perhaps doubtful, but the odds are in favor 01
Van Buren.
Where, then, let us ask, are the friends of
Mr. Calhoun to come from, in sufficient num
bers to secure his nomination.
South Carolina may give him 9 votes—Geor
gia 10—Alabama 9—Mississippi 6—Louisiana
6—making, in all, if the Convention vote by
States, only 40 votes for the nomination, out o.
275!! —And only two of these, South Carolina
and Alabama, would certainly vote for him il
nominated!!
Mr. Van Buren is certain of the nomination
of the National Convention; and Georgia is
pledged to acquiesce in the decision of that bo
dy. Why, then, deceive the people longer as lo
the true issue on the Presidency.
Calhoun Democrats! you who are pledged to
vote tor Mr. Clay if your personal favorite is
not nominated, now is your time to come out
boldly and sustain the uiau of your choice—the
bold and generous-hearted leade. ofthe Whig
party—the man who has always been faithful to
the Constitution and patriotic in his policy.
We ask especial attention to tue article ot
“Crawlord” copied from Saturday’s Constitu
tionalist. We know not the writer, but what
ever may be his politics his arguments are un
answerable. How conclusive the analogy be
tweenjhe city and Spirft Creek case, and that
of A'ffietlcati and /HusUy* and,fl}**
completely anti-American does the ‘aflftiThl’tit'’'
show the Democratic policy to be! In 1840
we were twitted with being British Whigs, and
the Vanßurenites arrogated to themselves ex
clusive claim ol being called the American
parly. Now how changed! YVhen the Whig
policy has given new life and vigor to Ameri
can industry, when the energies of the hard
working mechanics are revived and they’ are
enabled not only to find ready employment, but
to co upele successfully with British labor in
the home and foreign markets—when Briti h
■statesmen, finding; their exports diminished and
competition incre.ased, cry aloud for the modifi
cation of the American Tariff—we ask which
party is most deserving the ap; ellation of Brit
ish? The YVhigs are charged with being feder
ilists! If it be federalism to sustain and fus
er the poor, hardy, toiling, enterprising laborers
of ourown land, both native and adopted, in
preference to the swarms of starving, vicious
British subjects, resident tn Manchester, Bir
mingham and Leeds, we submit cheers ully to the
charge, nay, we glory in appellation,
•‘A rose by any other name will smell as sweet.”
The old adage that “charity begins at home,”
is the basis ol the YVhig policy. Let us first
sustain our own artizans of every grade and
lass — give them com.elence and prosperity,
md they in turn will give increased prices lor
he produce of our soil; then the farmers and
the planters of every class will enjoy increased
and permanent prosperity, and then ii our De
mocratic friends out ofthe abundance of their
charity for British paupers, should have aught
to bestow, it need not be wrung from the sweat
>f the hard fisted American laborer. YVe
would go a little further than “Father Guieu,”
and affirm that as true patriots and genuine
Americans, the YVhigs would “ratherencourage
American than British labor,” even tho’ other
things were not exactly equal.
North Carolina.
The subjoined statement of the result of the
Congressional elections in the old North State,
shows that she is sound to the core. The Loco
foco gerrymandering in arranging the Districts
has given a temporary majority to our oppo
nents, still it is apparent that they have escaped
■defeat even in the Congressional conlest by a
mere accident, and that the next election will
seal their fate in every district in the State ex
cept the sixth. Glorious old Rip is wide a
wake, and in ’44 will improve even upon her
splendid achievements in 1840.
YVhig maj. Locofoco maj.
First District2,3Bo
Second “306
I'hiid “ 354
Fourth “3,893
Fifth “ 141
ixth “ 1,285
Seventh “ 155
t’.eighth 11 515
Ninth “840 ■
7.579 2,480
2'480
•1999 Whig maj.
Late and most Important Discovery.
A certain Democrat, in speaking of the Act
ofthe last Legislature, changing the sessions of
our Justices’ Courts from monthly to tri-annual,
and thereby delaying the collection of small
debts to the manifest injury and annoyance ot
the trading and poorer classes of society; aver
red, we learn, most positively that Ihe Bill was
introduced by a Wing! that it was sustained
by the YVhigs!! AND THAT IT WA&
FINALLY PASSED BY THE WHIG LE
GISLATURE OF 1842!!!
YVe presume the man has taken out a patent
right to cover his invention. He is certainly
tie : oldest, il not the most judicious operator in
his line, and deserves to be canonized by hi.-
brethren of the Democratic church.
sj”The watch and jewelry store, No. 9 Astor
House, New York, was robbed on the night ot
tie 3d, of gold and silver watches, diamond
rings, gol I chains, plate, &c ; the wholeestima
ed to be Wi rth Irotn $15,000 to $20,000. No
trace has yet been obtained of the robbers.
Pro in the Nashville Whig Banner. 9
Teply of the Hon« Robert Caruthefcfe jc
Cave Johi.sou.
We congratulate our readers upon the
’ionol' a document so able and adinirab&j*-
oat which we present to day. Its
scathing and u ithermg exposure of the
mggery of the Hon, Mr. Johnson, affords
i rich treat. Ils clear and authentic eipusfcw
>1 the excessive expenditures and heavy
nulations oi public debt by the Van Burenjßa|
Ministration, which debt was left to be
he Whigs, is must conclusive and cony in
. icre is the document —read it with
Reply of Hon. R. Caruthers.
Lebanon, June6th, ISiaM
To Col. Cave Johnsen:
1 was informed, on my return from the
bout the Ist of Al ay, that you had made
oored reply to my brief communication todwE
Editor ol the Banner, one of my late
■n tiie subject ofthe public debt, appropriatiaH
expenditures, &c. But your iriends ol tne
non did not see fit, for some cause or other,
ring it before the public until long after its ap.
pearance in your home organ, (ihe Jeffersotfe
ian) as it appears from its date. The
vlonday after the Union came forth with thfii
oeginning ol your ponderous eight column.a>i
iress to me, our circuit court commenced its
session, and since that time my engagements
lave deprived me ot the pleasure ol paying tujJ
respects to you. I say thus mu<^_p
■pelopy to you lor the apparent
n , not answering you sooi*er?->4'
pleasure, embrace the opportunity afforded lij<
iew leisure hours, to write to you. 1
,o be fully able lo correct many ofthe palpable
errors into which you have fallen on the subject
ofthe public expenditures. It I should succeeu
in doing this, I am sure you will feel gratified
chat we have accidentally fallen into this friend
ly controversy, for surely you cajinot desire to
remain in error yourself, even if you could bring
yourself to agree for party purposesanduiomen.
tary success to throw dust, for a season, into the
eyes ofthe people. So, as lam just addressing
myself lo you at this time, you tqust allow me
co speak treely, and for your good to make as
clear as tne sun, the monstrous fallacies by
hich you have been misled yourself, and are
trying most actively to deceive others.
I cannot believe that you will get mad at this,
s you seemed to do ai my other letter to the
Banner. Indeed, you mi st permit me to ex
press my surprise at the appearance of passion
you seemed to be under at that very brief ano
well-intended letter. I could not by any lheans
anticipate that you would take it amiss to dis
cuss freely the important questions voluntarily
nlroduced by you in your Washington letters,
i rather thought, by bringing tuem forward so
üblicly, that you invited discussion, and as
you threw your missiles into my District instead
>1 your own, 1 could not but suppose that you
were challenging me particularly. I did not,
therefore, feel t hat 1 was an obtruder ; I will
not, however, disguise the fact that 1 was pleas
’d to have the opportunity thus afforded me to
defend myselfand party, without the possibility,
as 1 thought, of being accused by any one ol
improper imerteience with ethers, against the
nost unfounded charges that were evei made
against any party. Every one must have ob
served that your part, here and elsewhere, tak
ing advantage of the just sensibility ofthe peo
ple on the subject of public expendituies, have,
uy misrepresentation and falsehood, labored to
mislead and deceive them in relation to the ac
tion ofthe late YVhig Congress on that subject.
You are perfectly aware that your public press
es, and speakers, and circular letter-writers, have
been guilty of mystifications and perversions ol
truth on this subject, that would suffuse the
cheek of any honest man, knowing tue facts as
you and 1 du, with a blush for the depravity ol
the times. It is a shame tor public men to at
tempt thus to take advantage oi the confidence
it tne people, and for party purposes, to practice
so boldly upon their credulity. It is a game
that will not long succeed—the people are too
wise and sensible.
But before 1 enterupon the argument, or rath
er the simple collation of stubborn tacts, and a
reference to indubitable public documents, we
must settle a small prelimina:y matter which
you have brought into view, and which, you
will pardon me lor saying, I think rather un
worthy of you, and would induce a stranger to
suspect, that you were more intent upon mak
ing capital than enlightening the “good people
■1 our State ” 1 allude to the first paragraph
in your letter of the 1 Oih April, published in the
jM,ay IJhitJn which you raise the cry
■ ..or ,:,..l.M,iu-rits ■>.. pv.reeiue ..
given, and whom you say nfivt*aTw!S« i
against you in your aspirations. In view oi
which mal-conduct by these vile Nashville lead
ers, you call upon the people of your District lo
indignantly rebuke them as they did in 1833, by
sending you to Congress, for a similar interfer
ence in your affairs. You say
“YVhen it suited the views of my Democratic
friends to renominate me tor Congress, notwith
standing the inclination I had expressed to re
tire, and 1 felt it my duty to acquiesce, I knew 1
was again to become one ofthe principal objects
ol attack from the leaders in Nashville, wh >
seem lo think themselves entitled to the control
of the affairs of this State, and none entitled to
any office wno does not yield and give active
support to their pretensions.”
You also say, “and as you had figured large
ly in my district in the hard cider campaign, a
your friends believed with some reputation, * *
* your services were sought or you volun
teered them as the champion of whiggery and
of that Congress, under a belief no doubt t a
they were needed and would be appreciated .n
my district.”
Now, sir, allow me to assure you that no citi
zen of Nashville had any knowledge of my in
tention to notice your litter of epistles fr. m
Washington until I had done so. I was no
prompted to do so either bj’ any desire to injur
you or your election particularly, but my objt c
was to refute error an! misrepresentation, to e
teet and ex, ose trickery, and bring truth as it is
before the people generally, but pa. ticul.iriy my
late constituents, among who n you saw fit to
cast your poisoned arrows. It was certainh
very natural and justifiable, that I should fee
some solicitude, even though I was not on thr
field tor re ele tion, that those whohadso latelj
honored me, and for whom I have acted in ;
highly responsible station, should have correct
imormat on as to my course, and be enabled t
decide correctly upon the important question o
I arty responsibility for the present ueplorabh
state ot things. Now, tn this view of the case
are you not surprised at yourself that you havr
got into a passion, and indulged in such unbe
coining and groundless suspicions against the
people of Nashville, just because I did not per
mit your attack upon me and my party, before
my own constituents too, to pass unnoticed ?
Are you afraid ofthe truth, and do you call tha
persecution? You should remember that it is
only such as are persecuted for righleousnxst
sake that are promised a blessing. You are not
in that category. Did you expect such an art
luliy contrived imposition on the subject of thr
public debt, made up of disjointed scraps iron,
the records by T. L. Smith, register of the trea
sury, tacked together by such remarks as vou
were pleased to make, to pass unexposed, where
so many Mere wrongfully implicated and the re
futation so easy ? If so, it uas a vain delusion,
as the result has shown, and a man-of your ex
perience might have foreseen it. If you hon
estly believed you were right, and really fell
that desiie you profess tor the enlightenment o;
the people, it is strange that you should regart.
it as im jtroper in me, or in the least personal tn
offensive to combat your positions. But froe
ihe tone of your fetter, one would conclude that
you deemed it a very improper interference in
your coming election for any one at Nashville,
or near Nashville, to r -fute yourcharges againsi
the opposing party, even though they were firs
promulgakd in the midst of that city. Now
you will observe that in the first of your three
celebrated letters; all dated at YVashington on
the 3d March, (the day of adjournment) you
said, “I felt it lo be due to the citizens of om
Slate” to make known to the people the astoun
ding fact that the Wnigs had increased tw’entj
millions. So as vour proclamation was to al
the people ofthe State, and directed against al
your YVhig colleagues, and the party to which
they belong every where, it is with a bad grac
that you strive to excite ihe focal feelings of the
good people in your district against foreign in
tei le.eiicc, on the ground that a blow given by
you in another district was repelled by one ot
its citizens.
The impropriety of your complaint against
me is made still more glaring by the fact, tha:
vour unfounded accusations agdim the YY i.ig
Congress, of which 1 had the honor to be at.
numble member, was sentto one of my consiit
■lents, tin- E iter of the Union, to be by him pro
nulgited in tue leading Locofocoorgan of the
Slate, in the midst of my constituents. Now
what is my offence, ol which you seem so bitter
ly to complain 1 YY r hy, I addresser! a brief com
nunieation t. another one or my own constitu
■nts, the Ei.i'or of Ihe Banner, in which 1 expo
-ed vourartful trickery—administered an ano
tote to your poison, and gave full and correc
locumentary information to guide io correc
• inclusions’ all who desired to know the truth.
BI had voluntarily gone into your district wit:
erious chaiges against you, and endeavored r
riminate you before your constiiuents, then
would have been more plausibility in you
raeeless charge of foreign interference in you
ending election. But taking the facts as’the
re, is it nut most farcical that you should crj
.iit’so lus.ily toyourcons'ituents.that the Nash
tile leaders are again upon you as they wei
in 1833. and that if they do not come to the res-
ue as they did then, you must perish 1 I war
■ ware ofthe fact that it is away you Locos ha vi
of trying to workup most every thing that hap
pens into a kind of humbuggery to tool the peo
ple,'but 1 could not suppose that a man of youi
profound sagacity and great experience wouh
conceive the idea of making capital by the cry
1 ’ft persecution, under the circumstances of thir
j case before so intelligent a constituency as yours.
I Ihe little acquaintance 1 have had the pleasure
Lai form with them would have enabled me to
J know that such a movement would not take
I w itn them.
I You seem to think that my “services were
(/sought, (by the Nashville leaders of course) oi
I liar I volunteered them as the champion ot
I Whiggery and ot that Congress” in this particu-
I lar case, be cause, in what you are pleased to
| call “the hard cider campaign,” I had, “as my
l/'ricMals supposed,” made some reputation in youi
I district. If it be true, sir, that 1 had the good
I fortune to win the favorable opinion of my fel
|’taw citizens in the district in which you residfc
by a discussion before them of the great and vi '
-uil questions involved in the memorable can
vass of 1840, it is an achievement of which I
should ever feel proud, and on that account,
/would be the more careful not to do any thing
j ustly calculated to forfeit their confidence. The
same feeling of gratitude.should restrain you,
(after having so long enjoyed their support from
such barefaced attempts’to humbug them info
'.he support of your party. YVhen will you get
Lifed of this stale practice of playing upon the
ifefo’judiccs of the people against Nashville lead-
city dictation ? It seems that you have
this holiby for ten years at least.—
VSH yon nbt Kfto v all the time that there was
nothing in it, and that it was only alow fabrica
tion to get votes ? Let me advise you to qui
it; you have got too old and honorable for this
kind ol work—leave it in future tor younger
demagogues. But if it be true, are not the Lo
cofoco Nashville leaders as guilty as the Whigs!
Be ashamed of such stuff, and quit it.
You seem to think that inasmuch as I did not
see fit to take the field again as a candidate for
re-election, that it was unwarrantable in me to
expose your fallacies. Itisfrue, that for reasons
heretofore made known to my constituents, I
did not seeproper to yield to their desires that I
should again become a candidate for Congress.
I certainly had a fair chance to withdraw my
ileclension as you did, even afer my return
nome and become the sole candidate tn my neu
district. In this, my course accorded with that
sound republican maxim of rotation in office,
and a fair division ol the honors of the public
service. This, you know, is a well established
republican creed. But because my appetite was
not as insatiable for office as some others, and 1
therefore saw fit to persevere in my M ithdraw
<tl, is that any reas n why 1 should not defend
myself against imputations brought info my
own district by a veteran colleague, out of it,
against me for my past conduct as its represen
tative? But you must not conclude that I make
the least complaint against your invasion of my
territory, for if my course and that of the party
with which it was, and is my pleasure to act,
and with whom I am ever willing to stand ot
■all, cannot be successfully defended against any
assaults that have been or can be made againsi
it, even bv the combined forces of Locufocoism
and their traitor allies John Tyler &Co., let the
withering condemnaiiun of our masters come
upon us in all its fury. Our cause being just,
we feel lhat we have nothing to fear from the
■ullest and freest examination and discussion ol
what we have done ana propose to do in f uture,
ind will not in any event cry out persecution,
an I call for sympathy. YVe think we stand up
on a rock which the angriest waves of faction
cannot move. Let me, lor your good, inform
you that you and your party have got into a
great er.or recently. You seem to havearrived
al the lame and impotent conclusion that as the
Whigs prevailed against j’ou by charging and
pressing home upon you a host ol official cor
ruptions and party mal-practices, lhat by the
use ol the same u’eapons of war you may van
quish them in turn. I suppose you go upon the
axiom in philosophy that “the like causes will
always produce the same effects.” But you
have failed entirely to mark the important qual
ification, that the circumstances under which
ihese causes operate must be similar. With
out this, it is not an axiom--it is clearly un
irue. Now, the circumstances are, tn the two
cases, entirely dissimilar in several important
particulars; in our case, the charge-, though
numerous, M'eie nevertheless true andfully sus
tained by proof; in yours, they are false and
unfounded. In our case, we had great princi
ples and ques.ions of public policy coming
down from Washington, Madison, and the fath-
Sgfs Uon-stjiuiion, which you had trampleo
...
how, and where are we to find them? You had
power four years under Mr. Van Buren, and
what did you do for the country? You exhaus
ted an overfloM ing treasury, dried up the sourc
es of revenue, spent eight millions a year more
than thecunent income from the usual sources,
—more than double the annual expenses of the
Government, and after a mighty effort for fout
years brought firth that monster tne Sub-Trea
-uiy, when there was nothing to put into it.—
And what have you now to promise? nothing,
nothing, M orse than nothing. YY hat folly, then,
is it in you to expect, by a great and false clam
or against the YVhigs, you will get the people to
trust you again.
But enough on incidental matters. The ques
tion in dispute between us is a grave one, amt
ought to I e lully and plainly discussed before the
people. It is, how ever, one of figures, and though
nut well calculated for interesting discussion,
yet il is one in which much interest is fell by
aany, and certainly susceptible of being made
plain lo all who will lake the pains to examine
the documents amt consider the proof. Os all
tno strange things that I have seen in the conflicts
of parties in these latter days, it has seemed to
ie the strangest that there should be two opin
ions on the question of what partv is responsi
ve tor the present pu' lie debt, and that any re
q ectable man of any party should sup|>ose that
he people could be so blinded by r oliticians
.nd party zeal as to have even a doubt ofthe re
-poiisibility of your party tor lhat as urell as the
general embarrassment of the country. But,
some hoM’ or other, you leaders have got to be
f opinion that the peo le are so gullable that
oihing is too absurd for them to swaliow, ii
presented to them by the prominent men ot their
■arty. In confirm di moi this, 1 would remind
you of a hackneyed remark used by you and
your brethren in Uonyress and elsewhere, that
he YVhigs beat you tn 1840, by “hard cider,”
coon skins anil merry songs”—and you call it
the “hard cider campaign” in your late letter to
me.
You will also recollect that one of your lead
ing editors said in 1810 that “a lie well stuck to
was as good as the truth. '* Now’, sir, what re
spectcan party leaders have for die intelligence
red virtue of the people, or even their ability for
-ell-government, who openly charge that they
ire capable of being carried off by these means
m a great party coniest in which all the talents
if the nation were brought into action ! Still
you claim the name of iiewioira/s, and profess to
iave great faith in the people, and to he their
peculiar friends and admirers!! One less cha
itanle than myself would be induced to exclaim,
■e hypocrites, how long M illyou continue to de
ceive the people with your false pretersions ot
■ ove, confidence, and adoration ? Now, sir,
laving a high degree ol respect and friendship
for you personally, I will endeavor to convince
you at least of ttie error of your ways on this
particular question.
What are the facts and the only facts stated
<y you in your first letters to which 1 replied?
■Vben the Whigs came intopover on the 4th
March 1841, the public debt, according to your
lateim nt, was $7,840,692 18, and on tne 13th
. eli. 1843, near tne cluse of tne second year of
Whig rule in Congress, it was $27,389,221 65,
miking an increase ol $19,908,529 47. This is
II you say in your first summary exhibit. Sen
ate doc. No. 41 makesthe punlic debt4thMarch
11 $8,379,059, but M-e will not cavil about tuat.
m my answer, 1 admitted that what you said
was t:ue; but that in consequence of tailing to
ell the whole truth, as you were bound to do,
coming forward as a witness as well as prose
cutor, your statement was calculated to have,
md did have the same effect with the unimfonn
•d on the subject as if it bad been utterly un
rue. Whether you were guilty of wilful con
cealment tor the purpose ot deceiving, 1 will
not say, but leave it to others to determine in
view of the tacts. 1 supplied your omission by
explaining what was meant by the term public
lebt at the Treasury Department, and giving at
ength document No. 281, by which il was
mown by j’our own T. L. Smith, Register ot
he Ttea-tiry, that your Iriends left on the 4th
vlarch, 1841, when they went out of power, lia
. 'ilities ami demands, or in plainer language
eto against the government to the amount of
-35,527.325 instead of $7,819.6112 18, about five
uillions of which last sum, however, isincluded
n the former. 1 also explained the reason of
he apparent inconsistency oi the two statements,
>v giving the meaning of term “public debt’ at
lie Treasury, which was Mell known to you,
»it carefully' withheld from the people. This
explanation is not, nor will it be, denied by you,
ml unlocks the nhole mystery, and lobs your
nighty effort of its thunder. This explanation
.vas, that at the Treasury and upon their books
i.i .lennn'is again-l the government, but those
for which its bones or notes are out, are classed
under the head of “public debt,” all ether de
nands are called “liabilities" but areas binding
'ln your great Stale Orean. the Unum. of January 21.
1842. vol 7. So So. you u-ill lind it boldly asserted in the
JUotial column in relation 'o the Presidential elecuou
i l-ii‘. that -h d d<' Vi'h g • !■ i d te een a llr.ve
,.rs tlvvMY. n.u r the old Ll'nir I. he would h v
c-n iiecte c” X ihousand such-entimenta sould be
given li eui your uewspaper» aud speechea.
tnd as hard to pay as the former, if you an
not satisfied on this point, examine again tin
wo lihle Tstatesment first published by you
but more recently by your august friend ant
leader, Gov. Polk, in the Union of May 23u,
and doubtless by every little Democrat in th-
State for the same purpose you had in vieu
when you obtained them. I will here again in
sen them that all who read may be convinced:
1. Amount of the Public Debt on Uh March, 1841.
Old funded and unfunded debt:
Funded debt—interest and princi
pals 296,642 05
Unfundid debt—old Trea
sury n0te54,595,20
Mississippi 5t0ck4,320,09
Registered debt 26,622,4 4—35,537 73
Debt ofthe corporate cities ofthe
District of Columbia, assumed
by the United Statesl,soo,ooo Os
Treasury n0te55,648,512 41-
Total debt,87,480,692 lb
Treasury Department, Register’s Office, )
February 13, 1843. 4
T. L. SMITH, Register.
2 S'atement ofthe Public Debt an 13M Feb. 1843.
Old funded and unfunded debt:
Funded debt—interestand princi
pals2Bß,396 40
Unfunded debt—old Trea-
sury n0te554,317,44
Mississippi Stock 4,320,09
Registered debt 26,622,44
Debt of the corporate cities ofthe
District of Columbia assumed
by the U. States 1,380,000 00
Treasury n0te511,711,210 17
Loan of 1841 and ’4213,974,445 11
Total debt 527,389,221 65
Treasury Department, Register’s Office, I
Febuary 13, 1843. J
T. L. SMITH, Register.
And now to make what I say still more mani
fest, let me again call your attention to lhat ter
rible document, No. 281, which has so signally
fi ustrated your schemes, and as it seems ■ ven
excited your ire against the member who ot
tered the resolution which drew it out ol your
friend T. L. Smith. I will not get offend -d with
you for this, because it is unreasonable to expect
a man to keep his temper when a scheme so art
fully contrived, is at once frustrated by the
shining forth ot the whole truth. But as un
pleasant as 1 know it must be to you,
friends who have joined with you in this contri
vance, 1 must once more bring it before your
eyes though it may be as terrific to you and
them as the ghost of Banquo to the bloody Mac
beth.
Here it is, read it as Belshazzar did the wri
ing on the wall.
[27th Con., 2d Ses.l [House of Rep.,l
Doc. No. 281.
Liabillities of the Treasury, March 4, ’4l.
Aug 10, 1842—read and laid upon the table.
Treasury Department, I
Register’s Office Aug. 8, 1842. )
Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you a
statement of the amount for which the Treasu
ry was liable on the 4th March, 1841, prepared
in compliance with a resolution ol the House of
Representatives of the 6th instant.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your
obedient servant,
T. L. SMITH.
Hon. John White, Speaker of
the House ot Representatives.
Statement of the amount, and tor which the
Treasury tvas liable on the 4lli March, 1841,
agreeably to a resolution of the House of Re
presentatives ofthe sth August, 1842.
Specific appropriations of all
kinds undrawn on the 4th
March, 1841, $27,134,721 30
Indefinite appropriations
drawn betu’een the 4th
March and 31st December,
1841, 1,771,269 46
Treasure Notes outstanding on
the 4th March, 1841 6,621,334 44
$35,527,325 20
From which deduct cash ba-
Ince in the Treasury on the
4th March, 1841, exclusive
of deposites with the States
and the unavailable funds
due by defaulting banks as
ascertained from the books of
the Treasurerot the United.
States, 862,055 81
Totali .. ..$114,665,269 30
The above balance (©862,055, 81) in the
Treasutyjiqesnot include tne sum of S3OO,(XX)
trust funds.- - SMITH, Register.
Treasury Department Register’s Office, Au
gust Btb, 1842.
Such are the facts, beyond all controversy on
both sides, and the question is,
Who is responsible for the present public debt!
It will be admitted even by you that the
Whigs could not refuse to pay the debts the
predecessors had coni racted, and appropriations
made by them no matter how extravagant oi
unwarrantable they might consider them—they
could not repudiate. T his might do for Loco
foeos, but surely no one any where would re
quire or expect it of Whigs.
Then, it is clear that your party on the 4th oi
March, 1841, left the Government, then handed
over to the Whigs, bound to raise over and above
any additional debts they might afterwards con
tract, the enormous amount ol thirty-five mil
lions five hundred and twenty-seven thousand
three hundred and twenty-five dollars, (35,-
527,325.) But you say lhat this sum included
the support ofthe Government for the year 1841,
and over this fact you make a great flourish, as il
j’ou had discov; red something new. Nowatthis
1 was a little surprised, as I could not but sup
pose you had read my communication to which
you were making so laborious a reply, and in
thaif 1 expressly stated such to be the fact. Youi
effort therefore, ti make a different impressiou
upon the public mind, is unjust to me as well
as to yourself. It is not material whether this
vast amouut of debt was ol ol t or new contract
ing, it was cast upon the Whigs and had to be
met as demanded, or the Government disgraced
oy the i uin of its credit. But this was not all
the liabilities fell upon us, as 1 think 1 can clear
ly show you. Let me give you a lew out ol
many additional items and prove it from the
records,
Appropriated at the Extra Session 1841, See
Ho. Doc. No. 62 and Act- of that Session.
Balance io Florida Military for services
in 1840,d0c. p. 4, Acts n. 31519,388
Amount for same (Sedentary corpse, I
suppose,)for six month’s service ,com
mencing Nov. 1840 to Ap’l 1841,same
page 5297,213
“ for Georgia militia tor services in 1840
and 1841 —same pages 78,495
“ for airearages for roads, harbors, &c.
same 40,000
“ for Greenough\statue of Washington
contracted for by previous Congress,
same doc. p. 6, an I acts p’ 32 20,100
“ for the Navy Pension Hind, which had
been to that extent exhausted by pre
vious administration, and was of
course a debt against the Treasury,
same doc. p. 3, and acts p. 7139,666
8594,862
Here is half a million and more appropriated
at the called session for outstanding contracts
and liabilities, not included in document 281 be
cause not then actually appropriated, and conse
quently not noticed on the books as a pending lia
bility against the Treasury. The large item of
$497,657, to pay the Democratic debt against the
Post Office Department to be seen in doc. No 62,
p. 6 and in the acts of p. 33, is not included be
cause it is probable that the same amount uas
included in previous acts, and is therefore em
braced in the doc. 281.
Appropriated at 2d Session ot last Congress
and not included in doe. 281.
For printing ordered by’ Senate 26th
Congress, doc. 293, p. 2527,282
“ printing, binding, &c. documents or-
dered by Senate 1836 and 1837—same
page 12,250
“ deficiency in fund for contingent ex-
penses of House, 26th Congress—
same page 98,335
“ repairs of building occupied by Post
Office Department under contract with
Amos Kendall, 1836- same page 2,572
“ expenses of 6th census, page 10, taken
1840110,000
arrearages since 1834, in General Land
Office, page 19 22,628
“ Florida militia, called into service in
4839 and ’4O. page 25 and acts 124... 166,242
“ Georgia militia tor services in 1835
’36—’37 and 38, acts p. 84175,000
“ Louisiana militia, for services in 1836
acts p. 16961,378
“ Maine militia 1839 acts p. 36 indefinite
but at least by estimate2oo,(loo
$876,678
Besides the foregoing, we found ourselves
bound by solemn treates to pay tor the year 1812,
and had to appropriate accordingly.
For fulfilling treaty urith Miaunes ol
Nov. 28. 1810, (same doc. 283. p. 30)
and act 5383,750
“ same with Winnebagoes—same page,..92,860 [
“ fulfilling about 42 other Indian treat-
se, fir which reference is made to the
same doc, and page as well as the acts
011842..... 649,028
Total liabilities under Indian treat
ies for the year 1812—many of
these liabilities continue, but I
only notice the amount for the
year 1842 $1,125,6313
Add this to foregoing appropriations
for other debLs 875,68
And you have the amount the
Whigs were bound to raise in 1b42
to pay democratic liabilities $2,001,32;
To which add amount voted in ,
1841, for same, as above set forth in
letail 594,86
$2,596,18.
And we have the round sum of two mn.iui,
ive hundred and ninety-six thousand one hun
red and eighty-seven dollars, for which tl<
Jovemment was solemnly bound, and had ti
appropriate and pay within their two first year
m addition to the amouut contained in uocn
rient 281, besides a vast amount in private biff
ind indefinite appropriations not here taken in
to the account, in discharge of obligation
contracted by their predecessors.
Total liabilities. Those in doc.
$35,527,32/
These above enumerated 2,596,18.
$38,123,51-.
Thirty eight million one hundred and tweni.;
three thousand, five hundred and twelve dollar
thrown upon the Whigs with the Government
on the 4th of March, 18411
Now 1 am sure you willnot deny this, and I
have been particular in refei ring you to the pro,, i
that you may satisfy yoursell and detect erroii
if any there be. lam sure you will not conlro
ven any thing your friend T. L. Smith has cer
tified in ttoc. 281, nor the plain aclsol Congres.
but you were bold and reckless enough to saj
in your reply to my former cointiiunicaiion, that
your party left the means to pay the appropria
tions made by them for 1841 and the other lia
bilities which tne whigs inherited from them,
but you rely upon naked assertions and piouucv
no proof. This 1 have before, and do now most
positively deny. So we are at issue on this point
also. Then let us resort to the law and testi
mony. YV hat means did you leave us to meet
and discharge this heavy toailof debt? Why
you say there was cash on hand and all the du
ties from imports and proceeds ol the sales ol
the public lands coming in during the year 1841.
That is all true and ery good as lar as it goes.
But suppose all this fails far short of raising the
amount required, and we were bound to borrow
money and give our bonds on time and issue
treasurynotes, lhat is give our bonds and prom
isory notes lor the balance, after applying all
the means provided by you out ol y. ur tai iff
and land laws, and these bonds and notes con
stitute the publifiaebi, then tell me who is re
sponsible for that debt. You seem logo upon
the idea that as the Whigs borrowed the money
and gave the bunds ol the Government tor it,
and issued the treasury notes, which two items
make the addition ol near 20 millions to the
public uebt pioper or tue public debt in the
technical language of Smith and Johnson, that
they are responsible and chargeable with waste
ful extravagance, even thoueh they may have
applied the money thus borrowed and the notes
issued to the discharge ofthe dent cast upon
them by Van Buren! But the honest people
will laugh at your absui dity as soon as the ques
tion is barely slated to them.
Then let us see what means you actually pro
vided.
Your favorite treasury officer, T. L. Smith,
as you will see in lhat most useful and honest
document2Bl (took at it once more) says there
was in cash in the Treasury on 4th Match, 1841,
$.i62,055. Here we start. The receipts into
tue I'reasury from all sources under the laws
left by you (except 1 reasury Noles) according
to report ol Secretary of Treasury made 20:h
Feb. 1841 on the State ofthe Finances, see Ho.
doc. No. 18, for three quarters ol that year, that
is from Ist Jan. to Ist Oct. 1841, was
$12,755,487
viz. From Customs.... $10,847,557
From Land 5a1e51,104,063
From miscellane-
ous sources9o,69l
From bond of U.
S. 8ank662,049
From Banks which
failed in 183751,127
But by House Doc. No. 2 of Ex
tra Session, it will be seen at page
2- there was received and expended
of lhat sum between Ist January and
4th March, by tejected adminrstra- *
tion 2,428,247
Leaving to be applied to Demo
cratic debt 810,327,240
To which the receipts from all
sources during the 4th quarter is
to be added. But it must be borne
in mind that the W hig tariff' on
luxuries, silks, wines, &c., passed
at the called session was in force,
and catne in aid ot the receipts lor
that quarter.
In said Doc. No. 18, at page 2, it
will be seen that the Secretary of
the Treasury estimated, that is, con
jectured lhat there would be receiv
ed irom all sources except Treasu
ry notes and loan during that quar
ter, viz: from Ist Oct. to endot the
year, 1841 4,390,315
Making total receipts with aid of
Whig tariff from 4th March to 31st
Dec., 1841514,717,555
You Mill remember that the actu
al receipts ol tiie 4th and last quar
ter of 1841 tell tar short of the above
■ stimated amount, and the proceeds
of th- Whig tariff of the called ses
sion added largely to the receipts of
that quarter. But 1 will only de
duct lor these causes a sum which
every one who knows any thing a
(iout it, wil) agree is far short oi the
true amount 1,717,555
$13,000,(XX)
Add to this the cash on hand 862,055
13,862,055
So it appears that the democrat
ic party, when they Mehl out of
power, left me ir successors bound
by legal and honorable obligations
to pay, as lully proved above, at
fea5t..1..538,123,512
With means trom evety source
to amount ol 13,862,055
Leaving a balance unprovided for ol $21,261,457
Now it will be observed that what you and
your iriends are | leased to call the wasteful and
extravagant expenses and appropriations ofthe
called session, ate not included in the above
statement, but that independent ol them, wheth
er justifiable ur nut, they were bound by the
most solemn obligations to raise over ano above
all the means (rum every quarter left on hanu
'or provided for during the year by yoyr party,
the enormous sum ol more than twen y-J ur an
a halt millions! How was this to be paid but
by borrowing money upon the credit of the Gov
ernment, or liqui atingthe accounts by giving
our notes, that is, issuing treasury notes to run
upu interest, on the exa tuple set us by our pre
decessors, and only justifiable by the urgent ne
cessity ot the case? Can any other plan be de
vised? Was there any alternative left to the
Whigs but to take this c< rurse or see the credit
ot their Government utterly ruined? Such a
party as ours had no diffi eulty in choosing be
tween these hard alternatives. So they raised
some of the money by loa n and issued treasury
notes for an amouut sufficient to satisfy pressing
demands and keep the Government in motion
until they had tithe to liuake Mriser regulations
fir revenue. And in tb.at way, the “liabilities”
the accounts and approjoriations, weresel'led by
bonds and notes, and tin ese constitute the public
. e/it, so it is only a cha uge in name but not tn
substance.
Now, sir, as an hor test man, answer me.
YY ho is rcsponsibleto thie people lor the increase
ofthe pmblic debt ? the Whigs who borrowed
and applied the money, or the Democrats who
created the debts to w hich the money was ap
plied? But, it may be said that the whole am
ount of your debt was not required to be paid
the first year. That is very true, but still it does
not affect the question for it was still a subsist
ing debt falling upon and crippling the operation
of the next year.
The unexpended appropriations at the close of
the veaz..-.1844), was 12,366,515
do d0....1841, “ 11,210,864
do d 0.... 1842, “ 10,412,003
These facts appear in Senate doc. 98, page 2
of last session. By this it will, be seen that a
less balance by upM'ardsof a million M'ent over
to the year 1842, than that which was cast upon
the year 1841 from 1840. Yet what we did not
pay in’4l came upon us w'ilh interest in 1842.
It will be borne in mind that all the laws and
rep ulations left by the other party, compromise
ar-t and all, continued undisturbed, until thetar
i fl of 1842 passed in August, except the tariffon
'luxuries passed at the extra session, which aid
ed vour laws and enhanced the income as it is
estimated at least three millions, and except al
so the distribution act Cara part ofthe year, by
which less than one million was diverted from
ihe National Treasury and distributed at*ong
the States.
What now becomes of the assertion that youi
party left means sufficient to meet their appro
priations for the year 1311? You should neve:
indulge in general remarks oi this kind on a con
troverted point without giving proof. It is in
jurious <o your character with men of sense.—
But I was bold enough to state in my other let
ter, that instead of the public income of 1811.
being sufficient to pay off the liabilities left by
Mr. Van Buren, indud.ir g of course the appro
priations just made by him for the curre .t ex
penses of that year, thnt the whole revenue from
VOL. VII-NO 37.
II sources, land money and all, for the year
841 and 1842, would not pay the democratic
d bt existing on tire 4th March, 1841.
1 now proceed to make this ctiaige good, not
,y vague assertion, but by indubitat le evidence.
Amount of liabilities on 4th March, 1841, as
elore clearly shown ab0ve538,123,519
841, The whole revenue in-
cluding cash on hand as
shown ab0ve13,262,055
.842, First two quar
ters of 1842, reven
ue from customs,
land, and a’l other
sources, Senate doc.
371, 2d sess. page
18,733,834
i’wo last
quarters
ol 1842,
Senate
doc. No.
98, last
sess. p 2,
revenue
from cu5t0m5,...6,421,877
toms,...6,421,877
tevenue
fin lands
and other
sources,
not given
n this doc
tor these
quarters,
but say
. hey were
the same
as the first
' which is <
too high .759,145
7,181,022
15,914,856
29,176,911
Balance of liabilities of 4th Match,
1841, remaining after applying all
the revenue ol 1841 and 18428,946,601
Now, if any one sbould retuse to
take the pains to examine the proof in
“Uppotl of the additions I have made
to the liabilities, officially established
by Document No 281, which latter no
one will be so bold as to dispute, or
raise a squabble over the u hole or any
particular item, 1 will see how the ac
count will stand by taking olf the ap
propriations for democratic liabilities
not included in that docu.rent, because
made sii.ee 4th Mai ch, 1841, by the
vt hig52,596,187
Deficiency still remaining6,3su,4l4
Do not forget to obseive that in the foregoing
calculation, you have included all the proceeds
ol the public lands lor both years, altnougu in
fact a portion ol them lor 1812, about one mil
lion, 1 believe was distributed to such ol the
.states as would receive lueir shares. But I
have in this calculation given you tue advantage
of them, because as you left the law they would
have flowed into the federal treasury.
Let me again appe.il to youi candor to say
whether 1 iiave not made out lire proposition be
yond all cavil that under the laws an . financial
arrangements of your party the whole revenue
oflB4lahd 1842, wiln me aidol the Whigtariffi
upon luxuries, (many of which, particularly
silks and wines, were free, and wouiu have pro
duced no revenue under your laws) aid not yield
money enough even to pay oft tne debts, lor
which you belt the government bound, on me 4ln
ol March, 18411 1 leel confident you will give
it up, al least as soon as your election is over,
because you see, that alter applying the whole
ol the income in those years, mere is still left a
balance of upwards ol sue millions.
But you lelt us an army, navy, judiciary, and
executive to support tor 1842. Alt L.ese—eve
ry branch of tne government you lelt organized
on the most extravagant scale, as you fully ad
mit by your laudable course in the way ol cur
tailing and retrenching with myselt and others
at the two last sessions. The only misfortune
is that your party would not do any thing ol ihe
kind when in power. Suppose the Whigs
could have brought the expenses of me Govern
ment at once down to the scale that the federal,
aristocratic, extravagant administration ol Ad
ams, Clay, &c., had it belbre we aenocralic,eco
nomical, retrenching Jacs son men came into
power, to wit: about thirteen millions lor 1842,
still by adding to that you* seven millions and
the above balance you have a debt ol twenty
eight millions. But no one of any party suppo
ses that the government can now be carried on
tor thirteen millions. And if it could, no one
would be so unreasonable as to require a party
to etlecl a ieduction of twenty millions in two
years. Much more lime would be necessary to
accomplish so great a work without doing vio
lence to the public service, and injustice to those
who are engaged in it. For instance, you re
member that it was the middle of the year 1842,
before we could succeed in reducing the demo
cratic standing army of upwards of 12,000 men,
down to a whig army of about 8,000 men, but
as the men had served to that period ol the year,
it would not answer to disband them at that sea
son, and cast them oil to starve, with perhaps
the scars ol honorable war upon many ot them.
Consequently provision had to be made lor their
pay during Hie year. The same remaik will
properly apply to many other things upon which
we eliecteu important reductions, the enumera
tion of which in detail would probably take up
more of your time to read, than you can hnd it
convenient to spare Irorn your present can
vass.
But under the circumstances, we felt it our
duty to apj roj riate for the service of that year,
exclusive of $4,485,900 for the transpoitalion of
the mail, &c., which aie always intended to be
discharged by postages and not tluown upon the
treasury except when badly managed, $20,071,-
277. lam aware that you and many of your
patty have been in the habit of stating this sum
much larger. But 1 have the proof letore me,
and will reter you to it, (for you have the same
testimony 1 have in your files-) so that it you
misrepresent this fact any more it shall beclear
ly wiltul, anu not through mistake. You shall
not even have the miserable apology recently
made in the public prints by one ol your late
democratic colleagues now in the field again,
for certain statements maue by him, which was
hat he had found them in circular letters ol the
lion. Lynn Boyd of Kentucky, ana the Hon.
Geo. Houston ol Alabama, two democratic
m- mbers . fti.e late Congress, both running lor
re-election! I
x lien with this precaution and friendly ad
monition, permit me to refer you to House Doc
ument No. 293, page 32, where you will find the
w; ole appropriations lor 1842 to be.. 24,557,177
And at page 11, you will Una the
amount lor carrying the mail,
paying post masters, &c.,
which is included in the above,
and amounts to 4,485,900
$20,071,277
This sum of twenty millions you will find by
examination, also includes all the items hereto
fore enumerated, which we had to appropriate
to pay your debts and contracts, amounting, as
you u ill remember, to $2,001,325, which, ii you
will take the pains to deduct from the above
sum, will leave only $18,060,952. 1 his cer
tainly does not look very extravagant to the eyes
of a democrat, who has been in the habit of
looking upon the annual appro) nations ol his
own party for the four years that Mr. Van Bu
ren was in power, with a majority all the time
in both Houses ol Congress. 7 hese were as I
stated in my former communication, as follows:
For 1837, regular and extra session, as ap
pears by doc. no. 223, and doc. no. 465.34,375,325
For 1838, doc. no. 46438,413,064
For 1839, doc. no 24936,862,242
For 1840, doc.no. 26523,696,032
Making for four years a grand to-
tal 015133,347,265
Which makes an average for the
four years 0f533,336,816
Now, I have the original documents showing
the above facts in my possession, all signed by
your favorite party clerks, Walter S. Franklin
or H. A. Garland, who would not of course
make them too strong against their friends—
they would be more apt to err on the other side.
You were a member of Congress in 1839-’4O,
and doubtless have the same documents in your
possession, and ot course will be able to point
out any mistakes your friends (the clerks) have
made against your party. Now, 1 pray you ex
amine them before you write again, and do not
fill your next letter with long extracts from the
speeches of members ot Congress, and new spa
perslang, but march up to the law and testimo
ny, and argue like a man —giving to the good
people the truth as it is. Being an old and able
lawyer, as well as veteran politician, you know
what is evidence and what is not. 1 am aware
of the high importance of the present contest to
your party, and that you all legard the issue as
decisive ol your fate forever in this State, it you
should be vanquished in August, by that noble
Whig phalanx by whom you have been so often
routed. But although two Senators in Con
gress, the gubernatorial and Legi'lative power
perhaps lor years, if not forever, depends upon
the result, the people should be fairly dealt with
that they may decide the contest upon principle
ind be content with their decision.
You must excuse me for wedging up the proof
so closely at all points, and dovetailing the
work upon you and your party ; tor notwith
standing I cannot tail to know that it is unplea
sant to you or any oneelse to he so fenced about
that there is no way to escape, yet 1 will not dis
guise the fact that the uncalled for temper and
tone of your letter renders the auty I am endea
voring to perform to you and the country, a ple«r