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BFEKCH OF Till: «
HON. WM. C. DAWSON,
or nxonou.
On the bill granting Land to Of' SUU* of I/nna in aid
of eomtriniing certain BaUroodt. Deliver'd in
the Senate of tho Unit'd Stale*, March 1, IMS.
The Senate haring under consideration “ A bi!i
E -anting the right of war and makiog a (front of
nd to the State of lowa, in aid of the construc
tion of certain railroads in said State”— p
Mr. Dawson said : 1 will detain the Senntc but
a very short time on this subject. The arguments
hareneen nearly exhausted, and there is little left
forme to say ujion side ot the question ujion
which I propose to speak.
Before I enter upon the main subject ot the
bill, 1 beg to be permitted to reply to the argu
ments made, in reply to some suggestions which
I offered to the donate some weeks since, by the
honorable Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Oeyer.)
He replied to three of tho suggestions which 1 had
presented, and it seemed to hare disposed of
them in a manner satisfactory to himself.
The first argument to which the Senator from
Missouri replied was, as he stated, that I charged
that tho protective interests in this body bad com
bined with the new State*, in order to dispose of
the public laud* in snch a manner as to diminish
theamountof revenue which would otherwise go
into the Treasury. That was not ray allegation.
1 aaid thia, ami said it trnly and properly, that it
vra* for the interest of those politicians who favor
protection for the sake of protection, to dispose ot
all the revenue arising from the public lauds in
order to diminish the amount of money that might
go into tho Treasury, and thereby justify an in
crease of the tar.ff; and that all men of all classes
whether politicians or otherwise, are di.*[>o*od to
be controlled by those rules which promote their
own interests; and I alleged that the new States,
through their Senator* on this floor, (ledred ap
propriation* of the public land* for internal im
provements within their respective States, for the
purpose of advancing the prosperity of those
States ; and although opposed to a tariff in princi
ple, yet thoy would combine with those who are in
favor of it, and dispose of the lands by bills ap
propriating them for railroads, because they thus
xusy receive a larger reward than they would by
preventing an increase of the tariff. I was right,
air, in that principle. It jvu* no charge inconsist
ent with the honor or dignity of tho Senate. It
was founded in troth, and known to be so.
The next is this: That if I, or any othergentle
man were transferred to tho vallov of the MissG
aippi, I would find that all the railroads to he built
there were to be founded upon appropriations of
the public lands. My reference was to the speech
made by the honorable Senator from Virginia,
I Mr. Hunter,] when ho announced that there
were some eight or ten bills oil the tabic asking for
appropriations for railroads in the new State*, and
all verging to or uniting with the Mississippi
river; and I defy tho Senator from Missouri to
Joint out to mo a single hill upon that table asking
or an appropriation of the public lands, which is
not the foundation upon which they expect to
build these road*. Hence it was that 1 said, throw
yoursolt into the valley of the Mississippi, and
you will see somo eight or ten railroads, the con
struction of which is to lie founded on appropria
tions from tho public lands. There was no impro
priety in that. It is a just and true assertion, and
cannot be denied.
The next was this. I observed that it was a do
nation of 14.500,000 to the State of Iowa; and
the Honator replied that it was no donation to that
State. And the way ho illustrated and sustained
hi* position was this : He asks if you, the then
presiding olliccr, being s cotton planter, had a
hundred bales of cotton, and in Mobile that cotton
is worth eight cents per pound, and I say to you
that I will give you sixteen cents per pound for
one half ot your cotton, if you will let me have
tbs other half for nothing, whether yon would lose
anything or not by the operation ? Oortuinly you
would not. But suppose that you hod tho snme
capacity to appropriate that cotton in the same
way that the individual who applies to purchase
your cotton bail, and who expects to make eight
ceat* more on the pound, would you not ap
propriate the benefit to youraelf f Sir, suppose
tho United Stales, for tho purpose of improving
the public lands, should authorise tho construction
of these railroads, and for that purpose should ap
propriate money out of the Treasury, would not
tne public property bo equally appreciated by the
railroads tints authorized by the Government of
the United States, and would not the accumulating
value of their lands go to the United States 1 (!cr
tainly it would. And mark you, Mr. President,
we substitute an individual State, with tho powers
wo are said to possess, to do tile same act, and
give to that State all the relative advantages arising
from it. Those advantages inure to the benefit of
the State of lowa. From the General (Jovronment
solely and exiiuaivoly these benefits are obtained ;
and nance it is that I say that if tho United States
have the power to appropriate theso public lands
to lowa to construct this railroad, it is better that
we should appropriate that amount of money to
rause the road to be constructed, and thus improve
the vsluo of tho whole land and not of ulternato
aactions, andlat the money arising from the im
proved value*of tho land bo put into tho Treas
ury of the United States ; and when wo shall
havo hcen repaid the amount of appropriations for
those railroads, let them be national accommoda
tions, and let those to whom the land belongs liavo
a right to pass over the roads without taxation.
Sir, was not the Cumberland road constructed up
on that plan ? Did wo not make appropriations
to construct that road in order to improve tho
value of our land* in the Westorn States ? Cer
tainly. And when the improvement took place,
what beoamaof the road Sir, the Senate well
know that the declaration I nuble, and which may
l>e carried out in argument, was true —that it was
nothing but a donation.
Hut passing nvor that, ns I desire to be brief on
this occasion, we oomo to tho public land, and
there are but few principles connected with them,
llow aiul for what purpose did we obtain those
public lands ? Prior to the adoption of the Con
stitution, Virginia, by a compact, sold tho North
’Western territory to the United Slates; ami 1 re
fer to that merely to show tho relation subsisting
between tho Government of the United State* and
tlin State of Virginia, arising out of that compact.
What wiu* that eorapnot I It was that Virginia ce
ded those lands on certain terms and limitations,
restrictions, and conditions ; and wlion they were
all complied with, what was then to bo done 1 The
contracting party agreed that tho whole of the
lands, after the payment of tho public dcU, and
after certain other conditions and stipulations in
that contract wore complied with, were to inure to
the benefit of all tho States, Virginia included.
Now, wiiat was the construction nut upon that
compact i>v the honest men who made it. I It Was
that, tho lands belonged, even in kind, to the va
rious States of tho Union; and the law rend by ray
friend from Kentucky, showing tho distribution
of those lands in kina, proves that this const ruc
tion was contemporaneous witli the contract.
Jleuoo 1 allege that there is a construction of the
compact between Virginia and the United States
which set tills tho character of tlijs particular com
pact. W)u»t boeomos of the relation bufweon the
State of Virginia, sud all other States included,
with tha General Government under this compact ?
If the remainder of tho proporty, after the pay
ment of tho National debt and compliance with
tho conditions thoreiu spudded, inured to tho
benefit of the States, including Virginia, itiuadctlic
United States a grout lauded proprietor, having an
interest in tho land in trust only, while tho ounitn
bla interest was in tho several States ; amt the
United States thereby became proprietor merely
for tho benefit of others. In I*o2, when the
nrtioles of cession and compact were entered into
with tho State of Georgia, the same term* add
limitations, in noarlv the express words, wore there
found, with tho same privileges—that the remain
der ot' the property, utter compliance with certain
conditions, should imiro to tlio whole of the States,
Georgia Included. Thia was one of tho provisions
of the urticiesof cession. There the United States
again boomin' A ladled proprietor, a* trustee, under
that contract. , .
Wliuu wo acquired Louisiana, a new principle
aroto. All the land* obtained prior to that, period,
had been obtained by a contract between tho C»en
oral Government and the Suites. In 1808, when
wo made a treaty with France, .and obtained the
lands ill Louisiana, the question Wits very much
agitated whether tho Government of »Jje United
States had the power, under the constitution, to
acquire Territory iu that v/ny. lint the power was
excroissd. When the United States purchased the
lands within the limits of Louisiana from Franco,
the consideration was paid by the Government of
the United States as ths representative of the States,
and the title wss tskon by the United Ktat«s. To
whom did that title inure! The consideration be
ing paid in money belonging to the States in the
hands of the General Government, the title inured
to the benefit of those who paid tho consideration :
and after the payment of the consideration,
the remainder of the lands in tho possession of
of tho Government of the United States, wore
there, as all other lands are, for the benefit of nil
States. If B pays a consideration for land, and tho
deed is taken nv A, A becomes a trustee in law for
tho benefit of B. The United States having paid
the oiouoy for tho State* for the land in Louisiana,
when that, title was made to tho United States, i: in
ured to the benefit of t he State of Louisiana as well
as the other States. 1 fojnpontlns broad principle,
that litis Government lias how settled the question
of power over tho public lands, and has a right to
dispose of them according to the principles of
equity and justice, among tho Stat*», pr use them
for the general benefit of all.
Just so when the lands in Florida wore obtained
liy treaty. After tho payment of she suiu of money
which had been given for them, the balanco was to
go into the Treasury with the same limitations and
restrictions as other public lands. Thus has been
acquired an immense body of domain, n liieli is
xegutatod, in part, by compacts and by treat ies with
other Governments'; and the great question is,
where did tho titles to this property go i They
went necessarily to the Government of the United
(State*. But is It an absolute property, subject to
no limitations and restrictions iu behalf of tho
States! It is admitted that.the United States, being
the trustee, tho States arc the beneficiaries. That
is the prinoipi.e on whioh 1 havo argued, and 1 be
lisvo it to be a correct principle, and one whioh
should control tho disposition of the public lands.
The first question is, bow shall tho lands be dis
posed of I 1 answer, firs.*, according to the terms
of the compact under which thov were acquired.
The land* obtained from Virginia and Georgia have
written stipulations whioh ought to he conformed
to; and a court of equity, iftho oas« were between
one individual and another, would de-tree the exe
cution ofthose restriction* and stipulation*; ami
thov arc. that after the payment of certain d*b*s,
ami making certain appropriation* of land within j
their borders, the land* shall inure to the States.
What State* f The whole of the Slates, Virginia
included, to bo distributed upon the principles of
justice and equity. Such lias l.ecn the division of j
opinion and of parties among ns, that some say,
keep all the piiblio lands for the purpose of paying
tho general exponscs of the Government, and then
there will bo equality in the distribution. That is
mv doctrine. If this could be doue, if the proceeds
ofthe public lands could go into tho Treasury and
be applied to the payment of the expenditures of
the General Government, it would be equal and
just towards all theStatos, and all the people of the
Slate*, and 1 should have no objection to it what
ever. One class of politicians in this country at
one time contended that the proceeds of the public
lands should l>e appropriated to purposes of inter
nal improvement. Another doss maintained that
Congress had no power to appropriate tho public
lands for tho purpose of internal Improvement.
That was long debated, and parties wv»c divided
upon that question for a long time. But mark,
now; those gentlemen who do not believe that j
Congress ha* power to appropriate money or land
for internal improvements, will do what ? They !
way. yon havo, as tho Congrea* of the U. States, no j
sueh'powcr, but wo will tell you what vou can do.
You can give the lands to a State, and the State can
direct these land* to be applied to internal im
provements. Moreover, you can appropriate these
lauds and declare what the State shall do with
them, that she shall make a railroad an internal
improvement. Now, sir, 1 suggest this question to
von and to the State. If Congress has not the pow
er to do tliis act, hna it the power to delegate it to
a State ? I think ii must appear, dearly and con
clusively, that CoT.gr**-> would not have the power
to delegate that right t* Aliy single State.
But, sir, I pass from thes* general propositions,
and come down to the case directly before us.
What is the proposition here! Gentlemen say |
“We agree with you that Congress has no power j
to give us these public lands, unless she it j
upon the principle that the remainder will be m- ■
hatiecd in value coextensive with the amount grant
ed ;” or in other words, that each alternate section
shall sell for #2 50 per acre when the whole of the
sections would sell for only $1 25 per acre. Tliat
is tho principle on which the friends of this mea
sure and these measures seek to take it out of tho
position in which I have placed it. Now, what
does that principle involve! It goes on the ae
•umption that the alternate sections are to increase
in value. Lot mo refrr my friend from lowa to
this point. The railroad flrom Dubuque to keokuck
it about two hundred and forty miles—that is the
line as it now rnn*.
Mr. Jones, of lowa. X beg tho Senator s pardon :
be is entirely mistaken. It is only a hundred and
eightv miles.
Mrl Dawson. It will amount to nearly what 1 say.
I take it to be two hundred and forty mile*.
Mr. Jone*. ltamoitnU to one hundred and eighty
mile#, and no more.
)ki. Dodge, of lowa. My fnenti from Georgia
refer* to me. I suppose lie desires to bo correct.
Mr. Dawson. Ocrtninly 1 do.
Mr. Dodge. I will furnish him with the remit
of« calculation by the draughtsman of the Senate,
lie says;
‘‘ln comptisnee with your directions, I ssv* made an
estimate us the amount of tamt* vacant ou th# Ist trf Octo
ber, 1851, in the alienist* odd sections toe fiftorn miles on
each aid* of s direct line frcai lsibuqas, eta Cedar Rapid*.
lowa City, and Fairflsid to K*okuek. and find sM7,74oacres
Tb* distance IS one humlrwl and ninety-tne r.il*s ; three
sections on each side of the tine would amount tot,lie suc
tion a, or 748,M51 acres.”
Mr. Dnwaon. The Senator from lowa says the
distance is only one hundred and ninety-five miles.
I went to the i»ap for my information’ but 1 may
lie mistaken. Now, this road of one hundred and
ninety-five miles is from two point* on the Missis
sippi river, Dubuque and Keokuck, at the mouth
or the Do* Moines river—not parallel with the
Mississippi itself, forthcrethe river bends, and you
make a line from the lower part of the bend to
the upper fart of it—one of the finest streams for
navigation in the known woftd; and yet it is sought
to lake the public land from point to point on the
same river for the pntpoee ot making a public im
provement, alleging that for two or three months
in the year the ice obstructs the navigation of the
river, and on this ground we are to appropriate
500,000 acre* of the public land to build a railroad
on the Mississippi river from the one point to the
other point which I have named. You have to
start at Dubuque on the Mississippi, and run one
hundred and ninety-five miles below. Now, sir,
the first question to be proposed is, is that one of
the oppressive eases! Is the public property iu
such u condition ** to require that improvement to
bo made in order to increase it* value to $2 50 per
acre! Not So; every gentleman knows that it is
not. It is merely a demand to get an appropriation
for a particular State, when tlic circumstances of
the case do not justify or sustain it on the princi
ple on which other bills of this kind have been
passed.
But let us go a little further. Thi3 road from
Dubuque to Keokuck goes through one of the finest
bodies of land in the whole valley of the Missis
sippi river; and lam told—and 1 also went to the
map for the purpose of obtaining information, and
1 have got the population of the various counties
through which it passes—that it is alrfhdy a road
which is in the hands of individuals and is incor
porated, and will pass through a ftonntrv which is
largely populated- The county in which Dubuque
lies Ims a population of upwards of ten thousand ;
and three fourths of the public land from Dubuque
to Keokuck, five miles right and left of that road,
have already been taken up, and the portion of the
country in the neighborhood of tliat road, is the
most thickly populated ami the most prosperous in
the whole of that great valley. Now, where is the
balance of the public land to come from! It is
said that this improvement will increase the value
of the public Inna remaining to Ike U. (states. Sir,
there is not a foot of land that can be obtained for
it 50 per acre for five miles along each side of that
rood, unless it be some of The poorer lands, which
is valuable only fur its timber. Where is the bal
ance ofthe land to come front 1 The bill says, that
in the event that five miles on either side of the road
shall he taken up, or be subject to the right of pre
emption, then the State oflowa, through an agent
appointed by tlic Governor of that State, shall have
tne right to extend the line fifteen miles on each
side of that road, and the alternate sections when
taken are not to be put down at #2 50 per acre, but
are still to go at |l 25; and lienee it is that all the
lamia taken to build the road from Dubuque to
Keokuck will not be taken front the section* which
adjoin the line. And we are taught to believe, and
the country is taught to believe, that we are im
proving the public property and throwing money
into the Treasury by the passage of these bills,
and that our liberality is for selfish purposes; that
the Government ofthe United States does not lose
a single dollar by tho operation. This, sir, is not
sustained by the facts before us; and it is unjust to
the country, and unjust to the principle on which
tliese bills nave heretofore been advocated. It is
time that wc should resist it, and let something
like justice and principle prevail in the passage of
these large appropriations.
But, Mr. President, I pass on from that. How
is this road to run ! Mark it well, as it is taken
uuderthis bill —and I have the map of lowa be
fore me, and she is a glorious State ; and I admire
tho warmth, and energy, and success with which
her Senators defend her rights here. She is a
growing and powerful State, and unless you check
her, she will have everything within her limits,
and will proclaim in a few years: ‘'Here is the
great empress of the West!” Look at our ad
vancement, and our prosperity—every dollar of
which has been taken out of the Treasury of the
United States. 'These are truths which every gen
tleman should understand—truths which many
gentlemen already know. This road goes from
city to city, and then takes n bend more circuitous
than tlio great artery of our Western water courses.
It goes through tho seat of government, und then
runs almost parallel with tlic great Dos Moinos
river.
I will show you presently what tho United
States did in 1848 for this great lies Moines river.
There it rims. Well, Mr. President, what injury
is this to inflict upon others! Have wo looked to
that! Havo ws. Inonr wild and fanciful manner
of disposing ofthe public lands, looked to tho in
juries imposed upon individuals and corporations ?
Where are tho Senators from Illinois ? They ought
to look to this, arid they would fee) it, tint from
tho fact of having liud tltoir arms up to thcirclbows
in tho Treasury. Thoy dare not come out and
advocato tho interests of their own citizens, be
cause thoy stand on soft ground, remembering the
old proverb, that “those who live in glass-houses
should not throw stones.” Who owns the road
from Chicago, in Illinois, to Cairo? There is the
road from Ilock Island to Ltisulle, and the road
from Burlington to Peoria, all starting on the Illi
nois sido of tho Mississippi rivor, between Du
buque and Keokuck.
Mr. Shields. As ray colleague t* not here, I
would beg of my honorable friohd from Georgia to
explain what ho meant when ho said that we had
hud our arms up to tire elbows in the Treasury!
Mr. Dawson, I meant to'say “up to the should
ers.” [Laughter.]
Mr. shields. 1 wish tlic honorable Sonator from
Georgia would confine himself to the question of
land, and not branch off to tiinnoy, because suspi
cions might arise, particularly against my col
lcnguo. [A laugh.]
Mr. Dawson. Why, I must say that I was not
the least astonished that tho colleague of tho hon
orable Senator from Illinois was instantly nomina
ted for the Presidency, after he got tho approprin
tion. 1 will have it all out presently; and my
friend from Illinois knows very well, it ! ho has not
forgotten his Euclid, that twQ things which are
equal to tho same thing aro equal to each other;
and let me ask him, if lands are equivalent to
money, whut is the difference between money and
lands! Are thoy not plain equivalents?
Hut theso arc the truths. These railroads (the
Illinois railroads) are now being constructed, oris
operation, and nil by individual enterprise; mid
yet we aro authorizing, by legislation, lowa to com*
in conflict with thes* various 'Companies. Theso
companies cannot ho heard oven by tho Senators
of their own Slate; because the Stato of Illinois,
ns I will show you presently, has made one ofthe
most masterly operations that any Stato in this
Uuion litis over done, but at no expenso of the
State. Sir, is this nil ? 1 havo now disposed of
thp road from Dubuque to Keokuck, and shown
you tijat it will not increase thu price of tho public
land, and i have shown the character ofthe country
through which tho road passes; and if 1 over move
from tliut part oftlio country where 1 now reside,
and goto tho West, and if the Sene,tors from lowa
are then living, 1 will settle in their neighborhood.
And what next? Under this same bill—and I
desire the Senate and the country to understand
it—there is another road running"--where ? Mark
you, running one hundred and ninety-five miles
iVom point to point on the great Mississippi river.
Thou there is a little place oil tlio lowa side of
tho Mississippi river, called Davenport from which
.place they stall another railroad, and run it direct
ly through tho scat of government, lowa City, pass
ing over this road from Dubuque to Keokuck, at
right angles through tho City oflowa. 1 estimate
the length of this latter road at three hundred
miles; but Senators say it is two hundred and
forty. 1 think my estimate is right. This road makes
a cross in passing over the road from Dubuque to
Keokuck to tho seat of government oflowa, and a
crucifixion it is. Whoso interest does it affect?
Whoso money builds thia great city in the interior
ofthe State oflowa, and passes olio road directly
through it from east to west, and another at right
angles to it ? From bank to bank between tho
Mississippi and the Missouri rivsrs, the Senator
says {;v° hundred and forty miles. But taking
the map, if is three hundred miles and more.
What is all this ilanp for? They say it is done
for the improvement of (ho public lands. The
railroad route directly down iron* lowa City to tho
Mississippi river, at Davenport, passes, according
to the mail, and uncording to the iiitormaliju which
I have obtained, one oftlio most beautiful regions
in the great valley of tlia Mississippi: but all of it
is taken up, and now in a ttno state of cultivation,
and it is tlio pride and glory of that young State.
Well, if you cannot get the lands of the lino of
tlio road oil the right and loft, whore are you to get
thorn? Why, you aro to go off thirty miles, and'
pick up the lands there. But you uo not improve
those lands adjacent the values of a single cent..
And yet they eomo here, and anpounoo to Con
gress’and to the country that these appropriations
aro asked for on tho ground that the l'uito.l Stales
do not lose a single dollar, but that tlic remaining
property is appreciated in value. Now, when we
set up n principle as true, let us understand
whether the principle or the truth betherc. Why,
sir, it is wild and fanciful for us to legislate upon
this plan, and 1 see, by the smiling countenance of
tiie Senator from lowa, [Mr. Jones,] who has pon
piti up hero, day after day, to urge attention to this
bill, that ha has"got the "sympathy of tho whole
Senate, under the belief that he is going to do
something groat tud glorious for tho United Slates
by increasing the value vi*kiu> public lands, when,
as I unJarstiuid, there are no puttie lands within
five miles of the road on either side.
Now these are facts which no man can deny,
Let no Senator go home to his people and say, i
have given away these land* to increase the val.to
of others; because it will be a mistake. Let the
people be informed ns to this matter. Let us stand
upon principle, and do justice. No roan upon this
floor has over hoard me utter a word of opposition
to anything founded in justice and right. But
when you com# to put your hands into the Treasu
ry of "the United States, to aid otto section or
State at the expense of the rest, 1 am required by
principles of justice and honor to oppose and do
what I can to" prevent it; fir tiie land is not mine
to dispose of. W'ere it my own, I might do with
it as l pleased.
1 But, Mr. President, is this all! It would really
! be an interesting thing if Senators would take this
j map of lowa, as 1 hat e done, and examime it ns I
j did. 1 did this because 1 wished to be honestly
I advised and correctly informed. J have tho map
i hero before ute, and l have traced out all these
I routes; and what are they? After passing lowa
I t’ity, approaching the great "Missouri, what do you ]
find? You eomo to a country, perhaps a hundred i
tunes from the river, that has not been surveyed
to this day. I will ask the Senator front lowa,
wlwther the lauds on the Bank iff the Missouri
have been surveyed and formed into counties ?
Mr. Jones, of lowa, Certainly thev are survey
ed.
ilr. Dawson. Then they are not settled.
Mr. Jones. There are settlements ; but I lx>-
liovo, however, the laud is not surveyed for tiie
whole distance.
Mr. Dawson. This is ' the point wh'eli I wished
j to get at. When you pass lowa City for twenty
i five miles, you go through a country which is un
settled and only partly surveyed, and not in mar
ket ; uad fortlio pur[w>-e of increasing the value
of that land, you say, give us the right to build
I the railroad without any limitation with* regard to
ttute w ithin which t« complete the rend. They
snv, »• want an appropriating to give us posses’-
siou of the hind; and as tho country grows np.
these lands wilt improve and Ik‘loii2 to ti„. State of
lowa, and then wo’wili build the road. But they
call for the lands now. If a railroad were to be j
dropped from heaven, and laid batireen lowa Gitv
and the Missouri river, it couid not support itsclt.
for there is uo population there ; and yet we are
called on to .noopt this measure. lam told that I i
am too fond of land. No, 1 am fond of justice,
aud 1 love liberality, and if your cause was one j
that you could stand upon, and which you couid j
defend upou principle ofriglu and iq>o:i jusl liber- i
olitv. 1 would sustain it.
But. Mr. President, I said something about the
river Dcs Moines. And mark von, sir, Keokuck is i
the point where the great Des Moinc-s river enters .
into the Mississippi, and it runs nearly at an angle i
of forty-five degrees through the State- of Iowa; j
and tow*City is between the Mississippi and the •
Hu Moines fiver. The Dcs Moines is one of the ;
finest navigable streams in the w hole West, lias '
Government done anything for the Des Moines I
river? Whyts it that this little spot of earth be- !
tween the town, ar.d ton..’ssipp! river, and Des ;
Met m‘.- rivers should be eatlMng *qrappropriations <
from Government more advantagedu» Loan any !
spot in the Union, not even excepting the re*ip;, j
around Boston ? Win is it so ? It is altogether ■
owing to the energy, skin agd fine representative j
qualities of )he Senators from tow*, and their pop- 1
uiarily here.
But I hare found t];;it it is almost impossible for ]
me lo get a proposition adopted ; and when we '
wish to advance tiie interests ofthe States we rep- I
resent, we luaJ better watch them. Now. sir, let
me read tlic act passed in 1840, to show'what was 1
done on the I)e.« Moines. In 1 5 45 the following i
act was {Kissed, aid listen to what its says ;| * !
“/* ft efwiWerf, dr., Th-' ! Hawe lie, and Vreliy b j
(RUikd to the Territory of leva, for the purpose of aiding
•atu Territory to iirprore the navigation of tbe Be* Moines
river from it* month to the Racoon f,rk (so called) in said
Territory, one e-pul moiety, in alternate sections, of the
pebik lauds i reuuminsr an-nkl, and not -lli-nri*- -lupo*e-l
of, enembered, or aiiproprialedi in a strip five miles in
width on each side c t said nrer: to be selected within said
Territory by an agent or agents to be appointed by the
Governor thereof, object to the approval of the Secretary
of the Treasury of the United State*."
And then at goes on to say, that if one section is
taken np, they are to go to another. Now, how
man v acres of land were granted under this act of
1845 ! I have ascertained tliat it amounts to’l,-
400, 000. Add that to the 1,800,000 acres proposed
to be appropriated _bv this, and you have 3.200,00e
to be granted to this State or to companies within
the narrowest strip of land in auv portion of this
country where internal improvements are being or
have been made. t\ here do these lands come
from ? Look at it! Whv some of the lands on the
Des Moines arc worth $2 an acre. There are ma
ny acres in Michigan which would sell at that
price. So in Illinois. When lowa was a territory
in her territorial character, we gave her alternate
sections of land five mile* on each side* of
the river, making ten miles in width np>the valley
of the Dcs Moines, the value of the whole of
which to day would be #lO an acre, making #14,-
000, 000 if the lands were held to this day. These
lands were granted to improve the »Df-s Moines
river, and were taken in 1*46 ; yet I am charged
with illiberaiity and injustice to the new States.!
Why, the representative.* of the old Stale* should
rather be charged with illiberaiity and injustice to
their constituents, by permitting a common bene
fit, obtained by common treasure and common
blood, to be thus improperly taken and distribute 1.
1 have no unkludness towards lowa—none at all.
I am merely speaking the truth; and 1 form an
issue on any assertion which I make. If lam
wrong in any single assertion, I hope to be cor
rected : for I wish to say merely what is the truth.
I do not refer to lowa out o* any unkindness to
her. I merely illustrate the principle by reference
to that State, as the bill before us proposes a grant
to her. I look at the great whole. I am opposed
to the rfppropriations of the public treasure of this
country, whether laud or money, for local or sec
tional object*. As new States are added day after
day, they call for appropriations of public lands,
either by their Legislatures, or they wish to have
them given to companies ; and strange to say, we
have appropriated millions of acres without the
Legislature ofthe States asking for the appropria
tions ! Senators rise and tell us for what purpose
it is wanted, and under such mistaken apprehen
sion- we v< It- the appropriation*. ]am not now
Apeaking of lowa. 1 will look into Illinois. lam
sorry tliat one of the Senators from Illinois (Mr.
Douglas> is not now in his sent; but many Sena
tors who were with me on this floor when the Illi
nois railroad bill was passed, will recollect that it
was said that it would be four hundred miles long
from Chicago to Cairo ; in other words from the
furthest northern boundary of Illinois down to its
most southern on the Mississippi. Alternate sec
tions we donated for ten miles in width. 1 oppos
ed it then on the ground of it* injustice ; but Iwas
not even aided by many friends from the old
States. 1 then proclaimed the injustice of it; but
1 was not sustained. 1 saw that the rights of tho
old States were to h* thrown over; and 1 saw
what would Jic the result. .The Senator from Illi
nois threw himself in for railroad* yet in embryo,
and took land lying six hundred and ninety miles
along fora road, as 1 will show you. Upon that, I
suppose he thought he would ride triumphantly
right off to the White House, and he is driving
there now. I do not wish to interfere with the
gentlema#* aspirations, but I do not like to pay
for his platform.
I have a statement before me showing the lands
granted under the Illinois bill. I call upon Sena
tors and 1 call upon the country to look this matter
in tlio face, and see whether we, tiie old States,
can pass these biiks and do injustice to ourselves.
Does any Senator on this floor xsow the length of
the road from Chicago to Cairo, for which we grant
ed land during the last Congress ? If lam wrong
in my statement I wish to he corrected. For that
road which was unsnrveyed; whioh was not located;
which was not called for except by the imagination
of Senators ; from Chicago down to Cairo, instead
of appropriating lands for the length of four hun
dred miles, at was represented, we appropriated
for six hundred and ninety miles, including the
branches. We appropriated money or land, which
is its equivalent, for two hundred and ninety mile*
of railroad which we did not know wo wore buil
ding. Yet you will not vote a dollar for a light
house, for a fortification, or for an improvement
in any of the old Stutos, unless surveys have been
made and estimates have been presented. Still
you will suffer Senators and others from the
northwestern country to come hero and take
more in millions than you would grant to
tho other State in thousands, and cal! it correct
legislation, and charge those, who opppse it, and
make these presentations of facts to the country,
with a want of liberality and justice. Here
then is a mistake. Instead of granting lands
for a railroad four hundred miles in extent, wo
were granting lands for a railroad six hundred
und ninety miles long ; and we did not know it!
Let 11S go a little further. The land whioh was
granted under that act was taken up by Illinois:
and how many acres do Senators suppose it was?
Why 2,700,000 acres of laud. My friend from
Illinois knows it to bo so. I do not blame tho
Senators from that State for it. They presented
the claim. They made no misrepresentation. They
were asked for no informatiun us to the true con
dition of affairs; and they said to ns “If you aro
willing, let it pass;” and gloriously for them it did
puss. I will show you now how it was carried out,
who were the bcnofioiarios, and whut was the ob
ject and churaeter ofthe appropriation.
Mr. Shields. IVill the honorable gentleman per
mit me to ask on what basis his calculation is
fbund ?
Mr. Dawson. From information given by tho
oollcagho ofthe honorable Senator.
Mr, Shields, 1 wish to know the authority oftlio
gentleman for sayidg that the road is six hundred
and ninety miles long.
Mr. Dawson. I learn from the gentleman’s col
league that the main road, including tlio branch to
Galena and other branches, will be Bix hundred
mid ninety miles long.
Mr. Shield*. The road from Chicago to Cairo
will not be quite four hundred miles long, but I
find that tile gentleman includes the branches.
Mr. Dawson. Thesis hundred and ninety miles
include all. It is immaterial whether it is cross
firing or direct firing, the lands have been taken.
The Senator corrects mo on u part that does not in
volve any principle. I have not said that the Sena
tors from Il'inois acted wrongly. If I was a con
stituent of theirs, I should probably have approved
of their course, by which their Sta’te got 2,700,000
acres of land to construct six hundred and ninety
miles of road. What does the Senate suppose,
what docs the country suppose has become of these
2,700,000 acres of land, which are said to be the
finest lands in Illinois, and all the lands in that
country arc said to be of excellent quaility. It is
one of the most beautiful countries In the West.
1 was reading the other day the remarks of a gen
tleman on the subject, ami ho astonished me; he
says it is the finest part of God’s globe—the finest
country on which civilized men over settled—prom
ising, healthful, and fertile. Two million seven
hundred thousand acres of this land have been
taken for the construction of the Illinois railroad.
Why, it is but a little more than one year since we
passed the bill authorizing the appropriation of tiiis
amount of public lands to build the railroad. Illi
nois, through her Legislature, passed an act au
thorizing certain agents to dispose of these lands to
companies who would construct these railroads.
Those agents disposed of these lands toa company
formed in Boston and New York, (through their
agent, Mr. Kautoul, who made a speech in the
other House on this snbjecta short time ago which
astonished me, coming from a Representative of
one of the old States,) who undertook to build
these railroads and complete them in four years
from tiiis date. Illinois, I believe, reserves to her
self seven per cent, of the gross receipts of these
railroads thus to be built with the proceeds of
3,700,000 acres of the public lands. This number
of acres is now in the bauds ot a company formed
in Boston and Now York, who, in their corporate
charter, are the sole and exclusive owners of the
land.
Mr. Shields. Lest there might be some misap
prehension about tiiis subject, I would take oeca
siou to state that the company only get control of
the land as they make the railroad. They are not
the absolute proprietors; they only obtain the land
in proportion to t lie progress of the road. If they
fail, the land reverts to the State.
Mr. Dawson. Exactly. The Senator’s statement
shows that the company receives the land in in
stallments, instead of getting it all at once. Wlmt
undertaker would pay a man s'>,ooo,ooo for work
and labor to be executed? lie would not pay at all
until all the work was done, jt is admitted, how
ever, that the title to the laud is vested contingent
ly in the company, and as they finish the road from
point to point, the title absolutely vests in them.
1 have gone into the estimates and calculations,
and 1 find that the cost of building a railroad in
that country will not exceed SIO,OOO a mile for lay
ing down tlie rails, including excavations, embank
ments, and superstructures. The oust for these,
and then for putting on the engines and cars for
these six hundred and ninety miles will bo $6,900,-
000. What is now the estimated value of tiiis land
by the corporators themselves —by the gentlemen
of the corporation in Illinois ! The Senators from
Illinois know its value. It is tlie finest land, as is
admitted by the Senators, in the whole valley of
tho Mississippi, and worth at least ten dollars an
acre. There arc 2,700,000 acres of laud gone into
the hands of this company, to build a railway worth
to them $27,000,000. Thus, by our legislation here,
this company will receive a profit of $21,000,000 on
six hundred and ninety miles of railroad. If we
laid acted properly, that might have been done bv
the U. States, and the same profits been received
into the Treason-. And yet it is said that this is
honest and just legislation towards every section of
country I Why, it is un outrage upon the justice
and rights of the Slates which were present here,
aud one which ought not to be again permitted to
occur.
Nor is this all. These gentlemen sav that tliev
will not allow u division of the lands, and will not
let the old States hold lands within tiic limits of
the States of lowa or Illinois, or any other of the
new Stales. They tell us they will not allow other
States to hold lands within their limits. Is a State
more unkind than individuals ? Illinois will allow
a corporation of individuals to own 2,700,000 acres
of land within her limits. 1 present this to show
that all these ideas arc fanciful. They arc unjust
to ourselves, and unjust to tlie country. It did
not become us, as representatives of tlie people,
intending to do what is right and just betwecu
State and States, Wby may not a Slate hold lands
within another State ! Could not the Governor of
Georgia have gone to Illinois and purchased the
lands as Governor, by undertaking to execute tho
contract, aud then he could have held tho land !
Why, where is the constitutional provision to pre
vent one State holding land w ithin the limits of
another! Nowhere. This is the reasoning got
up to encourage what are called State-Eights men
to support tiles* appropriations. Here is the work
ing ofihe system uow illustrated before the coun
try, and l wane thg country to know it—2,700,000
acres of land have gone into (.lie hands of a com
pany to build a road six hundred and ninetv miles
long, which will cost £6,900,000; and the land is
worth not a dollar less than #27,0i >0,900. Then
here are $21,000,000 gone by our legislation into
the bands of a comi>auv—gone by our legislation
where we were not thinking of what we were doing.
Tiiis is no fancy sketch. lam telling the truth,
and gentlemen know it, and I stand by it.
But. Mr. Ere* icut, 1 promised to be short, and
I have been. Ihave taken everything in the way
of u calculation out of my speech, because my
friends from Kentucky [Mr. Underwood] and Ten
nessee [Mr. Belli argue j those matters so fully that
I felt it would be unjust to the indulgence of the
: kciiate to go over them. I have only gone over
j questions which they did not touch upon. Wliat
| 'text occurs ; My friend from Missouri [Mr. Gev
i er; talked about the great connecting liuk which
■ was to run and bind this country together bv iron |
bars. I hat was the idea, though, perhaps, lam j
■ a little more fanciful than he was. And he said j
j that these appropriations were made to carry ou 1
great roads, for Che purpose of internal transports- !
tiou upon land from place to place. That is true. !
| Now, let me present a thet to this country. You !
• say, gentlemen, that it is for the public good vou j
■ do this; ami if it did not increase the prosperity !
of the whole country, it would be wrong, because,
: under the Constitution, we have no power to bcc
j efit a part at the expense of the whole. You say
: you want to form a great connecting liuk in the
i country. Let us begin at Boston. Who buiit the
[ railroad from 80-ton to New York ? Who built
the railroads from New York to Philadelphia, from
Philadelphia to Baltimore, from Baltimore to
Washington, and ou, on, until you strike the Geor
gia line! These are great connecting links for
transportation, for convenience, for rapidity. Who
built them ? The)’ were buiit by the People; they
were built by individual capita! and enterprise.
What people ? The people of the Dinted States,
equally entitled and equally bound first for he
benefits, aud then for the consequences, of our
government. These people did it. And when you
gw to may own State, one of the youngest of the
Old Thirteen, g*hieb was kept down for years and
years because she e(i»Li not extend her possessions
Co-extensive with her lines or limits, as they were
in the possession and occupancy of the Inmans—
when she saw the condition in which the country I
was pkuaai—when she perceived that a connection
witii the North :ual South was desirable—that in
tercourse must be rapid aud improve our knowl
edge of each other, increase our atfeetions for each
other, and make us love our Government and love
one another—she did what? In tlie midatofher
poverty what did she do l the commenced the
line which had ended by the railroad from Charies
ton to Augusta. She commenced on the Georgia
bank of the Savannah river, and with her own en
terprise and with her own money ran that foad to 1
the Valiey of the Mississippi, and it ia now in full
operation". She went to Tennessr-e. and ask
ed an act of incorj>ora»ion and permission to run
her road through that State until we should strike
the waters of the valley of the great Mississippi;
and i wilh invite mv friend from Mi-sonri [Sir.
Atchinson,] who said that Georgia wanted lands,
and would t>e qnict if she only got them—l will
invite him, 1 say. to return home with me by that
route to Missouri. I wili pass him over that road
at the rate of twenty mile* an honr—over moun
tains and through tunnels. I will place him upon
the waters of his own great Wcst bv steam, from
one end of Georgia to the other, and 1 will connect
him will: a steamboat to carry him in the direction
he wishes, and then I will ask him to tell me why
was all this done, and by whom ? Now, who join",
the roads at Cairo with this link of ours? We
have now eleven hundred miles of railroad—at the
expenditure ot a capital of something like $7,000,-
000 within our own State, ail paid out of our own
funds—running to the valiey of the Mississippi;
and when yon get to Cairo, and want tojgo up to
Chicago to see the President, if be should ever be
there, what do yon do ? When you land from
your steamboat at Cairo, and go over that road to
Chicago, six hundred and ninety miles with its
branches, if the honorable .Senator from Missouri
should ask who built it, the people of Illinois
would stand on tliat road and look as majestic, as
magnificent, and as consequential as if it Lad been
done out oft eir own hands, when they got from
u* six hundred and ninety miles of railroad built
at an expense to the Government of the United
States of $6.1K5),000, and by the contract for which
a company will make $21,000,000. That will be
the result; and then for the Senator to say that
Georgia wants her share! It Illinois is entitled to
this great benefit, why is not Massachusetts or
Georgia, llcc.su-e Georgia has done these things
by her enterprise and energy, is it a reason why
any fair, just, or honorable man should say : Yon
have done the work already; you have expended
labor and money, and ought to be satisfied? No,
sir. The question which ought to be apprehended
is this, whose money is it ? How should it be di
vided? To whom docs it belong ? Butmy friend,
I believe, will go with me, and when he gets into
Georgia will say: By-the-bv yon ought to have
yonr share. He says that now; but he is fearful
of endangering the bill by the adoption of this
amendment.
X said—l make the observation now, andjt can
be explained—l was astonished when I saw the
course of some Senators and Bepresentntivcs from
the old thirteen States, upon the land bills, who
come out to vindicate the right of the new States
to take up all these public lands. I read a speech,
as I before observed, made by a gentleman in the
other branch of the l.e. islature, which perfectly
astounded me, vindicating these vast appropria
tions of the public money qr public lands, and de
ny ing to his own State the rignt to have her share.
1 asked why is it so ? \V hen I came to search it
out, 1 found he belonged to one of the companies
which purchased these 2,700.000 acres of land
from Ihtnois. 1 make this as no charge. It may
have been all honest and fair ; but lean sec how it
is that gentlemen here to-day jumped upon the
Baltic, because it was the representative of capital,
and denounced the idea that capital should Vie
brought within the view of this Capitol to influence,
members in their course here; and yet vonjwill do
acts here that give capital to the the amount of $27,-
000,000 to those who combine together to do a
thing, in consequence of your own legislation. I
trust those gentlemen will become alarmed at this
idea, that the public lands are all to go into the
hands of capitalists. Where is the Senator from
Wisconsin, [Mr. Walker,] that he does not raise
his voice against this accumulation of wealth and
property in the hands of great landed proprietors
and moneyed corporations ? Not a word is said;
but let Georgia. Massachusetts, or Nortli Carolina,
or any other of the.old States, ask for what justly
ought to be given her, and they will sav, No: we
will never submit to such a great landed proprietor
withiuthe limits of our -tates. Look at the ques
tion, and meet it fairly.
But gentlemen ask where is tho power thus to
dispose of the public lands us we desire ? I have
taken occasion to look at this thing, and just let
me stute what Congress have done. Congress have
made grants to communities and individuals for
various purposes. They have made grants to the
States for education, for internal improvements, for
public buildings, and have even granted lands to
corporations, Arc., for education, and granted them
for the deaf and dumb. Where did vou get the
power from the Constitution to do all these tilings ?
If you can benefit all the rest of the world, why
can yon not benefit the old States? Where is the
principle in tho Constitution that gives you the
power to do that for others that you cannot do for
your own? It is an insult to the understanding,
and calculated merely to awaken fears in the minds'
of the people and keep them confused on this sub
ject; but if light ever fully dawns upon them, and
they see how these public lands arc taken from
them, woe be unto that man or that party that
seek*to deprive them of their rights. But is that
all ? You have given land to cultivators, to men
to raise olives, and to raise grapes from which to
make wine. Where did you get that power, when
you cannot give lands to the Stato of Georgia, or
North Carolina, or Massachusetts, to educate even
the poor, and save them from starvation ? You
cannot do that! Oh, no 1 but you oan givi them to
foreigners to cultivate tho olive and grape; and
then to stand up before an honest and intelligent
community and toll them you cannot do this, for
you have not the power. Gentlemen who do that
must have very little respect for the intelligence of
tho people. 1 feel amazed at these arguments, and
I fee] worse than astonished when 1 find them pre
vail in some sections of the country over the minds
of the people.
But is this all ? Since that period you have giv
en lands to Lafayette, an individual. It was all
right. You have mado a donation of the proceeds
ofthe publio lanis. Now, if you arc entitled to the
proceeds of the public lauds will any one tell me
the ditferenec between the land aiid the money
for which it is sold ? Where is the principle ofthe
Constitution which says you have a right to sell
the lands and then divide the money, but which
prevents you from dividing the lands among the
States, and letting them dispose of them in their
own way ? There is none at all. It is discredita
ble to tne country to attempt to infuse such dis
tinctions in the minds ofthe people and lead them
from the main object ill view. And, Mr. Presi
dent, what do wo all submit to ? 1 appeal now not
to the old thirteen States alone, but to all the States
which have eomointo the Union whose lands are
nearly gone. What is the effeetof this policy upon
our own section of the country? We nre'callcd
upon here to vote away public lands in this way
—for what ? To diminish our population, to urge
them to emigration and seduce them from the old
States, thereby impairing the value of ourown lands
at home and increasing the value of those ip the
new states, all at our expense. And yet we are
called upon to sustain these propositions. Gcntlei
men, see it, and understand it. lint 1 will not com
ment upon or illustrate these positions. I hasten
to a conclusion.
I drop everything else, end come down to the
last point upon which I shall speak. The great
question which has been presented is, what dis
tribution shall be made of the public lands ? Are
the States of the Union all equally entitled to par
ticipate in the advantages growing out of them?
Is there a Senator on this floor who dares, in vio
lation of his own good sense, get up and announce
that each State in this Union is not entitled to its
ahare of the public lands ? Is there one who dare
do it ? And yet they will waive that question, and
adopt a course of jolicy by which they deny the
principle in their action. They will not dare to
avow it in their places in the Senate, but they are
pursuing a policy that will bp degrees sap" the
whole of the public lands, take from them, time
after time, the best land,grantingtwoorthreehun
dred miles at a time to particular neighborhoods,
like the Dos Moines; and then at another time ma
king a grant of lands ten miles deep for.an extent
of six or seven hundred miles, and nil this for the
benefit of individual States, and without any re
gard to an equal distribution.
If we, the members of the Senate of the United
States, composed of sixty-two persons, were part
ners in this great land fund, and owned it as the
United States do, it'two of ns lived in every State
of this Union, if we held the lands under the same
compacts, under the sum'o articles of agreement,
under the same treaties that the United States hold
them, is there a man who would violate his honor
and that taitli which is due to integrity, by saying
that he would dispose of these lands to the injury
of his distant friends in other States, by giving th’c
benefit of them only to individuals living in the
State in which the lands lie ? And if they were to
do so, would not the Supreme Court of the United
States instantly urrest this attempt to deprive one
or more of the copartners of their just rights, and
force them by the whole power of the Government
to do justice among ono another ? Yet here we
arc, without any just cause, without any good
reason for it, disposing of our public lands in just
the same inequitable and improjier manner.
Mr. President, let me suggest that this is the
only question remaining between the two old
parties of tho eonntrv. The tariff is settled. The
question of internal improvements is settled.
Neither is now strictly a Whig or a Democratic
question. Portions of "both parties take different
sides in regard to them. The disposition of the
public lands is now the only question left unsettled,
and I wish now to present this idea. Is it right,
is it prudent for Congress to legislate in such a
way asto give dissatisfaction to any poition of the
country in relation to their rights ? And is it not
known that this partial mode of distributing the
public lands has produced discontent? And this
discontent will grow greater and greater as more
and more acts are passed of this character and
description. If this is the only question remain
ing, what ought wo to do? Settle it; adjust it.
Do it amicably; do it witli justice; and do it with
unlimited liberality towards tbew new States. lam
one of those who, in such a distribution, would
go us for ns the farthest in being liberal towards
the new States—-towards the younger members of
the Confederacy, who have had to grow up in the
wilderness and the forest. 1 witl do for tliem as
much as any other man. But we all know what
has been done f r them. My worthy friend from
Kentucky [Mr. Underwood] lias told you of the
advantages they have received; and I have, through
his kiiiduess, before me here a statement of what
the three per cent, fund, and tho two per cent, fund
granted the new States, have amounted to. And
how much do you suppose has boon paid out of
the Treasurv under these land laws, in actual cash,
to the new States ? Four millions ai d some liuu
drods of thousands of dollars—all gone to them
already, besiJos the immense quantity of land
they have received for educational purposes and
for purposes of internal improvements. Ido not
mention,this for the purpose of creating discontent,
or dissatisfaction: nor does it spring from any
fceling of unkindness towards tho new States.
What I say, is, that wo have showed liberality
upon liberality; and if the representatives of the
now States are willing to come to an equitable
adjustment of this question, I want to know when
they arc going to begin ? Was there ever a more
modest, diffident, unassuming requst made, than
that which is made by the amendment of my
frieud from kentneky? ’He asks 14,000,000 of
acres for the old States! lie says, give it to us;
| we want it to educate our poor people; we want
it to increase our internal improvements. Look
I at what Illinois has got ; look at what lowa has
j got; look at what Indiana has got; look at all
; the new States; they arc making railroads charm
ingly, successfully, and prosperously at our ex
pense. Gentlemen of the new States, will you not
do something to aid us ? If you intend to do us
justice, what time will be better than this to be
gin? What evidence car you give of a returning I
sense of doing that justice to ns which tho com
pact and the articles of cession require should be
be done, than to allow this amendment to pass ? It
is small and limited, to be sure—scarcely enough to
j do much good. Still, if adopted, it would be the
t beginning of a system founded upon equity and
j'.istiee, which might grow, and grow, until" con
tent and satisfaction would reign throughout those
States, founded upon the justness and propriety of
your legislation. But if you stop now, and de
clare that this distribution shall never take place, j
my word for it, this pnblic land question will be
the great question that will disturb the harmony i
of parties and the aspirations of individuals. I am
resolved, for one, that this injustice to the State
which I, in part, represent, shall never be perpe
trated by any set of men with my approval. If
they do me injustice in a case where 1 am oieirly
entitled to justice, I shall calculate that they would
dome injustice oa other grounds: and 1 may make j
it a foundation upon which I would make a stand, |
even against a friend who would not do us justice i
when it is claimed, and when he knows he ought !
to do it.
This public land question should not only he
mr.de a question in politics, hut it should be made
a question in morals. By what right can we here
combine toge ther to take from one another's peo
ple that which justly should be devoted and ap
propriated to tUeir use. contrary to the law of trie
land and theWoral law ? Are we to forget every
thing here. and go into one common metn for the
purpose of seeing who can get the most! There
is a want of morality in that which I cannot ap
prove. I would prefer that a man should win my
fortune, and then enjoy himself in splendor nnoh
it, than to get it in such a wav as this. There is
a want of morals, and a want of principle in this,
which should be looked into. I make "no charges
against any bodv. We have forgotten what is due
to each other. The section of the coantrv in which
I reside, is willing that the proeeed* of these lands
jkvulJ he paid into the Treasurjj and be ajq.ro
printed ftirtlie payment of tho genera] expenses of
the Goverdincnt. I have so voted. But tlio repre
sentative* of the new States will not permit it to be
done hereafter. It is given away for every other
purpose than that which would benefit the people
of the old States. I have looked into this matter
in every form aue shape; and tho more I have
looked into it, the more I have become discon
tented with the manner in whidi the public lands
have bee n appropriated. I have felt uie necessity
of a system founded upon equity and justice, by
which the pnblie lands may be disposed of. W hen
will the period arrive when that may be done ?
Never, unless we begin; and there is no better
time to begin than the present. Hence it is that I
say, tliat if this proposition is rejected, it will ahow
that you never intend to adopt any proposition by
which the old Slates of this Confederacy may be
benefited by the public lands. If that is" done, we
will understand you.
I ask pardon for having detained the Senate so
long; and I assure them that it was not my inten
tion, when I arose, to have spoken more than
thirty minutes.
Mr. Underwood. I hope the question will not
be taken now. I think it would be better that
it should not now be taken. The truth is, that if
you foroe me to vote at this time, I do not know
but that I shall have to contradict myself. I stated
the other day that if my amendment was not ac
ceptable to the Senate," I should still vote forthe
bill. I told the worthy chairman of the Commit
tee on Public Lands this morning, that I doubted
very much whether I ought to do so. And under
the feelings which hsvo been inspired by the speech
of ray friend from Georgia, I really feel almost
disposed to retract my former assertion, that I in
tended to vote for the bill in any event. I feel a
sense of the injustice which has been practiced
towards the old States to inch an extent, that I do
uot know whether, if something like justice is
not done to my own State. I can vots for the bill.
I therefore hope that tha question will not be
pressed at this late period or the day, but that it
may lie over in order that ws may all think about
it, and that, as the speaking is "pretty well ovqr,
when we meet again we may b* prepared to take
up the bill and vote upofa it. There is no imme
diate necessity for acting on the bill now.
Tne further consideration of the bill was post
poned.
weekly
Cjjnnticlc & Sentinel.
BY WILLIAM S. JONES,
daily, tbi-weekly a.\d weekly.
TEEMS:
DAILY PAPER, to City Subscribers, per annum, in
adTAnce $6 00
DAILY PAPER, mailed to the country 7 00
TRI-WEEKLY PAPER, mailed to the country... 400
WEEKLY, (a mammoth sheet) 44 ... 200
CASH S\ STEM. —In no case will an order for the
paper be attended to, unless accompanied with thh
mon it, and in every instance when the time for which
the subscription may be paid, expires before the receipt
of funds to renew the same, the paper will be discon
tinued.
AUGUSTA,. GEORGIA. “
WEDNESDAY MOBNING, APRIL 7, 1852.
&T THE SOUTHERN CULTIVATOR FOR APRIL
HAS BEEN ISSUED.
Senator Dawson'* Speech.
T*s speech of tho Hon. Wm. C. Dawson on the
lowa Land Bill, should be read and its truths
pondered upon by every Georgian. It boldly ex
poses the game about to be played upon the old
States in relation to the Public Lands.
“ The true and only policy is that which find*
most favor. It is the policy es Buchanan, Doug
las, Stockton, and their friends—it il, to »ay noth
ing about the compromise, but to treat it as a thing
Sassed and gone — as a question on which the party
ivided, and agreea to disagree about.,”
Thk above extract is from the Washington cor
respondence of the Columbus Times, and is taken
from a letter written by the editor himself, who
has been for some time at the Capitol confering
with the muster spirits who will control and diroct
the policy ofthe Baltimore Convention. Georgians
have not forgotten with what zoal that editor ad
vocated secession, and how vehemently ho de
nounced the Northern Democracy within the last
few months, alleging that the Southern Democracy
could not affiliate with them without treachery to
the South. But we desire not to bring up in judg
ment, against the editor, this portion of his politi
cal career, and would only remark in reference to
his present cooing mood, that the spoils arc sup
posed to exercise a very potent influence, particu
larly with those who have sucked the publio teat
and are especially desirous of again obtaining a
hold. The absence of the nutriment, for a time,
has been thought by some to operate very power
fully, in some temperaments, upon the prospects
of the incumbent, and therefore, to produce de
jection and great depression of spirits. Hence
their great anxiety to obtain a second hold is not
at all surprising.
But to our purpose in copying tlio above extract,
which was to commend it to the consideration of
the Union party of Georgia, especially those who
advocate the expediency of sending delegates to
the Baltimore Convention—and to ask them if
such action, as the editor asserts will be the policy
of the Convention, will satisfy any man in Georgia
who is attached to the Union party from principle ?
Are you willing to go into a convention with Free
soilers and Secessionists, and for the sake of secu
ring a prospect for the spoils, yield your principles
—abandon the Compromise to its fate—as a ques
tion on which you “agree te disagree'' and unite in
a common struggle with Frccsoilcrs nnd Secession
ists to elect a President. Are you willing to do
those things ? It is very apparent to every intelli
gent, reflecting mind that the policy intimated by
the editor of the Times will) be adopted by the
Convention. The leading spirits advise it and
their advice will control the action. Let the Union
men take heed.
The Democratic Convention.
Our readers have already been informed of the
meeting of the late Secessoin Party in Convention
at Milledgcville, on the Ist inst., assuming to
themselves tho name and stylo of the Democratic
Party. As a part of the history of the times,
therefore, we publish their proceedings, that the
reader may see with what alacrity they liavo rece
ded from their positions of last year, and how
readily they now acquiesce in the necessity of
sending delegates to tho National Convention of
the Democratic Party. Although, buta few months
since they proclaimed to the world, that no party
at tho South could affiliate with either of the great
National Parties of tho North, without a betrayal of
the rights and interests of the South. Yet
strange as it may seem, they are now not only wil
ling but anxious to go into such n convention, nnd
to go in without demanding any pledge or guaran
tee for the protection of those Southern interests,
to which they have so recently affected such pecu
liar devotion. But like the Free-soilers of the
North, all they ask is the adoption by that Conven
tion of the platforms of 1844 and ’4B. To this,
the Van Burens, Bryants and Preston Kings of
New York, Wilmot, & Co., of Pennsylvania Ran
tocl and llallett of Massachusetts, and Chase,
and his associates of Ohio, will readily accede; and
thus a Union and fraternal embrace between the
late Secessionists of Georgia, and the Free-soilers
of the North will bo secured.
The Meeting Yesterday.
As wc anticipated, the meeting ofthe Constitu
tional Union Party yesterday, was unusually large
for a meeting of tho character, indeed much the
largest meeting of any party we have ever seen as
sembled in the city for the mere appointments of
delegates to a Party Convention. It was not only
distinguished for numbers, but also for-intclligence,
and the extraordinary degree of unanimity in sen
timent as indicated the vote op adopting the sub
stitute in lieu of the original resolutions. We do
not think there were exceeding half a dozen
votes in opposition to tho substitute. This
is a degree of unanimity, in a meeting so largo
and on a question of such grave import, as is
very rarely, if ever attained ; and we confess was
a source of high gratification to us, not, however,
unmingled with regret, that among the opponents
of our views, were-some with whom we have long
acted in undisturbed harmony and for whose opin
ions we entertain a very high respect.
“Oflate there seems to he a disposition in some
quarters to interpolate a new article into the creed
of the National Democratic party, and one which if
carried out at the next Nnlional Convention at Balti
more, as the bidders for Southern influence design,
will work for more serious injury to the Democra
tic cause than can very speedily‘be repaired. The
only position that can or ought to he taken in re
gard to tills distracting subject is that which the
Democracy of the state of New Y'ork have already
assumed, and that is, that no particular opinion on
the subject of slavery should be required as a test
of political orthodoxy.”
The above extract from a prominent Democratic
journal, in the State of New Y'ork, is adduced in
support of the position we have maintained, that
it is not the purpose of the Democratic party in
any section of the Union, that the Baltimore Con
vention shall give any pledge or guarantee in re
ference to the finality of the Compromise as a settle
ment ofthe slavery question. That this is appa
rent to every candid mind who impartially inves
tigates the facts, we think, cannot be denied or
successfully controverted. Nor indeed, is any
such pledge to be reasonably expected, especially as
the Southern wing of the party have expressed
their willingness, nay readiness, to acquiesce in
the necessity, of avoiding the question to secure
the harmony of the Convention. It is not to be
| expected, therefore, that the Northern wing will
voluntarily adopt a policy, from which they antici
pate such disastrous consequences to themselves.
The object of the Northern wing is to secure
the votes of the Frecsoil Democrats, who support
ed Vax Bcrex in 184 S; hence they remonstrate
against the interpolation of any new test in the
platform of the party. While the Southern wing,
! to secure the harmony of all the discordant fac
tions ofthe part y, content themselves with asking
only for the re-adoption ofthe platforms of 1844
and ! 48; and upon this they agree to go into Con
vention, to nominate a Presidential candidate. In
the language of some of their leaders, the slavery
question, mast be left an open question, for every
: man to enjoy his own opinions, otherwise the ex
; tremes cannot meet and harmonize in the Conven
tion. The South and her interests and rights may,
therefore, be sacrificed at the shrine of party, and
to secure harmony between the fanatics of the
North and the ultraists of the South.
In such a convention, thus composed and organ
ized, Union men of the South certainly cannot de
sign a place, or a representation.
Southrax Bicim Orgamzatiox. —The Southern
Press, taking it for granted that Gen. Cass will be
the Democratic, and Gen. Scott the Whig, nomi
nees forthe Presidency, urges the Southern rights
party to refrain from going into the national con
ventions of either party. It prefers the organiza
tion of a third party, which, it thinks, will hold
balance of power, and tho* oontrol the Presi
dential election.
“ Extravagance of the Administration.'*
Tub Editor ot the Columbus Timet, writing
from Washington to his journal, (perhaps under
the influence of no little chagrin at his inability
to get a finger in the public printing and that
pocket some of the money which, ho snvs, is
squandered with such a lavish hand by the Ad
ministration,) concludes a long tirade against the
“extravagance of the Administration'’ in tho fol
lowing strain :
“ G reat Britain has a homo armv of 11 8,000 men:
she has a naval marine of 600 ships, and a civil
li*t of enormous expense, and vet that Govern
ment spends but one liundred millions per annum,
exclusive of the interest on her public debt. The
U. States has less than 8,000 soldiers, loss than
one hundred ships-of-war, and her civil list mode
rate as to salaries, and vet expends 50 millions, or
one half as much as Britain. What makes the
diftercuce ? The answer is, vatic, improvident
management, corrupt contracts, favoritism, and a
shameless diregard of economy. Reform in this
matter is loudly called for, and greatly needed.
The first and indispensable step towards it, is to
push the present V\ hig Administration from pow
er.”
This is the first time we have ever heard or seen
the government of Great Britain set up as a model
of economy, worthy of imitation, to America.
It is indeed remarkable, that in this Republic,
there should be found men—those too, who affect
to be devoted advocates of retrenchment and
economy, save when their own hands are in tho
public crib—who should laud a government for
economy whose prodigality was so profuse and
reckless, that a tax is assessed upon its subjects
for the light of heaven, to sustain its extrava
gances. What matters that! The Administra
tion must b* assailed. However pure, self-sacri
ficing, economical and patriotic, it must bo “push
ed from power”—because it is not of our house.
Who ever heard of the Columbus Timet urging a
complaint against tho Administration of Mr. Pout
for a usurpation of power or extravagance ? That,
according to tho Timet, was a marvelously proper
administration. Now, however, the scene is
changed, wonderfully changed—and all the changes
are wrung upon this story of “fifty millions of
expenditure.” It is an easy matter to write “fifty
millions,” more easy than Ihirty-fioe millions, yet
the Timet would write either as it might serve its
purpose of assailing the Administration, as is very
conclusively shown by tho following article from
the Rational Intelligencer:
Tiik Deficiency Bill. —The necessity for pass
ing, at each session of Congress, a Deficiency Bill,
as it is now called, but which was formerly desig
nated as “a partial Appropriation Bill,” was sup
posed to have been remedied by the establishment
by Congress, some nine years ago, of a rule by
winch the fiscal year was niade to fun from the Ist
of July in one year to the Ist of July in the next,
forth* purpose of making appropriations for each
year in season to meet any demands upon tho
Government for the following year bofore the ox
piratiou of the year that is current. And that
object would have been readily accomplished if
Congress had in fact appropriated for the expenses
of the fiscal year the moneys which the sovcral
Departments of the Government had estimated
to be necessary to meet its expenses, instead of cut
ting down the estimates, without rhyme or reason,
so as to withhold from tho Executive Officers, Civil,
Military, and Naval, certain sums essentially re
quisite to carry into execution existing laws and
contracts.
The authors of the Deficiencies, to supply which
a bill has just passed one brunch of Congress,
1 were not, therefore, the heads of the several
Executive Departments—comprised in tho gcnenfl
term of the Administration —but of the two Houses
of Congress, nnd especially of those who refused
the appropriations, which, in tho exercise of a
duty imperative upon them, tho Administration
had estimated for. There may have been cases,
doubtless, in which there was, in the opinion of
Congress, and in fact, just reason for reducing the
■ appropriations below the estimates. But, as a
general position, it will hardly bo denied by any
candid man that the deficiencies which liavo re
sulted from the curtailment of the estimates made
by tho Departments must be laid at the door of
the last Congress, and not of the Administration.
This is a position which will, we think, be admit
ted to be generally true by those who have familiar
ized themselves with tho constitutional duties of
1 the different branches of tho Government, and tho
establishments recognised by the Constitution and
the Legislature of the country. Without supply
ing such deficiency by supplementary law, it is
plain to every observing and reasoning mind, that
the wheels of tho Government must come to a
stand-still, nnd its character seriously compro
, mised, before the end of the fiscal year.
If reade.s of the Opposition presses would im
plicitly confide in statements which havo been
made by them upon this subject, they would be
i lieve that the idea of a Bill to supply deficiencies in
tho Annual Appropriation Law was a new one, for
which the people ure indebted to this Adminstra
tion. The “Union,” for example, hada paragraph,
, on the dny following the passage of the pending
, partial Appropriation Bill by the llouso or Repre
sentatives dilating, with conscientious earnestness,
upon “the evils of anticipating appropriation bills to
supply deticiencesurising from tho necessities of the
i serviceand expressing its trust that tho Execu
tive branch of tho Government would not again
furnish a precedent so much at variance with the
1 guards thrown nround tho public treasury,” <fee.
A “precedent,” oh? Why, our contemporary is
more than usually at fault as to the facts of history
when ho supposes this Deficiency Bill to be an orig
inal sin, either on the part of Congress or the Aa
f ministration, or even of the Wliigs. To go no
i further back than the Administration of I’rcsidcnt
, Polk, who came into office in March, 1845: Con
gress met in the December following, and, if the
' worthy hut erring Editor of the “Union” will con
’ suit the Statute boos, he will find that, on the Bth
i of May, 1846, an Act passed Congress “to supply a
i deficiency in the appropriation for certain objects
made for tho service of the fiscal year ending tho
■ 3uth of June, 1846 one item of which act was
$630,000 for the Quartermaster's Department, for
, which an additional appropriation is now so vehe
mently denounced. He will also further find, that
in every other year of Mr. Polk’s Administration,
i 1847, ’4B ’49, and in each intervening year, 1850
and 1851, appropriations were made to supply de
ficiencies in the Annual Appropriation Bills of the
1 preceding years.
Again : In tho discussions which have tnkon
glace, in tho newspapers and elsewhere, on the
i nancial question, an attempt has been made to
' hold the present administration responsible for an
alleged lurge increase of tho expenditures of the
i Government. With the growth of the Govern
ment, and tho additional cost of governing newly
acquired and distant territories, it could not well
bo otherwise than that the expenses of the Gov
ernment must be somewhat increased, but not to
i anything like' tho amount at which it has been
i stated ; as, for example, in tho “Union” of a few
i days ago, in which ttho expenditures of Govern
' ment were charged to have reached fifty two mil
! lions of dollars, instead of the thirty-seven millions
, which they had reached at one period of the Van
, Bnrcn Administration.
Let us briefly analyze this sweeping charge. It
is not true, in the first place, thut the expenditures
of the Government last year amounted bo high as
f fifty millions. In so large an expenditure, liowev
, er,’a few millions more or less would by some per
sons bo thought to make little difference. But the
actual payments during the year amounted to
only forty eight millions of dollars, instead of fifty
two millions, or fifty millious us estimated by
[ others ; ns will be seen by the following statement,
made up from authentic hieterials:
The payments (not expenses) of the Govern
ment for the fiscal year ending 1860 and
1851 were $48,005,378
From which deduct—
One Mexican instalment $3,242,400
Mexican indemnity claims 2,516,691
42,246,787
Duties refunded on Sugar and Molasses
wrongfully collected (see decisions of Sn
reme Court) $513,850 •
Debentures 867,263
• Excess of duties 696,024
Expenses of collecting the revenues
and sales of lands 2,051,708
87,917,982
Census expenses 672,500
Three and five per cent fund to
States and repayments of lands
erroneously sold 74,345
Smithsonian Institution 80,910
* 87,140,177
And mail service—Navy Department 1,302,665
85,887,812
Payments to volunteers 635,880
$85,201,432
Os the expenditures of tho last yefir nearly six
millions of dollars, it will be seen, wont to pay in
part for our little properly in California.
The duties refunded, and tho expenses of col
lecting the revenues, &c., amounting to more than
four millions of dollars, would under former Ad
ministrationsj according to the then existing laws,
have been paid by and deducted from the revenue
by collectors. Now everything is paid into the
Treasury and repaid to the employees, &c.
The items under the third division of tho above
statement are surely not “ordinary expenbos" of
Government.
The revenues from the Ocean Mail Steamers not
appearing in the receipts of tho Treasury, the
fourth item of the above should not be added to
the expenses.
The volunteers (comprising the fifth itom) ought
to have been paid years ago. Whv,theu, does that
hold a place in the account of “ordinary expenses”
of the Government ?
A just computation of the “ordinary” expendi
tures of tiie Government for the year 1851 is
therefore, by this analysis, reduced toa little more
than thirty-live millions of dollars, being a less an
nual amount, as before stated, than tho Govern
ment expenditure had risen to before the W higs
had ever any effective share in tho administration
ofthe General Government.
Gigantic Railroad Project.
The Western Journal <b Civilian, of St. Louis,
contains a bold and stirring article in favor of a
direct railroad communication between New Or
leans and St. Louis. To accomplish this gigantic
project it is proposed to extend the New Orleans
and Jackson, Mississippi railroad, via Holly Springs,
Mississippi and Helena, Arkansas. The Picayune
in a notice of the bold enterprise manifested in the
article remarks:
“The distance between the two cities might be
reduced to 650 or 700 miles, which, reducing the
Journal’s figures a little, can be made regularly
dWith all ease in less than two days, and connect
New Orleans by the shortest route with the valley
of the Upper Mississippi river, so often and for
such long periods inaccessible to ns. Oi course no
survey has yet been made of the route from
Helena north; but the inquiries of several years
have led to the opinion, that all the swamps may
be entirely avoided, and that a table land of high
f round extends all the way to the southern boun
ary of Misssouri, presenting as favorable a line
for railroad construction as any in the United
States. Considered as a scheme of connection,
what is new of this plan is the road through Ar
kansas, and the contemplated branch to Holly
Springs. The southern portions are already pro
jected" and will certainly be completed within a
few Tears. Entering Missouri in the very heart of
its mineral regions, it meets the local interest
which has already projected a railroad to St Louis.
“This is a speculation indeed, bat a very inter
esting one. worthy of being examined with atten
tion. To bring St. Louis at all times within two
days of New Orleans, and the Western and Up
per Mississippi regions more close to us than they
can ever expect to be to any eastern market, is a
scheme not to be lightly regarded, or dismissed
without a fair and full examination ofthe merits of
the project. We are seeking to go half-way in that,
direction and should be anxious to hear arguments
and proofs to show that other States will find it to
their interest to buiid a line on the other side of tha
Mississippi, to open the way for the expanding
commerce of that vast region to come down to a
point, where by Lnd or by water it must at length
reach New Orleans. These are interesting themes
for discussion.”
Hon. Robert Toombs arrived in this City Fri.
day afternoon and left this morning for his resi
dence, to spend s few weeks, with a view to regain
his health. Though very feeble, he is very much
improved, and we doubt not a few weeks recrea
tion will entirely restore him.
Otto and Jenny Lind Goldschmidt will sail
for Europe in the steamer Atlantic, in May next;
but previous to their departure, it is said, they will
give three concerts in New York. They will take
place the last of April,
Tub Mineiial Spuing Near Columbus. —The
Citizens of Colambns are quit* elated with tho
recent discovery of a spring, thought to poseoss
valuable mineral properties, on tho cast bank of
the Chattahoochee, about four miles above the city.
The Times furnishes the following account of it;
It seems, that originally, this Spring was covered
by the water of the river; and hence it remained
unseen, although within, a few feet ofthe east bank.
Recently, howover, a well constructed stone wall,
forming the eastern side of a canal, conducting tho
water of the river to the mills and factory, was ex
tended on the bed of the river, paraliol to the bank,
and,but a fewyards from it. Uponthe completion of
this wall, aud bv means of it, the water of the river,
was turned off from the narrow space, intervening
between the wall and tho bonk. Within this space,
and by the east sido of the wall, near its upper ter
minus and junction with the bank, tho Spring
gushes forth, with considerable foreo, from a thin
eleft, of a few inches in length, in tho solid rock
forming the bed ot the river.—The discharge, we
guessed, was about twenty-fivo gallons por minute.
The water unusually cioar and cool.
Wo arc not awaro that it has been analyzed. But
no such test is necessary to prove, that it contains
in ample proportions, iron and sulphur. Any ono
who has tasted the water of the Indian Spring,
will at onee, recognize the first, and any one who
haa drank at Woolten’a Chalavbeate Spring, can
testify' to the presence of tho other; without notic
ing tbs deposit, which coats the bed and margin of
the stream, that hurries off, from this delightftil,
health-giving, and life-polonging fountain.
It is pleasant to think, that the Railroad from
Columbus to West Point, which will and must he
constructed, will pass within twenty step*, of this
great gift of nature to our city, and the surround
ing country. There is no doubt, that the owners
of it, enterprizing and intelligent as they are, will
do what is neeessarv, to a proper dcvelopoment of
its value to themselves, and to the public.
An ENTBBrmsiNO Blacksmith. —We learn from
the Newnan Banner, that a Mrs. Fostbb, the wife
of Claibornb Foster, a blacksmith of Heard
oountv, recently gave birth to three children — two
tons and one daughter ; two weighing ten pounds
each, and the other, nine and » half pounds—
making in tho aggregate, tncsnty nine and a half
pounds at a birth. We are further informed that
all three are hale and hearty, and remarkably
stout; and that the mother and children are dbing
well.
This is evidently a progressive age—ono distin
guished, eminently distinguished for its enterprise
aud industry, and we aro ploasod to know that
Hoard county ia not want ing in tho elements of
progress.
Appleton's Popular Library.
The Maidbn and Married Lite of Mart Powbll,
afterwards Mistress Milton.
This work protends to bo a Journal kept by
“Mary Powell, afterwards Mistreas Milton,” aud
although, like the old monkish poems of Chat
teuton, it is a palpable forgery, thoro is in it such
a strange mixture of actual occurrences in the lifo
of Milton, and a fresh, picquant nud natural style
of narrative and description, that it is difficult to
believe that it is anything but what it purports to
be. It givos a very faithful and graphic picture of
of English lifo in the 17th century, even to the
quaint phraseology, and will richly repay a perusal.
For sale by Geo. A. Oates & Co.
LaGrange amd West Point Railroad.— The La-
Graisgo Reporter contains the following informa
tion in reference to this progress of this road:
“From a recent conversation witli one of the
heaviest contractors and largest stockholders con
nected with the Company. We learn that the su
perstructure is ready for the whole route be
tween this place and Newnan. About three
fourths of the qrading ia alao finished, and sever
al heavy sections will be completed in a few weeks.
The Passenger Train now runs out to Chandlor’s,
about six miles on this side of Nownau, and, by
the first of June, it will reach the twelve mile sta
tion. The progress of the enterprise was greatly
hindered by the severe cold ofthe late Winter, now
that the delightful season of Spring has set in, we
may hope that the work will go bravely on to con
summation. With these prospects, we safoly pre
dict its completion between tho first of November
nud the Ist of December ensuing.”
Slavery in New York.-A Glimpse at the Past.
It appears by the following advertisements from
the Lansingbnrg (N. Y.) Gazette of April 10,1804,
that it is not yet half a century sinco tho “peculiar
institution,” which now affects tho fanatics and
“blue lights” of the Nortli witli such “holy horror,”
was in the ‘full tide of successful experiment’ in tho
very hoart of the Empire State, whore now the
Smith-ites, tho Garrisson-ites and tho Abhy Kelly
ites incessantly pour outthoir violent denuncia
tions and insano ravings on tho people ofthe
South, fordoing that which they themselves aban
doned only when it ceased to yield them any pe
cuniary profit. That tho abolitionists of the North
aro willfully and entirely ignorant of the truo
condition of tho negroes of the South, is per
fectly plain to all northorn men, who havo
had an opportunity of informing themselves on the
subject, and yet they prefer darkness to light, and
will not jllow themsolves to be convinced by evi
dence the most conclusive and incontrovertible.
But, to our extracts :
For Sale. —A likely active negro boy, about 8
years of age. He is accustomed to do many kinds
of work in aud about a kitchen; ho is good nn
tured, and sold for no fuult. A negro Wenoli, of
nearly an equul age, is wautod in his place. En
quire at this office.
Lanßingburg, Dec. 6, 1803.
For Sale. —Anactive, likelynegro woncli, about
26 years of age, with a niulo child about two
years old. The wench is woll acquainted with all
kinds of domestic business, and can bo well re
commended for her honesty, sobriety, and indus
try, and the child is active nnd healthy. Apply to
tho subscriber about four miles cast of Lnusing
burg. Nicholas Whebler.
April 8, 1804.
The same paper contains several extracts from
tho New York Keening Post, (now one of the main
pillars of tho “Dimmecrat” party,) in which that
immaculate and “unterrified” portion of our“fel
lar citizens” are styled “bloodhounds of an intol
erant nnd persecuting faction and in speaking
of Jefferson, the same print calls him “idol of
the day, which folly has set up and hypocrisy
maintained.”
Shipment at Produce.
“Our Railroad Depot now presents a most stir
ring appearance. Every up train is laden with
merchandise, wliish is delivered st sur Depot,
while the shipment of produce to points bslow,
averges about ten car loads daily, exclusive of Cot
ton. There are now 21 locomotives employed on
the Road, and mors burden cars are being sent
this way as the pressure is relieved at tlis Depots
below. The shipments wo think, nre now gaining
on the receipts, so that the piles es Cotton bales
may be expected gradually to diminish from this
time onward.”
We clip the above from the Chattanooga Adver
tiser, not only to express our gratification at tho
intelligence it contains, but, also, for the purpose
of enquiring of the Advertiser if he can inform ns
how it happens that a certain son-in-law of the
Agent, Gen’l Bishop, has facilities for shipping
produce which no other merchant in Chattanooga
enjoys ? Within a sow days we have seon a private
letter, frqm a highly respectable house in Chatta
nooga, declining te make engagements to forward
corn to middlo Georgia, alledging as the reason the
uncertainty of obtaining transportation; whilo the
son-in-law of Gen’l Bishof had every facility af
forded him. Perhaps Mr. Wadlet can throw
some light on this subject I If se, we shall be
very glad to be informed. W* know well the
authors ofthe letter, and know them to be men of
the highest ebaracter for Terasity, who would not
mako assertions without foundation. Speak out,
Mr. Wadlet, and let us se* if you can explain,
satisfactorily, tho conduct of your Agent at Chatta
nooga—and if not, whether you will attempt to
▼indicate his acts, with a view to retain him in
office, regardless ofthe interests ofthe State.
Kobßuth Travelling South.— The visit of Kos
suth to Vicksburg is thus noticed by the Whig of
Tuesday last:
Ex-Govcmor Kossuth and lady, Mad. Pulzsky
and several members of Kossuth’s suito arrived
here on the Steamer Aleck Scott, on Sunday even
ing, about 8 o’clock, and took lodgings at the
Washiugton Hotel. There was but little' interest
manifested on his arrival, and no largo assemblage
or formal reception. lie remained in our city un
til half past two o’olock on vestorday and left on
the cars for Jackson. During tho forenoon of
yesterday, quite a number of persons—many of
whom were prompted by mere curiosity—called at
the Washington Hotel to get a glimpse of one who
lias caused such a commotion in our land within
the last few months.
We leurn that Hungarian bonds were in tho mar
ket yesterday, and a few quite active in endeavor
ing to dispose of them, but we havo not heard that
they met with sueefrs. When Kossuth left the
the" Hotel for the depot, the crowd about the hotel
was not very much larger than usual after dinner,
and there was no public demonstration in his favor
or display of enthusiasm.
At Memphis, Kossuth made no stop at all. Tho
Eagle & Enquirer says an agent of his was busily
engaged there on the 19th, trying to raise the ne
cessary “aid and comfort” by selling Hungarian
bonds and Kossuth medals. The latter at a dims
apiece appeared to be about the extent of most per
sons sympathies.
He arrived at New Orleans on Friday the 26th
ult., tho Picayune ofSaturday says :
The committees appointed by the General and
Third Municipality Councils to receive Kossuth,
met yesterday morning to await bis arrival. H*
came unexpectedly, however, and went immedi
ately to the St Louis Hotel. H* was then visited
bv the Mayor and the committee, was welcomed to
New Orleans and was tendered tne hospitalities of
the city. He was also given to understand that
he would receive every attention during his stay.
Kossuth replied briefly ; he said that he has been
misunderstood in the South, but was glad that be
had come here to disabuse persons of any errone
ous impressions which they may have formed re
specting him. He desired to repose and consider
for twenty-four hours before entering into any en
gagement to appear in public. During the even
ing the Yagers and a large number of our fellow
citizens of German origin were standing in front
of the St Louis Hotel in Exchange Place, in the
expectation of seeing Kossuth, but we have not
heard that he had presented himself to them.
A Vulgar Practice Rebuked. —The offensive
and decidedly vulgar practice of street smoking is
thus properly rebuked by the N. Y. Mirror. We
confess we always associate it either with a want of
breeding *r a disregard of the proprieties and
courtesies of life:
“ Smoking in the street is sn offence against pro
priety, the frequency of whish in this city is un
accountable. What must a man be thinking of
who whiffs the smoke from his mouth into the fa
ces of ladies and gentlemen behind him, for a half
mile? Would it be good manners to esrry * P a f*
of burning snrphnr along Broadway? Would it
be thought endurable for one to shake from his
basket a cloud of ashes #r charcoal dust, to sweep,
over those to the windward ? What right then has
any man to discharge tobacco smoko along the
crowded street ? Besides, is it not s vulgar act for
other reasons ! Why take this refreshment in the
street more than any other ? Why not smoke, as
well as cat, at home ? Why not cat yonr candy
and yonr fruits in the crowd ? Vastly more gratc
ftil to others would this be then the sucking of
yonr cigar. Let those who wish for tobaoco smoke
enjoy that which has not passed through another
man's mouth. Let them select their own cigars.
They may have a choice among flavors.”
Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad.— The
Advertiser learns from Mr. Grant, the Chief Engi
neer “that the track laying is proceeding at the
rate of a mile and a half per week on the W r estem
Division. He is Cbnfident in the opinion, that the
Road will be open for through travel by Novem
ber next—connection being made at the River by
steamboat,
More about (In- Knocking*.
Our philosophical readers will remember that
we recently published mi explanation of the causes
of tho so-called “spiritual knocking*,” or rapping*,
and similar mysterious “manifestations;” and
those who were capable of comprehending that ex
planation need hardly be reminded of its conclu
sive and unanswerable character. There are, how
ler, (we regret to say,) some people in this world
who arc never satisfied with any “pie” in which
they cannot have a Auger, and who would fain
build up for themselves an undeserved and nn
merited reputation upon the labors and scientific
attainments of other pcoplo. Wo are constrained
to bltish for the editoriul fratornity, whoft wo find
in its ranks men of this character; but without in
tending to indulge in any otfensivo personal allu
sions or visit the sins of tho delinquents with un
due rigor and soveritv, wo will just call tho atten
tion of the public to tho followihg artftil attempt**)
mislead their judgment and to get up a “false issue"
on tho true causes of the mysterious knockings.
Tho erudite and profound editor of tho Georgia
Citizen, after quoting the lucid and forcible re
marks of our friend, whom ho is pleased to stylo
“a learned Pundit of Augusta,” attempts to refute
and overthrow tho said “Pundit’s” argument by
tho following rather ingenious spocimen of “special
pleading.”
“ All this as clear as mud, but it fails to fully ex
plain tho phenomena or point out the modus' ope
randi of so deadening tho fibrous sensoriutnof tho
auricular membraneous aporturo, that the painful
rappings will cease to resonate upon the pineal
protuberanco of tho cerebrum. The plienomona,
we oxplain ns follows ;
It is all owing to an anti-phlogistic diathesis of
the physopathie system. Food and drink taken
into the stomaehieal brewing vat, requires a cer
tain quant, stiff. of phlogiston to make tho pot boil
and pormit the gastric secretions to assimilate the
fodder to tho condition of pulque. Now according
to the laws of dynamics, when this phlogiston is
minus, a dangerous dysernsy is involved and a
high-tillutin condition of the gosometer is suporin
ducod. The ncrvo-sangnincous system of the piza
rintum is deranged and a proto sulphate explosive
miasma is conveyed along the spinal column to tho
auricular region, producing a sound liko the tap
pina of a drum upon tho sentient follicles of the
medulary concretion.
“ The pathology of tho ease being, tints stated,
no pathogcuctic system of therapeutical agency
will answer to bring the ganglions into a healthy
tone of musoulosity and, restore the functional
equisonnnee of the animal economy. Tho truo
hygienic sanative is to equilibrate ttio erethism of
the oxeandeseent to the isothermal diagnosis, and
this is done by passing down through the (oesopha
gus an ounce ot lignum vit.r, mixed in a pint of
bald face, by which the flamingo is pushed into the
duodenum and a peculiar hydrastin is formed,
which neutralizes the gaseous’ characteristics mid
by a propliylaotio properation of the intestinoga*-
trito functions eliminates the rccromiutitious re
siduary through tho natural scuppers of the corpus.
Tho spasmodic subsultus being thus deprived of
its molecular momentum for want of an ethereal
media, the morbid resonance of the auricular ro
f'iou is sympathetically removed, and this prophy
aetical prospieioncc is demonstrated.
Now, at tho first glance, all this sooms'so plausi
ble and carrios with it such an air of scientific and
professional accuracy and precision, that most peo
ple would bo disposed to tako its assumptions for
granted and rest satisfied with it; but we think
that oven a hasty dissection of tho writer’s argu
ment will demonstrate the utter fallacy of the pre
mises from which ho reasons, and bring the whole
edifice crashing about his ears.
Id tho first place, wo would like to know how it
is possiblo, even “according to the low of dymna
mics” (which have nothing whatovor to do with it)
for a “highfalutin condition of the gosometer to be
suporindueod” by on absence of “phlogiston!”
Second—What does tho Doctor mean by the“nervo
sanguineous system of the pizarintum?” and whore
is it located ? Third—ls tho “proto sulphato ex
plosive misasma” of wliioli lie speaks, composed
of gun cotton, detonating powder or saltpetre?
Fourth—Will saltpetre explode! Fifth, and lastly,
does ho not think that instead of throwing any
light on tho subject, lio has involvod it in deoper
obscurity ? and will ho bo kind onongh to accept
as our final explanation of tho true state of the
case, tho following additional remarks of the “loarn
ed Pundit!”
“Tho a'sthctical and transcendental solution of
spiritual manifestations is attended with preterna
tural and hypothetical fatuity; and tho parnlent
opthahnia of tho steatomatous ovarian liyosciamus
in a comatose stats produces a flnstoreation of tho
parabolioal digitalis which can only be accounted
for by referring the anomalous and parturient mus
cipilar condition of tho patient to a concatenation
of unavoidable circumstances. Hence, we porcoivo
that all attempts heretofore to explain tho physio
mental phenomena connected with the rappings
havo most signally hailed, and that tho Diastaltio
Norvous ganglionic contractions of the hypogastric
plexus and chrono-thormal membrane and its
fibro-cartihiginou*consistence can alone account for
tho sero-sanguiuolent fluid that porcolatcs through
tho frontal sinuses and hybridizes tho galvano-cu
tanoous excitation in harmony with tho dolaribus
simue oborlit non in eodttm loco vchementior obscurat
alterum ! ! ”
Mr. Fillmore wrote n letter in 1848. in which he
said that Congress had tho right, and should exer
cise it, to abolish slavory in tho District of Colum
bia, and restrict the internal slavo trade betwoon
the States.— Fed. Union.
The Federal Union, if we were to judge from the
above spocimen, belong* to that class of jurnals
who ontertain such a profound rcveronco and re
epeot for truth as rarely or never to approach it, for
in the above paragraph, about tho only truth con
tained, is, “that Mr. Fillmore wrote a letter.” To
gain credence for sueli assertion', it will bo nocos
sary for the Union to produce tho bttor. . Aye,
produce tho letter, or stand confessed before tho
country a wilful calumniator.
It is exceedingly unfortunate for tho character of
American journalism, that there are those connect
ed with it, who do not scruple at any means to de
tract from tho morit of an opponent, and who hes
itate not, to make any assertion, however desti
tute of truth, to accomplish their purposes.
“Political. —Every day devclopes something
new in tho political world, the current is now set
ting in favor of u distinguished son of Georgia,
for a nomination for President of the United
States—a no less personage than tho Hon. Howell
Cobb. This nomination will bo made bv the Bal
timore Convention, who will receive him in full
fellowship, with a full knowledge of his Constitu
tional Union principles, ono whoso name is so
generally associated with the Constutional Union
party, that you cannot name the one without think
ing of tho other. Tho Georgia platform will be
eugrafted on the Baltimore platform which will
cause the name of llowoll Cobb to bo more con
spicuous than any other, and as we predict will re
sult in the nomination of tho lion. Howell Cobb
for President. “So mote it be."
The above paragraph we clip from the tlafclon
ega Signal. IRoally the Georgia Secessionists
would be in a most ridiculous position, supporting
Gov. Cobh for the Presidency. However, tlioy
have a most remarkable capacity for adapting
themselves to any state of circumstances on the
political chessboard, and can as readily fall into
line with Gov. Cobb as Jefferson Davis, or any
Freesoiler as their standard bearer. It is quite
immaterial who he may be, if there is a prospect
of obtaining the spoils. Thoy’l swallow the pill
with a gusto, though it bo Rantoul or Hallevt, if
their past history'affords any index to their future
course.
Rbtbrnino to Capital Punishment.— The Legis
lature of Michigan, some years since, abolished
capital punishment, and sufficient time has elapsed
to test fairly the operation of the new law. At the
Court recently held in Detroit, the Grund Jury in
their presentment say:
“ The increase of the crime of murder and man
slaughter since the abolition of capital punishment,
not only among us, but throughout our fcitnte,
has become most manifest and alarming. The
records of the court* of this county show that, at
each of the four terms, there has been at least, ono
aggravated case of murder, und at one term two
cases; whereas, previously to the existing law,
and since our State organization, no conviction of
murder had ever been had by any of the courts of
tho State. The facts were regarded as a proof of
an alarming disrespect for and undervaluing of
hmnao life, legitimately referable to a change of
the legislation upon this subject.
We hare no doubt that the records of tho coun
try will always furnish similar evidences of the
increase of crime wherover the punishment of death
it abolished. In Georgia we feel eonfldent the cul
pable course of tho Legislature, in the exercise of
the pardoning power and the recklessness of juries
have contributed in bo small degree to the increase
of crime. We are not, therefore, surprised that
the juries of Michigan arc in favor of introducing
the gallows to its wonted position among civiliza
tion.
The Cumberland Alleganian of Friday says:—
A discaso which has buffled tho best medical skill
has been prevailing for seme time past in the
Glades, the upjier part of this comity. Its approach
is known by a slight pain, which soon extends
over the system, drawing the body nearly double,
and causing the most excruciating pain to the per
son attacked, who is only relieved by death, which
usually takes place in a few hours. Families have
been almost entirely destroyed by it, and we hear
of an instanco where a widow and throe children
wero attacked, and diod—one little child only es
caping.
Post Office Operations.— During the week end
ing March 27th, the Postmaster General has estab
lished forty-nine new post offices, discontinued
five, and changod the names of six.
Os the new offices established, two are in Geor
gia, viz: Polksville in Hall county, and St. Cloud
in Heard county.
Lectures by Lola Montez.— We see it stated
that the former Countess of Landsfelt is preparing
a series of lectures on the politics and public men
of Europe, which will be in direct contrast in
its theories and descriptions, with the recent ora
tions and speeches of Kossuth. Lola Moktez
claimß to be a republican—but not a red-republican.
Bailkoao Meeting as Atlanta.— The Atlanta
Republican says:
A meeting of the Superintendents of all the
Railroads, interested in their connection with the
Western & Atlantic Railroad, was held in thie oity
on yesterday; and we learn important regulations
have been agreed upon, for the purpose of produ
cing greater uniformity in the trans-shipment,
freight, &c. of goods from Chattanooga and other
points, to Savannah and Charleston. Particulars
will be given hereafter.
This move, is but another evide t that the va
rious enterprising Railroad Campanies, conneoted
with the State Road, will not, neroafter, be per
plexed, bothered, and provoked with the irregular
ities, detentions, of cars and freight, which have
the management of our great
Mr. Wadley goes shead, and demonstrates daily
that the State work can, and will pay its wsy and
make money for the State.
North eastern Railroad Cowant.— The fol
lowing gentlemen havo been elected officers of the
Northeastern (S. C.) Railroad oompany: D. L.
McKay, President j Directors —John Rsvenel,
Smith Mowry, Jr., Hy. A. Middleton, Wo. M.
Martin, Edwarjl Sebring, W. S. Boyd.
Dr. T. A. Parsons, of Burke county, has been ap
pointed by Gov. Cobb, one of hie aids, with the
rauk of Colonel.
House Rent In Aiew York.
Si.ncx tho rise of real estate in Augusta, we have
heard a great cry about “high routs," “difficulty
of gctflng houses," oto., but our sufferings are
very light whon compared with those of the resi
dents of largo cities who aro crowded into narrow
and “tuokod up” tonomonts, In obscure streets, at
a yearly rent, that would here almost purchase onb
of our pretty little cottages, with Its garden and
tasteful surroundings, and enablo the oocupant and
owner to “sit down under Me own vine and fig
troo, with none to molest or make him afraid.”
To show some of our readers the “ difficulties”
attending a residence in a large metropolis, as well
as to innko them better satisfied with our own beau
tiful city of wide, shady avenues and lovely ’gar
dons, weoondonao tho following statement of tho
rates of house rent in Now York from a late num
bor of tho Evening Mirror :
Tho villagor who has been aocuatomed to hire a
satisfactory houso for SIOO, would bs frightenod
at tho rates in New York. In Broadway some
dwellings still remain. Above Broome street there
aro houses of inodorats tizo and style—houses
which appear to havo been erected with very sobor
views ; these have risen in rant sines last year,
from 20 to 2)1 per oont. They will probably com
mand (moderate three story houses) from 1,200 to
SI,BOO. But going out of this famous street, let us
inquire elsewhere. In Chambers street, which in
1800 was quito an outside streot—one from whioh
you could look into meadows and apple orchards,
medium houses now rent for from $1,400 to $l,lOO.
Warren and Murray streets may bs set down at
from 1,200 to $1,500 for medium houses. Park
Ploco is becoming a place of stores. It is a very
desirable location for them. The large now buil
dings there wil> rent for from 4,000 to $6,000, and
some perhaps highor.
In l esey St., whioh is somewhat less desirable
than Barclay, Murray and Warren Sts., the best
threo-story houaos rent for from SI6OO up to—say
SIBOO. A very modorats thres-story has rentod
for SIBOO tho past year! These Streets, which open
upon the Park are in reality desirable, and rents in
thorn will asmimo Broadway figure* before long.
As to tho up-town fever, it is diffloult to report
tho rents there in any general way. In 11th St. a
threo story which was built eight yenrs since, and
tiion rented for SSOO, has since paid s7o*, and now
will command SBSO. In 28d St. a house Sf only
20 feet front commands SBOO. Perhaps the general
statement may be made, that in the up-town
streets, three story houses rent ier from (600 to
SIBOO. Os course, houses of extra height and style
have various highor rate*. As far up as 81st. St. a
well finished throe story rents for $760.
For some reason tho 'Eastern section of the oity
—the 7th Ward for example—hae bean lesseought.
It is now somewhat looking up. East Broadway
is n fine, airy and well built street, which hae hardly
roeoivod its deserts, for some years, rerhaps the
diffioulty of reaching it has had something to do
with tho unattrsetivenoss. Certainly the streete
in the 7th Ward are neat and pleaeant. Thore are
many families es respeotaqility, whs feel as if the/
oould not go beyon S6OO for house-rent. They wish
for a pleasant aud convenient dwelling, end ere
ouulifled to enjoy a tasteful style of living, and yet
do not aim at extra accommodations. There scene
to bo n lack of houses for suoli flmiiliea. The S4OO
houses are all below the point of swholesomenese
and comfort—at least until yon are far to the
Northward. Tho families referred to cannot find
suitublo dwellings abort of S6OO er S7OO.
Some who have obsorved Parisian crowding,
propose that we ehould hiko trans-Atlantie lesion*.
It is thought that by skilful devices of building, e
much largor number of fttmilies might comfortably
and safely oocupy a given apace. It ia probable
that something of this kind ia possible; but the
American dreads toonter upon auoh a oondeueing
After all, tho charm of life is found in these fins
villages where overy house hss its side-ysrd* end
its garden in tho rear. There is population enough
for society, and for businee* acoominodatien in the
way of stores, markets, Ao., and yet there is roera
enough to breathe freely and live happily. The
villages combine oity convention with rural" beauty
aud salubrity.
Ileme.
A debating society out somewhere near snnsot,
lately discusaod this question: “A e twine ot»
monthe old a pig or a hog't" Tho question wse er
guod at groat length and with “marked ability,"
but the arguments an both sides were so nearly
equal in point of force and ingenuity that the Pre
sident was called upon to deeide the question,
which he did in the following words: — "Ji'e the eptn,
ion of the chair, gentlemen , that the animal' e a good
sized chunk of a ehoat."
An Irish paper says that among those mortally
wounded at Waterloo, was Major O’Brien, ctftor
toarde Mayor of Dublin.
White Partuidqb.— A gentleman in Hopewell
township, York county, Pennsylvania, trapped a
few months ago a partridge that was perfeotly
white, with all the other marks peculiar to the
race.
A Live Seal, three and a half feet in length,
and two and a half in girth, was taken hy a fisher
man on Folly Island Beach, on Wednesday last,
and brought up to the city of Charleston. It hsa
been preserved and placed ia the College Museum
by Prof. Holmes.
Tho New York papers say there are 800 miles of
gutters in that oity. No wonder so many psopie
are found in them.
“Motlior,” said a girl of nineteen, “they say mar
riages are made in heaven—do yon think they
arc ?” “Why, my dear, it is a vtry general opin
ion.” “If they are, mother, they seem a long tim •
coming down to some of us.”
Murder I —A Western Judge thua dearly and
forcibly defines tlio crime of murder:
“Murder, gentlemen, is where a man is murder
ously killed. The killer in such a cnee ie a mur
derer with a gigi. It is the murdering which con
stitutes murder in tho eye of the law. You will
bear in mind that murder is one thing and man
slaughter another; therefore, if it is net man
slaughter, it must be murder. Self-murder has
nothing to do with this case.
“One man cannot commit felo de non another ;
that is clearly my view. Gentlemen, I think you
cun havo no difficulty. Murder, 1 sav, ie murder.
“Tho murder of a father is fratrieiJe ; hut it is
not fratricide if a mail murdei his mother. You
know what murdor is, and I need not tell you what
it is not. I repeat that murder is murder/ You
may retire upon it if you like.”
In Charleston, there is a natural phenomenon
on exhibition, namely, a common house oat, nurs
ing a rat with her kittens. It is stated that (he rat
was brought into tho family circle about ten days
ago, very young, sinoe which time it hai imbibed
a portion of nutriment from the cat, and has re
ceived tho parental attention in common with ita
legitimate offspring.
Theory' vs. Practice.—“ You will lose nothing
in tho long run,” said an eminent divine, from the
pulpit, “by being kind, affeotionate and oheerfbl.”
Before night thj eminent divine flogged fix of hia
children within an inch of their livei, and gave
his wife a tremendous “blowing up" because eha
had forgotten to sew a string on his night oap.
Hon. Horatio Seymour, of Utica, N. T., reaent
ly siiot, in the northern wooda, an enormous
Moose, measuring in height six feet and eix inohee
at tho fore shoulders, and in length seven foetfroin
the head to the apology of the tail, for the moos*
is not honored with much, if any, of this appen
dage. The length of the head is two feet end
four inches, and that of the earn, some tan inohee.
Gen. Cass, who ie so often the viotim of oirouru
stancos,” in his specoh at the Koeeuth banquet
said— 1 “Shall wo sit here blindfolded and tee tyr
rany prevailing in every region of the world t
No!”
lion. Henry Clay flrat took hia seat in tha Sonata,
in December, 180#, nearly forty-six yesra ago.
There wore then but aoventeen Statea in the Union
and of the then thirty-four Senators, it ia believad
that Mr. Clay alone survives.
The recent frosts have greatly injured tha tohaa
co plants in Maryland.
To livo incapable of disinterested love, ie mla
ory. This is tho misery of the selfish man. lie
seeks happiness in receiving; it ie found only in
giving. Ho seeks it in his own gratifloation ; but
until he loves something beyond aalf, he oannot bo
hsppy.
We heard the following Interostiag conversation
a few days since, between two oandfdatea for aoad
emio honor:
“Bill, spell cat, rat, hat, bat, ftt, with only one
letter for oaeh word.”
“It can’t be did.”
“Wbnt! you just ready to report verbatim r
phonetically, and can’t do that I Just look here t
cBO cat, r 80 rat, h 80 hat, b 80 bat, fBO fat."
Obadiah thinks the “ tree of knowledge" waa
the birch tree, the twigs of which have done mere
to make man acquainted with arithmetic than all
the other members of the vegetable kingdom com
bined.
“Short visits are best,” as tho fi/ said when he
lit on a hot cook-etove.
The New York Express of Thursday, speaking
of the Money Market in that city, says that the
influence of the European news received by the
Canada, and the arrival of another geld eteamor
from California, imparted a very buoyant spirit to
tho market. Income securities found purchaser*
at enhanced prices, and rates for money were re
duced.
We understand that In conseqnenee of the con
tinued illness of R. L. Stewart, Esq., Cashier of
the Bank of Charleston, So. Ca., and the resigna
tion of A. Moise, Jr. Esq., Aassiatant Cashier, the
following gentlEmen have been appointed pro tom
pore, to fill their offices :—J. K. Bass, Esq, P. T.;
John Chcesborough, Esq., Assistant Cashier, P. T.
— On. Chur.
Politics in California Both the Whigs end
Democrats of California have held State Conven
tions and appointed Delegates te the National
Conventions of the respective parties, leaving them
without instructions aa to whom they shall support
aa candidates for the Presidency. The Democratic
Convention did not adopt any platform. The fol
lowing are the resolutions on the subject of the
Compromise whioh were adopted by the Whig
Convention, viz:
Reeolved, That the scries of measures passed
during the last Congress, and known as the Com
promise measures, constitute an adjustment of
conflicting Beotional interests and opinion* which
should not. under any circumstances, be dis
turbed ; and that it is the duty of every State and
every section to adhere honestly and constantly to
this settlement of these various vexed questions.
Reeolved, That it ia especially the interest and
the duty of theiieoplo of the State of California to
stand by these measures, and to deprecate any
aetion which will tend to revive here, or in Con
gress, an agitation now so happilv allayed.
Reeolved, That these are the fixed end defined
principles of the Whig party of California in re
gard to these questions, and aa such w# expect
them to he acknowledged and vindicated by our
Representatives in the National Convention.
Reeolved, That the Delegates from California in
the National Convention be instructed to cast their
vote for no candidate for President or Vice Presi
dent of tho United States who is not a friend of
the compromise measures of tho last Congress, and
an ardent supporter of the preservation of the
Union.
Liberation of the Irish Statx Prisoneb*.—The
N. Y. Tribune is indebted to the Editor of the
Irish American for a slip from the Dublin Free
man’s Journal, of March 20, containing tha follow
ing important announcement, whioh ia believed te
be reliable:
“It ia reported that order* hav* aotually been
issued from the Colonial Office, or shortlv will be
issued directing the immediare release of the Irish
Exiles, subjeot to the condition that they are not
to return to any port of the Britiqif lelande. Mr.
Whiteside had been aa active interoawor forlikaaa
tien."