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c.utfi iU. .s...:-....** »•>•«>
pi, . ..i ■ . ■ winch dictator, ere mare. You
r , iw th,ii if blown '» f h«d by the
Federal irni in South Carolina, this Uuiums dn-
veil, .mil »general civil war i**' 1l ” 1|1 ' r “ ui j-
Is there any degree ofconfideoce which can justi
fy tin) subiniMiu of such an issue io the discretion
of .my one man! Do »ot tell me Diet if the
President abuses iho trust reposed ill him ho is
turn-liable to punishment. Will an impeaclmion.
of Andrew Jackson rnstoro the Union—bring
hark 10 thy* Union tho lileod which he has shod,
mid firing tho dead to life! The same argument
would prove that ho ought to bo clothed wi.b,
jicl power, restrained only by vai>kr requisitions
that he shall exert ilafer tho public good. It is
not in this way that a^fcilant guardian of public
liberty ought <o act. Them it too much reason
to fear th« the confidence which confer* such a
power, m iv easily be brought to sanction an n-
buao of it.' For my pari, I consider ii infinitely
better that South ■ erolma should nullify tiny
iaw in tho code, than to trust uny man’s discre
tion with the issue of dnion and prace on the ono
hand, and disunion aad civil war on tho other.—
Moreover, Sir, do you not consider it a* utterly
opposed to all correct notions ot constitutional
law, that the Federal Government should mako
war upon the citizens of a Slate for hii act dono
by that Stain, in it* sovereign character! lam
auro that nothing can be found in the columns ol
the Enquirer, before it embraced tho cause of
Andrew Jackson, to coitntonanco such an idea us
this. What hat changed you, Mr. Richie ?
Perhaps you have changed becqfso Andrew
Jackson himself has chnngod. This would not be
at all surprising in you, Sir, sinco tho whole com
monwealth (proh pudor\) appears to have been
revolutionized in a single hottr for tho sumo rea
son. Let us, however, in order that \>0 may
know hereafter how inconsistently it is possible
for a man to act, without forfeiting his character
goo wlmt this sninii General Juckson has said on
o former occasion. In his “ talk” to the Indian
delegation from Georgia, in 1829, he holds this
language: ** Thu swotd of the United States
might bo looked to us ilte arbiter, &c. But this
can never bo done. The President camioi and
will not beguile you with such an expocPUion
Tki arms of thit Government can never be em
ployed to stay any State of the Union from the
evercise. of those legitimate powers which belong
to her sovereign character." This is trucly re
publican—and wliat a pity it is that he did no 1
adhere to ii I Surely, iho right to declare iha
an unconstitutional act of Congress really is so,
is acknowledged by you to bo a “ legitimate po
wer” bolonging to every Sluto “ in hor sovereign
character," and this is thu power which South
Carolina h it exoried. Du yon think, then, flint
tho Protulmn can consistently ” employ th.
arms of this Government to stay her 1” It”
ento in 1829 involves the rights of Georgia
that in 183:1 involves the rights of South Caroli
na. This is the only -Hlflerenro, bn usiureil.
Do you recollect, Mr. ttltchin, wliat a Clamor of
denunciation you raised against Mr. Adams fni
threatening (and ho only hinted at it, too) to en
force the authority of tho Federal Government
•gainst Gdbrgin 1 Do yon remember how
strongly you then dnnouncod tho Idea of making
war on n sovereign State of this Union / Geor
gia bus hern ill the regular habit of” bullying the
Union" (:hiu h the phrase at present) from that
time to this, and you liavo neither disproved of
hor course, nor has General Jackson threatened
her with the rod. A fact »o glaring as this, ran
not fail, sooner or later, to make its due impres-
•ion upon the public mind, to the overlusting
shame of General Juckaon and his press.
Those letters, Sir, have trfreudy been extend
ed much beyond wliat I originally proposed, ns
their utmost limit. They have been very hnsti-
|y written, never revised, nnd aro altogether un
pretending in their cUaructer. They Imve been
designed to revive ill tho minds of those who
may road them, tho almost forgotten principles ol
1798, nnd m call public attention to the absolute
and total overthrow of those principles, nidi is
already well nigh effected by General Jackson
Of course; like other newspaper pragruph
ilpoi) the subject, they will bo forgtten wiilt tho
fig r This is xactly the fate winch I wish them
lilt) country. 1 I knciv not Sir, herw you
will belter tofien ihereproaehet whi It at
tach to your mauifcst tergiversation, and
inioffsisteiicy, man ny -mowing youisu..
ufAuyou reputation as a true prophet
LOCKE.
ti experience, if thev cattfmuke die desired im
pression is they are raad. I shall now conclude
them with another view of ibe subject before us,
which is certainly worthy nl your considers-i--n.
South Carolina is a southern Stale, having the
inmo interest with ourselves is all respects; and
for ten years she Uas lioen our best htflo in this
very tariff contest. Is it noi shameful m us to do-
gsrt her now in her utmost need I And betides
is ii not our obvious interest to sustain h ,
particularly In tho present position ol the larifl
and anti-tariff parties t You know perfectly well
that morn man half tho tariff delegation came to
Washing on in December, ptepiited to reduce
thesystomt tho revenue standard; and you also
know that they changed their purpose as sunn'as
the proclamnti a was issued They saw that tho
President al h -ugh ho professed n desire to mod
ify those laws, would ueverthe e*. enforce them
b v thr vonrd if they mere not rtptaUd. What
better encouragement c m they want, to perae-
vere in their system! Nay, what better prcce-
deu ’ an they have, for enforcing uny other law,
W Y I| ,» majority of the people of the United
gt-Us may nnd it to their interest to pass 7 The
northern interest already possesses that majority,
■md is in no clangor ofloslug it. Is it not, then,
nur obvious Into an to pursue such a course as
will strengthen, instead of breakiug, that bond
which now i.indl the southern Stales together !
AVl-at sh»V we gain by driving South Catolun out
eftho Union, or by weakening her influence
while she remains in ill We should be led to
sustain her by every consideration of justice, be
e ntse she t* abused and oppressed; bv every co-i-
side-ration of generosity, because she is the wonk
er part'; by every consideration of piudence and
Wisdom, becouse we roust stand Or fall along with
enn scarcely (lei-mit myself. Sir, to ask whi
wc ought to thin! of the part which Gener ;
Jackson is acting Wt this eventful dramal Hi
know* thu niv mod (kalian of the laws, will, ot
its-If whe ther it raise or reduce the duties, de
fos, '-II nwisnrtw of South Carolina Hl once.-
qn,, relates only to ii-e existing laws
and cannot apply to » u y 0I * 1W ' l« w *’
this and he also knows (hit hts influence ca j
ea ’ -r fates to be modified in four and tweu
ty ours. What m-.tive in there then—whut rmi-
ton can there be, for this alarming and perilous
lecourse m force! ll« stands before the people
of this country as a P-esidenl of the United
Stales making war upon tin- people Without nr
ressity; as a southern mm, strengthening the arm
of nor Intro power, again*- sontlieru imerests; as
a san -f Sou Ii C iml.ni, urning his wrath agaiust
his native State aod encouraging a civil war
mong her people, for tlie euii tiraiiou of a false
pri te, or a vindictive fee! " His ory oe< not
present a worse picture ol the worst forms of hu
man character. You Dr. Richie, have long ago
mid,that ibis election w»uld be "a can* upon
For the Georgia Courier.
I intend, if circumsiances permit, to of
fer, through your paper, some, of the rea
sons, which lead me to oppose the plan ol
Reduction, proposed by tho late Conven
tion. And in doing so, 1 shall endeavoi
to uddiess thu understanding of your re.,
dors. “ Ctoc of the People;•’ m the
Courier of tile 10th and 14ilt nisi, lias ap
pe.ued in favoi ol Pie pi ii—an^Ac has dis
covered that no " argument” has yet boon
adduced against il. I do not know wliat
that writer calls “ argument.” Bui
confess, that if the articles, which have
appeared in the Journal and Recorder
(not iu speak of other papers,) do not con
lain 11 argument,” I do not understand tho
moaning of the word. Let me suggest io
“ One of the people," that this sneering
style of sovereigo coutompt for an adver
sary, this short hand method of answering
an argument, by denying that il is “ argu
ment,” is in vory bar taste. Some peo
ple may, perudveuiure, tend both sides,
who are as capable ol appreciating an ” ar
gument," us ” One ol the People”; and
if they do, lie and his sweeping assertions
must look rather small, in the only eyes to
which he can wish to appear laige. My
iiiieuiiun is to answer tins writer, i shall
doit respectfully, for very many reha.ns;
but principally fur two—l consider any
writer, who enters the lists with one,
wnmn he professes io despise, guilty, by
ms own showing- of telf-degruduiiou: mid,
secondly,” One of tho People," though
writing in what I must bo excused for con
sidering a very had cause, does it in a
manner to shew that he is worthy of a bet
tor oue.
My objections to the proposed plan
are—
1st. It does not answer the end, pro-
posod, in calling tho Couve ition.
2nd. So far from removing existing
evils, iIto proposed plan will increase
i hem.
3rd. In both Houses of the Legislature,
iidei tho pioposod amendment, a minori
ty of the People will clod u majority ol
members.
4th. Tho taxes will be paid hy one
portion of iho Slum, and their proceed.-
uppiepriuiod by unoilter.
bib. The federal basis ought to have
buon retained, m one house, ut least; arid,
i- it be rijocted, a great aud permanen iu-
,ury, to tlie Stale, aUd to tile South,
will he unavoidable.
J shall consider this l ist subject first,
mcause “ One of the People” has, thus
ir, confined himself to it. But, belure
p-acceding to tlie discussion, I must be
mowed io remark un two of this wi tier’s
,..r limiunry observations—that Iho plua is
.iu bust, now to he obtained; and that
same of its defects, at least, are owing to
>ie “ exorbitant demands” of its oppo
ns; iho friends of (lie plan (and they on
iy, according to the writer’s inference) be
ing” anxious to act for the good of the
S lie, regardless of either party or local
interest, and their good iniomions being
defeated by the “ umeasonable extrava
gance" of the other side. As to the first
remark, I have only to say, that if the
ime hat como, when a majority of the
people cannot adopt a belter plan of gov
ernment, than to give all power to tlie mi-
n iriiy, it is limit to dissolve into our ori-
.iiiul clcmenis, and|hrgin again. Theonly
reason why no better plan ” could be ob
tained,, in the Convention, was, that a
combination of various local interest had
lix-td upon this plan, for tnoir own pur
poses—nnd boiug u majority, voted down
every alteration proposed, us a matter of
course. But I am yet to learn, that u
i. 'onvcntiou, in which ihe small Counties
mis have itioir proper influence, (instead
-f doubling it -is they did in the lute one,
uy sending delegates in equul number to
their entire representation in tho Legisla
ore) will be lorred to como to such a
11 lame and impotent conclusion” as the
.me before us. I submit to tlie writer
ii. itself, whether iho other remark is lib
era), or just, or worthy of such a penas
ns. It assumes thui the liiouds of the
posed amendments wore “ anxioui to
not arguments,’' why be wid not have
so answer thorn—that’* all. •
'To. the point then. The question is,
ought any allowance lo be made, in fixing
the ratio of representation, for the oumbei
of our sieves ! The triumphant answ-
to this question is, that persons, and per
acme reason should bp shown tor making
it more, or less. Besides, we are not -
now disputing as to the proportion of
slaves to be computed, but Whether they
ought to be computed at all.
There is another important reason for
retaining this basis of representation j and
much as it has been scouted at, it does uot
seem to mo to have been answered. All
will admit the extreme importance, not on
ly to Georgia, but to the entire South, ol
retaining this basis in the Federal Consti
tution. We are told, however, that le
sons only, are entitled to represcntaiau^
that slaves are only property ; and th^|
to allow them a place iu the computation,
is arist scratic, giving the rich power ovi-i
the poor, “ and all that sort o’ thing.”
Let me do “ One of the People" the jus
lice to say, that he has had tie good sense, jecting it, in our own Constitution, ca n .
act for the good of tho State, regardless
oi l--cal or party interest,” the bthur side
going for “ local or parly iulorqst,”
exclusively; wuen it is a well known fart,
io merely that the amendments were car
ried by a combination of* local or party
interest,” but that, that combination was
openly avowed and boasted of, on the
tlooi of the Convention ! It is well -
kn -wn that every testing vote was a ” local
or party" vote, and the voas and nays
will show il. And shall we ho told, in
(ho face of this, that the majority were
tho impartial, unbiassed, friends of “ the
State,” “ wititoul rogard to local or party
interest," and that the “ exorbitant do
maud-,’ he ” unreasonable extravagance’
of tilt- .. her side, drrvo them to ext: ernes!
Whether those demands, in tho instance
re illy woro “ exorbitant,” 11 unre ison i
ble," or “ extravagant," will, I trust, ap
pear in tlio sequel of this discussion. But
when ii was found that the adoption, ol
wliat the minority thifeglit right, was im
possible, plan upon plan, for compromis
ing tho dilliiculty, was proposed iu vain—
and, at last, the plan of Mr. Hull, which
was offored, oul us a final effort at com
promise, uuil with a view to mitigato an
evil which was found unavoidable, was
^ejected; and now, we aro told, forsooth,
that this stale-loving, party-hating, local-
intert-tt-despising majority, were driven
to extremes by tho unreasonable, exorbi
tant, extravagant demands of a known
aud ascetta’-ned minority! Really, ibis
is not only insufferable, but ridiculous.
As I am not one of tho army, who
“ swore so terribly in Flanders," I shall
not stop to discuss, further, the prelimina
-v remarks of” One of the people" uor
shall I trouble mvself with his remarks on
■ho " Georgia Times.” Mr. Slade must
,iglit his own battles. 1 will prdceed,
■lereforf-, to state why I consider the
Federal basis|(he proper one for the House
t Representatives, instead of that
white population alone. And if” One of
tho people" finds that toy remarks are
io treat this sort of slang, about aristocracy
&c, with the contempt at deserves. 1
shall not advocate, here, the propriety ol
giving slaves a representation, 4s property
—Because, merely ns property 1 do con
ceive ihe argument goes tp thO'V that ah
other property should be conpmed too ;
and though I am one of thorn, who be
lieve such a plan to be correct, on princi
ple, yet it is uuuecesary logo ii to the sup
port of it, here, as the quest on lias no
thing to do with the purposes of my dis
cussion, and the ground, ncctssiry to be
occupied, is broad enough withoi* il. We
aro told, if we go back to first principles,
persons only are to be represented. Be
it so. If slaves ate not person-’, they have
no existence. They are persons, in tho
strict, literal sense of the ward. They
live, and move, and act, ant' think, and
speak, and are a- much human beings, as
“ One of tho pooploi,” or m/telf. Upon
the|strict abstract principle, then, for which
oar opponents arc such sticklers, without
reference to the peculiar laws of tins part
of tho country, slaves, poor and friendless
as they may be, are entitled to ho rtipre
scnled, not by three fifths of heir numhers,
but by the whole, ft happ.ms, itowevei
that tho laws of this .State mako negroes
chattels personal, to u!l intents ami pur
poses.” Now this, it must be remarked,
is not the Constitution of the country,
but only u statute law umler the Constitu
tion. And, in framing ii fundamental law,
1 am yot to learn, how or why iho people
are to he held hound, hy previous acts of
their Legislature. It is, however, a part
of the settled policy of tbi State ; mid
though, if I were to I'ollov Iho example
of my opponeuts, in insisting on first prin-
c p is, w.thoutany rug.-rd oexistingcircum
stances, by which we must be governed,
an>i which compel us, in this instance, to
let those first principles give way to this
necossary policy, I should bring them to
the necessity of concceding/tilf represent
ation to slaves ; yet I feel thu necessity
of admitting that this literal argument will
not do in practice. Tho gentlemen on th-'
oilier side wish to disregard circumstances,
and rely on principle, just fat enough in
suit llic-ir own purpose. But when we
carry out the principle of representing
persons, tlioy bring us back to tho ” cir
cumstance,” that these persons are proper
ty! This strikes mo ns being an unfair
mode of argument. Take circumstances
from tho beginiug to the end, gentlemen,
or let us have principle, throughout.
Noiv I admit, that f do not think it either
proper, or prudont, to revert to these
principles, without rofemnee to the stato
of facts, to which they urn to be applied.
Wliat is the state of these facta! These t(tu
ple aro a part of our population, and likely
ever remain so, of an infeiior caste We
are obliged, independent of all oilier ron
sidoru'.ions, from regard io our own safely
and to thnirs, lo keep them in servitude,
and to con-i-h-r them as pro|mrty. Bo
their character is not, exclusively, proper
tv. 11 is a mixed one. For certain pur
poses, they are property alone, and lor
other purposes they me only persons.
“ It is only under ilfo pretext,’’ says James
Madison,” that the laws have transformed
negroes ink’ subjects of proper y, that a
place is denied diem in the computation ot
numbers. If they are to L-o considered
as persons, they become a part of the
people, nnd are entitled to full repre
sentation ns sucli. So far (hen, as their
character of persons is motged in that
of property, they are noi to bo compu
ted. So far as their chat actor of per
sons remains, tlioy ought, on every
principle to be computed. Mr. Madison
in the 5-flli No. of Federalists.* from
which I liavo quoted above, insists on this
mixed character, as being the only trim
one. Hu te 's us that, in being houg! t and
sold, compelled to labor for his muster,
and liable to punishment at his mastn’.-
caprice, the slave is properly—Inn is a
person, in being protected by law, against
the violence even of his master, and in
being subject to punishment for breaches
of law. lie is sold, and rotnrolled ns
property— is protected and punished as a
person. So far, Mr. Madison. Now I
ask " One of the People" to tell me, if a
slave is only property, on what is found
ed tho lewforiiis personal protection! As
property, the master only could claim tho
the protection of law for him; and yet, we
find him protected, evon agaiust his. mas
ter. Again—if a slave is not n person,
on wliat is founded the law, nmkiug him
ametiable to tho public for broaches of
law—establishing a respectable tribunal
for his trial, and, for the higher offences,
even givi g him that most inestimable per
sonal privilege, a trial by JUry 1 Is prop
erty amenable to law! Can Agasis be pu
is d by law / I should like to see a
jury enipannelml, to try n mad dog for
murder, aud the defnneo ot insanity set
up in Ins favor. 1 do not know how this
view of the subject will strike other minds.
To mine, it is not only satisfactory, lull
conclusive ; and I have the venerable
name of James Maiiison to quote, as the
author of the argument, if men, tins he
correct ; if tho slave is of a nti\ed char
acter, of persons and property.; so far a.
his personal character remains, he ough-
to be computed in fixing the rati!) of rep
■ esentaiion. The onlv difficulty, then,
is to ascertain what proportion of his per
tonality docs remain. The Constitution
of the United States, and that of Georgia,
have fixed on three fifths ; the remainin:
two fifths of his cliara ctor as a man, poll
orally, being considered as merged in that
of the slave. The precisely correct
mathematical proportion, it would puzzl
“ One of the people,” myself, or a great
er man than either of us, tofixupon. Wc
find the ratio of ihree fifihsalrcutly flirtt
in our existing Constitution ; and it seems
tp me, before that proportion is eitfcred,
effect that instrument, in any way. If it
can and will effect it, 1 presume tho ad
vocates of the free white basis will be few.
It seems to me (here cau remain none, if
that tendency be made obvious, unless
there be some politicians mail enough, io
sacrifice the interests, not to say the inde
pcndence, of the South, to local or party
views. Now, it is perfectly well known,
that this feature in the Federal Constitu
tion was the result of compromise, in thi
Federal Convention; that it excited strong
opposition to theratificatioii of that Const
tution, at the North ; nnd that tho ratifica
lion was greatly aided, to say the least,
by the publication of the Federalist, thu
vory work from which l have borrowed
most of my argument. It is also well
known, to all who know any thing about
the matter, that, from the "ratification to
this day, iho northern people have com
plained of this basis, as unjust mid une
qual, and been anxious io get rid of it
I know this is denied. But many pnbli
cation liavo 1 seen, front norihern pens,
against this basis ; many respectable north
ern men have I heard complain of it. It
lias been, again and agRin, complained of
cn Congress—and, during tho last Con-
gi'eSs, hy no less a man than John Quincy
Adams. One of the propositions of-th
H irtford|Convoulion (which, whatever|c/j*
it may have been, was certainly composed
of the vory first men in New England) was
io amend this article of the Federal Con
stitution ; and, finally, repeated amend-
■Hunts <o ibis article have been formally
proposed, by the Legislatures of Northern
Stales. Now, really, in the fiice of nil
this, to deny that this feature of the Fed
era! Constitution is obnoxious to the north
nd one which tliev would change, if they
could do it peaceably and constitutionally,
is perfectly tidiculous. I shall conside
it, then, no longs- a dehatuable matter, that
ihey do desire to change this basis. An
I ask the fricuds of our patent project of
amendment, how they will nnsivei their
norihern brethren, when they say to them
in proposing this change, ** You ndmit
i Ins basis lo bo wrong, on principle : yo
were the only Southern State, that incur
poruted it iu your owu Constitution : You
have seen your error, and have stricke
it out, as radically wrong ; and we only
ask you for tvhat, you yoursell being judg
es, is mere, sheer justice.” I suspect the
Southern man, to whomihisis addressed,
will have lo answer it, after iho manner of
” Ono of the people.” "Verily, broth
er Jonathan, all this is no auuujjent.”
“ One of the people" says, indeed, that
-heir i« no analogy between the Federal
and State Constitutions—that, in the Fed
oral Constitution, this basis was adopted
u protect those States, to whom this
“ species of property” was “ peculiar;”
whereas, in this Stute, the “ rights of sla
very aro the same, in all the Counties.”
This proves too much, or it proves nolle
log. It these righis he” the same in all
the Counties,” then why object to this bi-
-;-.! It will oporate equally, every where.
If they be not the same, then the analogy
between the Federal and Staid Constitu
tions remains in all its force, and ” One
ofthepooplo must go back, in answering
the norihern man, lo his favorite argument
of” uo argument.”
—for he can lay his letters about as well Watew 1 stopped some fo.ey days ago
as I and you. So offwe sot, I end the Gin- on the borders of Missouri, and thore (lid
eral nnd the t’other*, Mr. Van Bureo and West was in the Rocky mountains, or a-
suchy, and soou got to tho college; and mong the ‘Snake Indians,' or ‘the Smacks
hen they stuck us up in the champel, chops’of tho Oregon Teriiiory. It was
-ud President Quincy made a speech, and ihe work of a dozen years to find the
told us that he was near about ready to West—and so in despair I hurried home
Aint, he was so glad that we’d condesehd- to sae where the East was. But where is
hH to come & see’em Why ! fact! Major the East 1 Even that is disputed. Asl;
Downing, says ihe Gineral, Mr. Quincy’s a man in Washington, where down East
a talking plain English—there aint a pot- is and he locates it in Boston. In Boston
hook nor trammel in a word he says— aud_ it is in Portland. Hero it is ar Bangor)
and Eastport is the end of the East, but
there they say it is Halifax, or the Mira*
mi chi or Labrador. The truth is, our
country Of itself, without the provinces is
of such immense extent, that the eye runs
luKip, taking all iu nt one
view, canrtrtt onnerstand its vastuess, and
the nubounded variety of employments in
which men are engaged. Let ona seo
the villages and towns from the Passnma-
quaddy to the Mississipi, here the mill-
man sawing wood into nil variety of forms,
there the sugar aud rice planters gathering
rich treasures from a bountiful soil-hi re
the fisherman anchoring his little bark u-
mong our rocky islands, and there the
boatman floating hundred and hundreds of
of miles with his cargo of kuicknackeries
—let one see all this in a short time aod
shift rapidly from village to village—and
he must feel’ that this of ours is no com
mon land, whose destiny if linked as
one even prophecy will dare net pre-an-
nounce."
I like that, for I cau’t make head or tail of
your lingo frank.
Slop a bit, Gineral, says I, and you’ll
get pot, hooks and trammels to your heart’s
content. But, Major Downing, says the
Gineral, how am 1 to manago when I see< mine ovi
pot-hooks coming! Why, Gmernl, sayh
i, ill a kind of whisper, you’ve nothing to
do hut just to wink and now and then, bob
vour he.d, and look ever so knowing, and
thoy’ll begin to think you know more a-
bout the matter ihan they do themselves.
So, to rights, the pot-hooks aod trammels
came a long, sure enough. A smart chap
riz up, and whipped away beautiful in soma
droll lingo, and tno Gineral begun to bob
nnd wink, and wink and bob, and look as
knowing as a rooster in a tainy day, aud
now and then scrape out one foot so as to
be polite, as if lie knew it all jest as well
as the things at the head ol the bits of the
119th psalm ; only once, he crooked his
head down to ini', and says ho, Major
Downing, says he, if you punch my e.bow
now, and make me snicker, I’ll be the
death of you. Then President Quincy
he got hold of'.lie pot-hooks too, and gave
the Gineral his degree ,—and soon as ihe
Gineral had got it, halloo says lie l to the
President, neighbor, says he, han’t yon
got no more of these gimcracks ! I want
one a piece for Major Downing here, nnd
Major Eaton, you know him; lie that used
to make my war ronorts. However, wo
cumo away with n flea in our ear, for the
Piosident of the College stood to it, that
he’d got no more on hand—and I and Maj.
Enion must wait a spell before tic come to
he doctors.
Your loving nephew,
Major Jack Downing.
F m the ISo.ton Patriot.
I.ETT FROM MAJOR DOWNING.
Boston, June 25, 1833.
Dear Uncle Josh: 1 suppose that you
have seen in the newspapers all that 1 and
ihu Gineral have been about since we
started on our towers, but i must tell you
of our reception at Harvard Collngc, a
school as much beyond our schools down
to Dowiiingvilie, us 1 an> biggor than you
be. Well, yesterday morning, says the
Gineral tome, Major Downing, says he,
I’in a going to seo Cambridge College,
dial’s flat. I'in glad of it, Gineral, says
i; 'two Id never do for two distinguished
strangers to go aivayjwitiioui seeing it:|and
besides, they want lo make you L. L.l).
Fiddle-do dee! says the Gineral, us mad
as a hen stuck in u fence, wliat the deace
is thut) IV hy Gineral, says I, its u Doc
tor. A Doctor! says tho Gineral, and he
fetched his knuckles down upou the table
with an eternal wipe, make a doctor of
ine ! If they dare lo do it, they’d better
swallow nutmegs than the pills I’ll give
'em—I’ll crack them with my pestle—
I’ve let blood afore now Why how you
tulk! Gineral', says 1, ns n Doctor of
laws they want to make out of you.— 1
want to know ! says the Gmcreal, I nevar
heard of such a critter, but its no bad no
tion: I guess I know something about that
aro business of doctormg laws; there’s
Clay’s land bill, that’ll never want a doc
tor no more; a id tho bank bill, I did the
business in less than no lime—quicker
than ever doctor finished a sick man yet;
and I’m apt to think, it was that veto coo-
sa il that put tito college into a notion of
making me a doctor.
May be, Gineral, says I, it’s wliat you
hud to say about that aie second.
You goi oul ; says the Ginoral, says he
least said about that’s soonest mended,
that are article might have m ide some of
these vory folks stand upon nothing amt
pu laemp. Ho'tever, Ginetnl, says I,the
long and short ou it is, tlu t tho name Doc-
torjof Laws, as I’ve heard tell, is a compli
ment that colleges give to men of leiteis.
Like enough, says the Gineial, says he,
and now I think on’t I guess' that Situs
Dinsmoor letter of mine did the huiiness
—it’s the oreltiest thiug I ever writ. Bnt
Lord ! Major Dowuing, says he, it they
g:\ e hum ar compliments to men of let
ters, you ought to have one, sarisin—for
you’ve writ more letters than there uro
musquitoes in New England; and I guess
I’ll jist give some on’em a nudee, to shell
out one for jots and one for Ma^or Eaton
From the Maryville Intelligencer.
Slate of Tennessee. Blount County.
June Sessions 1833.
We the Grand Jurors of the County of
Blount, deeming if important to the inter
ost of the citizens of E. Tenn. that a
rosri, or roads leading to (lie Southern
Me kets, say, Savannah ind Augusta Geo.
Charleston, South Carolina, and Colum
Inis on the Chataharlne River, and believ
ing it to he a desideratum, on the part of
the people in this portion of the State,
therefore, Resolved. Is.. That this—
Grand jury do hereby recommend to the
good people of this district, and their fel
low Citizuns of East Tennessee, to in
struct their Senators and Representatives
at th® ensuing Session of the Legislature,
of this State, to lend their influence io ef
fect this object, if passible. Rtfsolvcd. 2.
That the above preamble end resolution
be published iu the Maryville intelli-
gencor, Knoxville Register, and Knox
ville Republican.—
Wo have great pleasure in giving pub
licity to thu following highly inleiesiing
lattei, from the Reverend Jos pii Cald
well President of the University of North
Carolina, to Chas. A Poulson.
Dear Sir—In reply to your enquiries
respecting my complaint, and the treat-
mem for its removal, I will briefly stato,
that i have been afflicted with ihesymtoms
of stone in the bladder for abuut six years,
For the last three years these symtoms
had occasioned mo so much pain and dis
tress, that I determined lo visit Philadel
pliia, in order lo seek medical assistance,
and obtain if possible, relief from the ter
rible malady.
I arrived iu this city in the latter end of
April, and immediately culled upon Dr.
Pliysick, who having ascertained by soun
ding that u stone was actually in niy blad
der, advertised me to put nivsnlf under the
care of his son-in-law, Dr. J. Randolph,
giving mo the assurance that Dr. Ran
dolph had succeeded in several instances
in effecting a perfect cure of this complaint
refboving the stone, hy means of the op
eration called “ Litliority,” in which case
the knife is not at all used.
This operation I am told, is now most
successfully and almost universally em
ployed in Paris. I tlieet fully acquiesced
in this advice of ,Dr. Pliysick, u name I
must think no less illnstiious for benevo
lence, than eminence in medical science
and practical skill. Dr. Randolph took
charge of my case, and having properly
prepared me for the operation, lie com
menced it on the 19tl) of May,in the pres
ence of Drs. Physickand Honor, Messers
Kenpcdy, Cook and Henn. Tlie pain
which 1 endured from this operatim was
not severe, nor did either the necassary re
petitions of il occasion me so much iircon
venience as to oblige me to keep my bed
for more than a few honrs. On the 23d
June, Dr. Randolph performed the last op
eration which occupied but a few minutes
A low days from this time I found myself
releived from tho pain which I had prev
ously suffered. Tlie Dr. now examined
me very carfully, and declared his convjc-
tion that I was entirely rid of the stout-,
and I hnc^llio heartfelt gratification of hav
ing this declaration confirmed by Di
Pliysick, who after a minute examination
on the 4th of July, stated his belief that 1
was completely cured.
I am yours very respectfully,
JOS. CALDWELLr
Philadelphia, July 10, 1833.
The Editor ef the-Porlland Advertiser,
whose letters, during a tour through the
Southern and Western Statos, have fur
nished entertainment and instruction lor
most of the newspaper readers in the
Union, since his return from that tour,
has taken a trip iu another direction.
He says.
“Some thirty days ago I was inquiring
iu Cincinnati for the West, and they said
it is was among ‘the Hoosiers’ of India ■>•,
or ‘the Suckers' of Illinois—cant
names given to the residents of thi s
States. Some thirty fi e days ago I was
even there, and they {said the West was
off in Missouri, across the Father of the
Enquirer.
Saturday, July 20.
Republican Candidate
FOR GOVERNOR,
MAJ. JOEL. CRAWFORD*'
The Governor's Correspond
dcnce.
ire propomi to examine this correspondence,
with tho view of ascertaining how far it ought to
aval/ his Exco//cncy betore the people of Georgia,®
as a justification for releasing tho Missionnriea.—
To ns it is clear that his Excellency was driven
to the publication ol this correspondence as a der
nier resort to shield him from the wrath and in,--
dignation of an insulted poople who have been
disgraced by this official act of subserviency to
General Jackson. If the Governor had felt that
there was in this correspondence any thing
which justified him in releasing those inen, no
man who knows any thing of Governor Lump
kin, will for a momont doubt that it would have
been published when the Missionaries were dis
charged. Shortly after their discharge a piece was
published in he Southern liecorder, stating that
they passing through Newton county, had made
statements tho same in substance as those con
tained in thoir letter lately published, and calling
upon his Excellency and his confidants to say
whether they were true. This was passed over
in silence Something was said about it in some of
the papers, but still the subject was never touched
by the Governor or his frieuds. The truth is—his
Excellency felt that it was one of those subjects to
which the old adage of “least said, soonest men-
ded” applied with peculiar force, ho did not wish
to exhibit this correspondence to the people,
cause he knew that it betrayed too clearly tho
motives which prompted these New York gentle
men to make the application and he could show
no others hy which ho was moved to grant it.
Let us now see what those reasons were.
In one of tho letters, after admitting 'o the very
fullest extent that any man could desire, the right
of Georgia lo imprison these raon, the writers go
on to say,
Thus much being said ns to tlie im
pressions we entertain in relation to tho
law and the right of the oase, we now
spnnk as politicians. From the unpleas
ant agitations which, nt the present time,
are convulsing, iu an unusual manuer and
to an unusual extent, another of the inde
pendent States of tho Union, we feel tho
deepest inteiest; that ali danger of con-
flict between the authorities of Georgia
and any of ihe Authorities of the Genera)
Government should bo put at rest. This
we bolieve, may lie done hy tlie pat don
oC Iheso misguided men. Our reasons
for this belief grow out of tho late elec
tion.—No subject was more fully submit
ted to the people, pending that contest
than tho course of the administration in
relation to the Indians and the opinions
entertained by the President, which opiu-
ious, it was well known, would be carriedT
out in practice, in case ol his re-election:
and we feel safe in saying, that uo question
involved in the canvass was labored so as-
siduously and so ingeniously oil the pnrt
of his opponents. Sij]l the result has o*
venvhclmed tltnm witH astonishment and
shame, if not with conviction of their er
rors. That same result has furnished
your patriotic State with a Judgement in
her Ijvor, paramout to all others under the
Government, the clearly expressed Judge®
ment of the American people.
Under the circumstances, we cannot
but beliove that the exhibition of magnan
imity on the paftof the State, by the par
don of the iinprisionod missionaries, would
hive the most happy effect upon the pub.
lie mind of- the whole Union, while it
would take away the ground of petali n p
litigation which desperate men any try to
push to an unpleasant result; and we ven
ture to ask this exercise of the important
prerogative resting in y our hamls be-
cause we ure convinced that vour patrio
tic fellow-citizens would afiei' the events
which liuve transpired within tho last tew
weeks, sustain you in the act, for the sake
of the Stale itself. YVo are sure thoy
would do so for the quiet and peace of
the Union.
Now here tlie amiccd object is a wish “that all
danger ofconHict betweon the authorities ofUeor.
«' a and !u 7 or !j>® authorities of the Genera! Gov-
ernmeot should be put at rest” which they •' be-
hove may be done by the pardon of there .nisgui-
ded men. Now let us.ee in what according m.
their own showing this danger consists *
In Iho very next sentence they R00n to g||0W
meet ronduavely that no each danger could Z
possibility exist, unless General Jackson has n-7
milted his hatred to Job. 0. C„<hounir.r ?, m
so f .r as to change hi. opinion, upon that iubi. “
The only “danger of cor.ni.it l«twce n the author-
itie. of Georgia and any authorities of ihe Gener
al Government." that could exist was between
Georgia and the supreme court. That court lmd
issued its mandate to one of tho a"lhorities , f
GcorgiarJudgc Dougherty) requ rin* him to re!
verso his decision, which lie treated with its mer
ited contempt; General Jackson had said that he
should lend the supremd court no aid to enforce
Us decision, because he did not believe t under
the Constitution it hud auy right to o ,
Tbssg gentlemen any that • iWsubjcctwn mere