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iPROFESSIOSAL CARDS.
"I'llOS. W. TEASLY,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HARTWELL, GA.
Will practice in Superior Courts of Ilart, El
bert, Oglethorpe and Madison. Prompt atten
tion to collection of D-
B. U. JONES,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ELBERTON, GA.
Special attention to the collection of claims, [ly
SHANNON & WORLEY.
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
ELBERTOY, CIA.
it 7 ill practice in tiie courts of
W the Northern Circuit and Franklin county
attention given to collections.
J. S. BARNETT,
attorney at law,
ELBERTON, GA.
JOE3.Y T. OSBORJS,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW,
EL3EKTON, GA.
WILL PRACTICE IN SUPERIOR COURTS
and Supreme Court. Prompt attention
to the collection of claims. nevlijy
A. E- HUNTER, M. D.
PRACTICING PHY SICIAN
Office over the Drug store,
ELBERTON, GEORGIA.
WILL ATTEND PROMPTLY TO ALL
cases. [Aug22,6m
ELBERTOK BUSINESS CARDS.
UGHf CARBIASES & BUGGIES.
ipal
J. F. ATT LX)
(Uarria(jeot[ainufact’R
EEBERTOY, GEORGIA.
WITH GOOD WORKMEN!
LOWEST PRICES!
CLOSE PERSONAL ATTENTION TO
BUSINESS, and an EXPERIENCE
OF 27 YEARS,
Ho Rapes by honest and fair dealing to compete
any other manufactory.
Good Buggies, warranted, - $125 to $l6O
R E PAIRING A N D BLACKSMITHING.
Work done in this line in t very best style.
The Best Harness
TERMS CASH.
Wy22-l_y
J.
THE REAL LIVE
Fashionable Tailor,
Up-Stairs, over Swift & Arnold’s Store,
ELDER TON, GEORGIA.
SSTCaII and See Him.
T. M. SWIFT. J. K. SWIFT.
TIIOS. M. SWIFT & CO.,
Dealers in
CIIESAL IBMUIRE
At the old stand of Swift & Arnold,
ELBERTON, GA.
RESPECTFTLLY SOLICIT A CONTINU
ance of the patronage hitherto awarded
he housi', promising every effort on their part
to merit the same. jan.s
THE ELBERTON
DRUG STORE
H. 0. EDMUNDS, Proprietor.
Has always on hand a full line of
Pure Drugs and Patent Medicines
Makes a specialtv of
STATIONERY and
PERFUMERY
Anew assortment of
WRITING PAPER & ENVELOPES
Plain and fitney. just received, including a sup
ply ot LEGAL CAP.
CIGARS AND TOBACCO
of all varieties, constantly on hand.
HEW STORE! HEW 000 BS!
I. G. SWIFT,
Will keep on hand
FLOUR, MEAT, LARD, SUGAR, COF
FEE, HAMS, CHEESE, CAN
NED GOODS, &c.&c.
And ether articles usually kept in a first-class
Provision Store, which will be sold
Cheap for CASH and Cash Only.
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HOUSE S SIGN PM fEP
Glazier and Grai er,
ELBERTON, GA.
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ESTABLISHED 1859.
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FROM OUR REGULAR CORRESPONDENT.
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON THE
OPENING DAY SCENES AND INCIDENTS
APPEARANCE OF THE HALL ELECTION OF
A SPEAKER —WORK COMMENCED IN EARN
EST—SOME OF THE DIGNITARIES PRESENT
—capture of the governor of Indiana
ETC., EJC.
Washington, D. C., Dec. 4, 1876.
While the opening of a Congressional session
is always a most interesting event, and, as °uch,
hailed with delight by the newspaper corres
pondents a3 a pleasant and invigorating change
from the enervating “dolce far niente” of the
dull period known here by the appropriate if
not very euphonistic term of “between sessions,”
I doubt if any preceding session lias ever com
menced its labors under circumstances more ex
citing and, perhaps, les3 auspicious. It follows,
that rather unusual interest attaches to the pro
ceedings of to-day, the hard-pan facts of which
will, long ere this reaches the eye of the reader,
have been disseminated by telegraph far and
wide, over mountains and under seas ; yet there
are incidents connected with the “opening day”
of a congressional session which often escape
the eye of the telegraphic (chronicler whose
precinct it is to “listen” mere than to “see,” and
to give a truthful report of what he hears rather
than to depict what he observes]; and it is these
by-way occurrences which I shall endeavor to
mirror, not because they possess any peculiar
significance, but because they are essential to
the formation of a correct picture of the scene,
and form, so to speak, the background ol the
canvass. One might as well try to potray the
charge of “six hundred” and omit the objective
Balaklava with its background of fire and- moke,
as to engage in the futile attempt of presenting
a panorama of an “opening day” without paying
some attention to the appearance of the Hall
and its occupants; and as the foreground to the
picture has been furnished already, your corres
pondent will, after the manner of the Japanese
painters who paint the foreground first and the
background afterwards, proceed to sketch such
scenes and sights as come within his observation
on this, the great day of the opening of the ses
sion of the 44th Congress.
In the first place then, the Hall, never partic
ularly bright, looked more sombre than usual
to-day, with the black draperies surmounting
the Speaker’s chair in commemoration of the
demise of the late Speaker. The dull, grayish
carpet looked more like a London autumn day
than anything else, and the cloudsof dust which,
as the floor became crowded, rose to the galle
ries, had not a bad resemblance to a London fog
either As the shorthand on the clock opposite
the Speaker’s desk slowly approached the hour
of noon, the galleries became uncomfortably
filled, while members, ex-members, and members
elect indulged, on the floor, in cordial greeting
and band shakings, and, gathering into little
knots, discussed the political situation. Close to
the desk of the Speaker might be seen Hon’s.
Randall, Iliester Clymcr, Sam Cox and Morri
son, all candidates for the speakership only a
day or two before, engaged in earnest conversa
tion ; not far from them, standing together in
the middle aisle were General Banks, ot Mas
sachusetts, and Milton S.tyler, of Ohio, talking
and laughing ; Hon. Fernando Wood sat quietly
at his desk on the Democratic side, polishing
his eye-glasses while surveying the crowded
galleries ; and, just inside the door leading to
the main entrance, might be seen Sir Edward
Thornton, the British minister, formingthe apex
of a conversational triangle of which Senator
Bayard and Mr. Montgomery Blair formed the
other two corners. Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, was
conspicuous by his absence, and Mr. Williams,
the Governor elect of Indiana, was conspicuous
by bis ‘blue jeans” coat and by always forming
the centre of an interested group. Lamar and
Ben Hill evidently had a large number of friends
and were here, there, and every)wtiree; Proctor
Kno.tkept his seat, reading a paper and stroking
his white mustache; add flitting out and in, shale
inghands with Tom, Dick and Harry, was.“ Sam
Ward,” the king of the lobbyists, and, in a cer
tain sense, one_ of the most influential men in
Washington.
Precisely at twelvejfell the gavel on the Speak
er’s desk, and Clerk Adams called the House to
order. As ir by magic the hum of conversation
on the floor stopped, everybody in the galleries
strained their neck and eyes, and, for a moment,
at least, the thousands of fans of all sizes and
colors which had been stirring the dust in these
upper regions, ceased their motions. In a deep
sonorous voice the clerk annonneed that, since
the adjournment of the last session. Speaker Kerr
had departed this life, and that the first business
in order would, therefore, be the election of
Speaker. To this Mr. Banks demurred, bolding
that the first business in orner was the admis
sion of the member, Mr. from the new
State of Colorado, a long and excited debate
took place, when,it was finally decided that a
Speaker must be elected first, which was accord
ingly done, and, as I predicted in my last letter,
Sam. Randall carried the palm by a strict party
vote.
The ceremony of swearing in the Speaker is
always impressive, and so it was in this instance.
After taking his seat on the dais, to which he
was conduced by Messrs. McCrary and Cox, and
having made his brief inaugural address, he was
requested by Judge Holman, of Indiana, to stand
up and bold up his hand while the oath of office
was being administered. Mr. Holman read, in a
clear and distinct voice, the oath, to which Mr.
Randall firmly replied “I do !’’ and then com
menced his functions as Speaker of the 2d ses
sion of the 44th Congress.
An amusing incident occurred shortly before
the opening of the sess’on, when “Blue Jeans”
Williams as he is facetiously called, was for the
time being, captured and placed completely hors
de combat by an old lady who, somehow or
other, had gained admittance to the floor sud
denly, without previous notice of any kind,
pounced upon him, forced him into a chair, and
then commenced to give him such a lecture as
would have done honor to Mrs. Caudle, because
he had not passed a certain bill of hers last ses
sion. In vain did the friends and sympathizers
of the Governor-elect endeavor to extricate him
from this jdileroma ; it was no use; the old lady
held him tightly by the wrists and did not let
go of him until she had “bull dozed” him to her
heart’s content. Then, just as the clerk’s gavel
was descending on the desk, she made a final
plunge at him with her pointed fore-finger, rose,
with grandicose sweep ! Such is life.
Louis.
Go to J. Selig and see what a beauti
ful line of children’s fancy hose at 12|,
j 15, 20, and 25 cents. A reduction of 20
j per cent, has been made.
ELBERTOX, GvA., DEC’R 20,1876.
CONSITTUTIONAL vs. BEVOLUTIONARY
METHODS.
National Hotel,
Washington, D. C., Dec. 9th, 1876.
Mr. Jas. R. Randall, Editor Constitution
alist, Augusta, Ga :
Dear Sib : I send you inclosed an ed
itorial slip from the Union of this morn
ing, anew Democratic paper estalished
in this city.
The title of the article is “Constitu
tional vs. Revolutionary Methods.”
Will you please publish it in your pa
per in full, with this note from me. This
article more completely coincides with
my own views on the present situation
than any thing I have seen from any
quarter.
I am in daily receipt of letters from
all parts of the State, and especially from
the Eighth district, inquiring my views
upon the subject. I think it, therefore,
best to answer all in this way. I could
not express my own ideas more clearly
than they are set forth in the article re
ferred to.
Yours, most respectfully,
Alexander H. Stephens.
There are but three methods provided
by the Constitution by which a President
may be elected. Any departure from
these methods, no matter by whom med
itated or attempted, is revolution. First,
it is provided that each State shall ap
point, in such manner as the legislature
thereof may direct, Presidential electors.
These electors must be qualified persons,
“No Senator or Representative or person
holding an office of trust or profit under
the United States shall be appointed an
elector.’ These electors are required to
meet in their respective States, to vote
by ballot for President and Vice-Presi
dent, to certify the result, atid to trans
mit the certificates, signed and sealed, to
the scat of Government, directed to the
President of the Senate. When the Pres
ident of the Senate shall, in the presence
of the Senate and the House of Repre
sentatives, open the certificates, and the
votes shall then be counted, the person
having the greatest number of votes for
President shall be the President, if such
number be a majority of the whole num
ber of electors appointed. This is the
first method. If, however, no person
have such majority, then from the per
sons having the highest numberj not
exceeding three, the Hpuse of Represen
tatives shall choose immediately, by bal
lot, the President, voting by States, the
representation from each State having
one vote, and a quorum for the purpose
consisting of a member or members from
two-thirds of the States, and a majority
of all the States being necessary to a
choice. This is the second method. If
the House of Representatives shall not
choose a President, whenever the right
of choice shall devolve upon them, be
fore the 4t.h day of March next following,
then the Vice-President becomes Presi
dent ; the Vice-President being (1) the
person having the greatest number of
votes as Vice President, if such number
shall be a majority of the whole number
of electors appointed ; or (2) if no per
son have such majority, the person chos
en as Yive President by the Senate from
the two highest numbers on the list, a
quorum of Senate for making such choice
consisting of two-thirds of the whole
number of Senators, and a majority of
the whole number being necessary for a
choice. This is the third method, and
exhausts the constitutional plan. It is
the fashion just now to speak of that
plan as a failure, and of the questions
arising out of the recent election as a
“constitutional muddle.” Such language
implies a very imperfect acquaintance
with the provisions of the constitution.
It is difficult to see what more the wise
framers of that instrument could have
done to meet by anticipation every pos
sible contingency. If any “muddle” ex
ists it is only in the minds of those who
cannot or will not understand the con
stitution, or who seek a solution of pres
ent difficulties by unconstitutional means
We have, in regular order, their re
spective powers and duties assigned to
the electoral colleges, to the House of
Representatives, and to the Senate
Each body has its appropriate duty to
perform at its appropriate time. If no
one has a majority of the whole number
of electors, the House elects. If
the House fails to perform its duty
by the 4th of March, the Vice-
President becomes President, pro
vided one has been chosen by the elec
tors. If not, the Senate elects the Vice-
President, who, by virtue of the consti
tutional provision, becomes the Presi
dent. As tho functions of each body are
separate and independent, neither has
any right to control the action of the
other. The Senate has no more right to
interfere with the House ; or to dictate
to Ihe House, whenever the right of
choice of President shall devolve upon
it, than the House to dictate to the Sen
ate in the matter of choosing the Vice-
President, or either house, or both
houses, to dictate to the electoral col
leges. For the express purpose, it would
seem, of avoiding any possible conflict
of authority or jurisdiction, and the per
ilous consequences of a disagreement be
tween the two houses, the powers of one
house does not come into play until those
of the other, touching the matter, have
been exhausted. The powers of the
State electors are exhausted when they
have cast their ballots, and signed, sealed
and certified to the result. They are
then functi officio. The power of the
House is exhausted, if they shall not
choose a President, whenever the right
of choice shall devolve upon them, be-
fore the fourth day of March next fol
lowing. Then, and not until then, and
only in the further contingency that no
Vice-President has been chosen by the
electors, is the question remitted in any
form to the Senate. There is no concur
rence in point of time, still less in point
of action, required in the performance of
their respective duties, by the respective
bodies, upon whom the duty is devolved
at different times, under different cir
cumstances, of electing a President.
Collision can only come from the revolu
tionary and unauthorised attempt of one
body to intrude itself into the sphere of
duty assigned to another. It may come
from the extraordinary and unfounded
assumption on the part of the presiding
officer of the Senate that he is the person
who is to decide whether there has been
any election of President and Vice Pres
ident by the Electoral College, and
whether, therefore, either House has any
constitutional duty to perform in the
premises. This theory makes the Presi
dent of the Senate the judge of the
powers'of both thejHouses. It does more.
The ElectoraljColleges do not declare the
result of election. For that purpose a
count of the votes is made necessary by
the constitution. Only the person hav
ing a majority of the whole number of
electors appointed can be declared elect
ed, and no person can be appointed an
elector who is under any of the disqual
ifications mentioned in the constitution.
To exercise the power which is claimed
for him, of counting the vote of and de
claring the result, the President of the
Senate must, therefore, not only act min
isterially in canvassing the votes, but
judicially, if any question arise upon the
genuineness of the certificates, which
may be falsified or forged ; upon the
legality of the appointment of the elec
tors, and upon their qualifications. How
is he to decide these questions’? Of his
own knowledge, or upon evidence, after
a hearing? Whence does he derive
these or any judicial functions under the
constitution ? That instrument does not
even give him the power to count the
votes. It only says he “shall open all the
certificates,” thus expressly negativing
the assumption that when there is more
than one certificate from the same State
the President of the Senate may decide
which is the proper and legal certificate
to be opened. No such power in the
President of the Senate was ever dreamed
of by the framers of the Constitution,
or is even hinted at iffany of the debates
which preceded its adoption by the
States, and no such power has ever been
exercised. It is contrary to the whole
spirit and intent of that instrument. It
has frequently happened that the Vice
President has been a candidate for the
Presidency. Such a theory would have
mirde him the judge of his own election.
Now that there is no Vice-President, and
the President of Senate is the mere
creature and appointee of that body,
such a construction would bo practically
conceding to the Senate exclusively a
power over the electoral vote which the
theory itself denies to both Houses con
currently, and might be made the means
of depriving the House of its constitu
tional function in the election of the
President. The assumption of any other
power by the President of the Senate
on the occasion of counting the electoral
votes than that of simply opening all the
certificates, “or so many of them as have
been received,” (Itev. Statutes U. S., sec.
142), would be a usurpation as danger
ous and intolerable as the forcible seizure
of the Government itself.
The only other method which a collis
ion between the two Houses and a con
sequent frustration of the constitutional
plan of electing a President can be
brought about would be by tho as
sumption of the Senate of the
same power, which, upon the theory
we have been discussing, is claimed
for the President of that body, viz: of
deciding whether the contingency has
arisen when the House of Representatives
has the constitutional duty to perform
of electing a President. It is the as
sumption that the concurrence of the
Senate, in other words, its permission, is
necessary to enable the House to perform
a duty which, under the constitution,
the House alone is authorized to perform.
Not only is this contrary to the funda
mental rule of constitutional construe
tion that the duty to do an act upon a
certain contingency implies the power
to decide whether that contingency has
arisen—it is equally opposed to the
whole tenor of the constitutional provis
ions defining and distributing the sepa
rate functions of the Electoral College,
the House, and the Senate, in reference
to the election of President and Vice-
President." Fettered by the necessity of
obtaining the permission of the Senate
before it can proceed to elect, the House
might be debarred altogether from the
exercise of constitutional right. An am
bitious Senate, desirous of absorbing all
power in its own hands, and especially
that of controlling the election of Presi
dent, would find it easy to accomplish
its purpose. The framers of the Con
stitutimv were not guilty of the folly of
thus providing beforehand for the certain
failure of their carfully devised electoral
system. Amid all the “checks and bal
ances” of the constitution, the wisdom
of none is more apparent than of the
careful adjustment and separation of
the functions of the two Houses in this
important matter. We doubt whether
it is possil le, by any amendment to the
constitution, to improve upon the system
it provides. We are sure this is not the
time for the House of Representatives
to think of abdicating its constitutional
Vol. Y.-No. 84.
functions, either in favor of the Supreme
Court or any other tribunal. Only high
handed usurpation and revolution can
rob the House of its rights, or prevent
the settlement of the great question
now agitating the country by purely
constitutional intrenched methods.
AN ENGLISH ESTIMATE OF WADE
HAMPTON.
It is pleasant to read the high esti
mate which unprejudiced minds place
upon the men we love and honor, but
who are the marks of slander and de
traction from partisan madness.
The following noble tribute to Gen.
Wade Hampton, from a foreign scurce
is a worthy tribute to trite greatness
and magnanimity.
The tidings of Gen. Hampton’s election
as Governor of South Carolina has
elicited from the Loudon Daily Tele
graph, a pronounced Liberal newspaper,
words of hearty praise of the Governor
elect, and of those who helped to elect
him. Tho Telegraph says :
“It is much to the credit of the negro
that in South Carolina—a State where
the blacks far outnumber the whites—such
a man a General Wade Hampton should
have been just elected Governor. Prior
to the war, General Wade Hampton was
atypical slaveholder, possessed of estates
in South Carolina, Mississippi and Louis
iana—the owner, in short, of property
the capital value of which was appraised
at one million pounds sterling. Through
out the war, he fought with admirable
courage and constancy, displaying a
military aptitude which won him the
warm regard of Gens. Lee and Johnson.
He was severely wounded at the battle
of Sev®i Pines, and carried away from
the terrible field of Gettysburg in such
a lacerated condition that none who be
held him dared to hope that he would
live through the coming night. Though
stripped of his property and ruined, he
has survived to set as useful and active
an example to his compatriots in peace
as he did in war, nor in his darkest hour
of agony did he ever desert his native
State. She has rewarded him by ap
pointing him to be her Governor, and it
is to be hoped that the long lane of poor
South Carolina’s adversity will at last
have a turning, for it is certain that Gen.
Wade Hampton will show himself to be
as true and incorruptible in office as he
was'brave upon the battle field. When the
hour shall arrive for the South to gather
up her jewels, it will be found that such
men as Wade Hampton, of South Caro
lina, Kemper, of Virginia, and Gordon,
of Georgia, who for four years faced
fearful odds upon many a bloody battle
field, will, like the greatest of American
rebels, George Washington, show them
selves to be ‘first in war, first in peace,
and first in the hearts of their country
men.’ ”
*■
THE ELECTION GOES TO THE HOUSE.
“My son,” said a pious father out on
South Hill to his hopeful son, “yon did
not saw any wood for the kitchen stove
yesterday, as I told you; you left the
back gate open and let the cow get out;
yon cut off eighteen feet from the clothes
line to make a lasso; you stoned Mr.
Robinson’s pet dog and lamed it; you
put a hard-shell turtle in the hired girl’s
bed ; you tied a strange dog to Mrs. Ja
cobson's door-bell, and painted red and
green stripes on the legs cf old Mrs.
Polaby’s wnite pony, and Dung your sis
ter’s bustle out of the front window.
What am I to do—what can 1 do to you
for such conduct ?” “Are all the coun
ties heard from ?” asked the candidate.
“No trifling, sir ; no, I have yet several
reports to receive from others of the
neighbors.” “Then,” replied the boy,
“you will not be justified in proceeding
to extreme measures until the official
count is in ” Shortly afterward the
election was thrown into the house, and
before half the votes were canvassed it
was evident, from the peculiar intonation
of the applause, that boy was badly
beaten.—[Burlington Hawk Eye.
Some of our exchanges are publishing
as a curious item, a statement to the ef
fect that a horse in lowa pulled the plug
out of a barrel for the purpose of slaking
his thirst. We do not see anything
very extraordinary in the occurrence.
Now if the horse had pulled the barrel
out of the bung bole and slaked his
thirst with the plug ; or, if the barrel
had pulled the bung-hole out of the plug
andjslaked its thirst with the horse; or, if
the'plug had pulled the horse out of the
barrel and slaked its thirst with the bung
hole ; or, if the bung-hole had pulled
the thirst out of the horse and slaked
the plug with the barrel; or, if the bar
rel bad pulled the horse out of the bung
hole and plugged its thirst with the
slake, it might be worth while to make
some fuss about it.
When you enter or leave a room or any
place of business be careful to leave the
door open ; there is nothing like plenty
of ventilation—and besides there is no
better way by which to find out whether
the owner or occupant is a good Chris
tian or a profane monster.
1877 starts on Monday, and we advise
everybody to commence the New Year
with the the determination to improve on
the past.
Special attention is called to my
stock of men’s, boys’ and children’s cloth
ing, which will be found unusually large
and attractive, embracing quite a line of
handsome business suits Prices very
reasonable. J. Selig.
RUNNING IN DEBT.
I dwell on this point, for I would de
ter others from entering that place of
torment. Half the young men in this
country, with many old enough to know
better, would go into business—that is,
into debt—to-morrow, if they could)
Most poor meft are so ignorant as to en
vy the merchant or manufacturer, whosd
life is nn incessant struggle with pecu
niary difficulties, who is driven to con
stant “shinning,” and who, from month
to month, barely evades the insolvency
which sooner or later overtakes most
men in business ; so that it has been
computed that but one man in twenty
of them achieve a pecuniary success.
For my own part I would rather be a
convict in the State prison, a slavo in a
rice swamp, than pass through life un
der the harrow of debt. Ljt Uo man
misjudge himself unfortunate or truly
poor, so long as he has the full use of
his limbs and faculties, and is substan
tially free from debt Hunger, cold,
rags, hard work, contempt, suspicion,
unjust reproach, are disagreeable, but
debt is infinitely worse than them alh
And if it had pleased God to spare
either or all my sons to be the support
of my declining years, the lesson which
I should most earnestly seek to im
press upon them is, “never run in
debt.” Avoid pecuniary obligations as
you would a pestilence or famine. If
you have but fifty cents, and can get no
more for a week, buy a peck of corn,
parch it and live on it, rather than owe
a dollar ! Of course I know that some
men must do business that involves a
risk, and must give notes or other obli
gations, and Ido not consider him in
debt who can lay his hands directly on
the means of paying, at some little sac
rifice, all he owes ; I speak of real debt
—that which involves risk or sacrifice
on one side, obligation and dependence
on the other-—and I say from all such,
let every youth humbly pray God to
preserve him evermore.
[Horace Greeley.
News and Courier : The Constitution
does not “prohibit the office of Presi
dent and Vico President to bo held by
persons residing in the same State."
When the Presidential Electors meet
and ballot for President and Vice-Presi
ident, one of the two at least “shall not
be an inhabitant of “the Stato with
themselves.” This touches only the
Presidential Electors, and these, in eve
ry State, but one, could, if they chose,
ballot for President and Vice-President
from tbe same State. In New York, for
example, the Democratic Electors, could
not vote for Tilden for President and
Kernan for Vice-President, both of
whom are citizens of New York,.and in
habitants of the same Stato with tho
New York Electors. But in every other
State than New York Tilden and Kern
an could be voted for by the Electoral
Colleges. The provision as to the voting
by Presidential Electors does not affect,
in any way, an election of President by
the House, where the limitation is that
the President shall be chosen from “the
persons, not exceeding three, having
the greatest number of votes for Presi
dent nor does it affect tlio election of
Vice-President by tbe Senate where the
limitation is that he shall be chosen
“from the two highest numbers on the
list.” In tbe case of tbe House the
choice would bo between Tilden and
Hayes, and the Democrats having a ma
jority, on a voto by States would elect
Tilden. In the Senate the choice would
be between Hendricks and Wheeler, and
the Republicans having the majority,
would elect Wheeler. In that case both
President and Vice-President will bo
from the same State.
— -
THE CURE OF INEBRIATES.
George M. Beard says in tho Inde
pendent that there is a wide-spread delu
sion that inebriety is incurable, and that
the inebriate homes are failures. Some
suppose that nearly all patients relapse
as soon as they return to active life ; but
he seems to refute that idea, and gives
the following as to the Franklin Home,
in Philadelphia :
“In four years 582 sufferers, all males,
have been admitted. Of these 271 are
regarded as cured, 73 have been
much benefitted, 212 are put down as
doubtful, while of the remaining 24
nothing is known. A person is called
cured or reformed when he is known
not to have drank since leaving tho
Home. Of these 271 who are regarded
as cured, 198 w r ere periodical and 93
constant drinkers. The average time of
using strong drink before entering the
Home was fifteen years and ten months;
the average daily quantity used by each
person was one and a half pints. The
average time of stay in the Home was
seven and a half weeks.” Dr. Beard be
lieves a third of those in all the Ameri
can institutions who submit to the rules
are cured, and he regards alcoholic ap
petite as really a disease. He tells of a
superintendent of a Now England asy
lum who, after a patient attains a prop
er degree of improvement, gives him a
bottle of rum to carry in his pocket, tell
ing him to take it out and look at it as
often as he wishes, but not to drink it.
This is, he thinks, a strengthening exer
cise of the will.
. ♦
The stories of tho interview between
Messrs. Hewitt, Randolph and the Pres
ident come from Republicans, and are
'given on the authority of Cameron. They
are told everywhere, and Republicans
seem to enjoy them very much. “Tho
old man,” said a prominent Republican
to-day, “has got his back up now and
means business. He don't care a damn
for the Supreme Court or tho Constitu
tion of South Carolina, and before long
he will make it lively for Wade Hampton
and his rifle clubs.” The saddest part of
all this is the evident relish with which
these things are told by men who claim
to be statesmen and patriots also. There
is not a word of disapproval, not even
regret, implied in the tone of voice with
which they talk about the President’s
half drunken declarations.
[Cor. Baltimore Gazette.