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THE OLD MISSISSIPPI WARRIOR.
To the Editor of the Free Trader :
Dear Sir, —I have not observed in your pa
per any notice of the death of our veteran
friend, Gen. Samuel Dale. lie died at Ins res
idence, DalevilJe, Lauderdale county, on the
i£3d ult., with the fortitude of a soldier, and the
resignation of a Christian. On his dying bed,
lie repeated, as I am informed, a request,
which he made last summer, that I should
make a memoir of his life, most of the partic
ulars of which, I had memorandumed from his
lips. I design visiting Lauderdale, in a few
weeks, to obtain all the materials that remain.
Few men have run a career so full of benevo
lent actions, and of romantic adventure, and
no man was ever better adapted to the country
and the period in which he lived—that country
the frontiers of Georgia, Florida and the (then)
Mississippi Territory, embracing all the pres
ent. State of Ala.; the period, including near
ly all that bloody interval between the close of
the Revolution, and the termination of the last
war. With the story of these times —the
dreadful massacre at Fort Minims—the battle
of the Holy Ground—Gen. Jackson’s Semi
nole campaigns—and the earlier events of the
Georgia frontier, Gen. Dale was closely con
nected. The most affecting of these scenes
of murder and conflagration are, as yet, un
written, and live only in the fading memorials
of border tradition. In ('reparing the life of
Gen. Dale, 1 shall seek to put many of them
on record. Asa scout—a pilot to the emi
grants who blazed the flrst path through the
< ’reek nation, from Georgia to the Tombigbee,
with arms in their hands ; and subsequently,
as a spy among the Spaniards at Pensacola,
and as a partisan officer during the most san
guinary epochs of the lute war—present a:
every butchery--remarkable for “ hair-breadth
’scapesfor caution and coolness in desperate
emergencies; for exhibitions of gigantic per
sonal strength, and undaunted moral courage,
hi.-story is studded over with spirit-stirring
incidents, unsurpassed by any tiling in legend
or history. His celebrated canoe fight, where
unaided, in the middle of the Alabama, then
in its spring flood, he fought seven warriors
with clubbed rifles, and killed them all, and
rowed to shore with the corpse of his last an
tagonist under his feet, would be thought fab
ulous, if it had not been witnessed by twenty
soldiers, standing near the bank, who not
having a boat, could render him no assistance.
Some years before, he was attacked by two
warriors, who shouted their war-whoop as he
was kneeling down to drink, and made at him
with their tomahawks. lie knifed them both,
an 1 though bleeding from live wounds, he re
traced their trail nine miles, crept stealthily
to their camp, brained three sleeping warriors
and cut the thongs of a female prisoner, who
lay by their side. While in this act, however,
a fourth sprang upon him from behind a log.
Taken at such a disadvantage and exhausted
I>V the loss of blood, he sank under the serpent
grasp of the savage, wins with a yell of tri
umph, drew his knife, and in a few moments
would have closed the contest At that in
stant, however, the woman drove a tomahawk
deep into the head of the Indian, and thus pre
served the life of her deliverer.
Shortly alter the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit,
our deceased friend settled in what is now j
known as Lauderdale county ; and it is wor- j
thy of remark, that at the lirst election. (1836,!
1 believe,) when he was chosen to the Legis-’
lature, but ten votes were cast. Now the
county could probably poll 750, and in every j
direction its fleecy fields, its tine flour mills, its j
school-houses and churches, indicate a thri
ving, enlightened and moral population.
One anecdote of the old General is so simi
lar to an event in Roman history, that I cannot
forbear relating it. The Consul Acquilius
returning from a campaign, was allow ed a
triumph; but shortly afterwards was arraigned
for some misdemeanor committed during his
foreign service, lie called no exculpatory
evidence, nor deigned to court the favor ot
his judges; but when about to receive sen
tence, he tore open his vest, and displayed the
wounds he had received in the service of his
country. A sudden emotion of pity seized
the court, and unfixed the resolution which, a
few moments before, they had taken to con
demn the accused. Some time ago, General
Dale, being in Mobile, was held to bail as
endorser upon a note. The debt was in the
hands of a stranger. Accompanied by an offi
cer, he sought the creditor, and found him in
the saloon of Cullum’s far-famed hotel. ‘Sir,*
said the General, ‘1 have no money to pay this
debt; the principal has property ; make him
pav it, or let me go home, and work it out.
The Shvlock hesitated. ‘ Very well,’ said the
veteran, in tones that rang indignantly through
the apartment. ‘ Very tail, sir! Look at my
scars ! I will march to jail down Main Street,
and all Mobile shall witness the tre aim >U of an
old soldier.” These simple words fell like
electricity upon that high-toned people. In
half an hour a dozen of the brightest names ot
the city were on the bond, and before morn
the debt was paid and a full discharge handed
to the General. I have seen the manly tears
chasing down his cheek, as the aged warrior
dwelt on these recollections *of the generous
citizens. In person, Gcu. Dale was tall, erect,
raw-boned and muscular. In many respects
physical and moral, he resembled his antag
onists of the woods. He had the square fore
head, the high cheekbones, the compressed
lips, and in fact, the physiognomy ot an Indian,
relieved however, by a fine, benevolent Saxon
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
VOLUME I.]
eye. Like the red man too, his foot fell lightly
upon the ground, and turned neither to the
right or left; he was habitually taciturn ; his
face grave; spoke slowly and in low tones,
and seldom laughed. I observed of him what
I have often noted as peculiar to border men
of high attributes—he entertained the strong
est attachment for the Indians ; extolled their
courage ; their love of country ; and many of
their domestic qualities ; and I have often
seen the wretched remnant of the Choctaws
camped around his plantation and subsisting
on his crops. In peace, they felt for him the
strongest veneration, he had been the friend
bottuof Tecumseh and Weatherford; and in
war, the name of l ßig Sam ’ fell on the ear of
the Seminole like that of Marius on the
hordes of the Cimbri.
Very respect’ly, your friend,
John F. 11. Claiborne.
Natchez, June 15, 1841.
From the Pennsylvanian.
LETTER FROM GOL. BENTON.
Washington City, June 8. 1841.
Dear Sib —Your kind letter of the 4thinst.
in relation to the democratic meeiing at
Spring Garden, on the evening ol the 3d, and
the resolve there adopted to hold a meeting of
the democracy of the city and county of Phil
adelphia to form an association to promile my
nomination and election to the Presidency of
the United States in the year 1841, has been
received, and while I am duly sensible of the
honor done me by these proceedings, and ex
tremely grateful for the kind motives which
induced them, yet 1 must hasten to do every
thing in my power to arrest at the commence
ment, a proceeding which, howsoever honor
able lo me, cannot in my opinion be benefi
cial to the cause of democracy. Contentions
for the first place have in all ages and in all
countries, been the bane of elective govern
ments; and 1 have been fully determined ever
since I have been on the stage of public af
fairs to have nothing to do with such conten
tions. I have always seen, and now see in
the ranks of the democratic party many emi
nent citizens who are worthy to fill the place
of President; and it is my purpose now, as it
has been heretofore, to promole the election,
and to support the Administration (if elected)
ol some of these citizens. Private letters to
this effect I have written to many friends in
different parts of the Union, in answer to
j their enquiries; and what I now write to you
is nothing but a repetition of wliat 1 have al
ready said and written lo many others.
But while I cannot consent to be brought
forward for tiie Presidency, I am ready and
willing to do all that I can for the cause of de
inocracy. The times require the exertion of
all the friends of the cause, and mine shall
neither be withheld nor relaxed. We have
gone back not merely to the tederal times of
Gen. Hamilton, and the elder Mr. Adams, but
lar beyond them—lo the Church and State
times of Queen Anne, and the corporation
and state times of the first and second George;
in a word to the vvh g times of Sir Robert
Walpole; whose long, corrupt administration
was a continued practice of tory doctrines
upon whig professions, and the source and ori
gin of every curse which now affects the Eng
lisli people. We have gone back to the Eng
lish times when the paper system, the funding
system, the hanking system, the fundamental
system, (as banks of circulation,) stockjobbing,
national debt, taxes, paper money, loans for
the existing generation to spend, and forpos
lerity to spend, aud chartered companies with
exclusive privileges, and monopolies and ex
emptions from law, the South Sea scheme and
a thousandothrr cheating contrivances, were
all hatched into existence undr the hot incu
bation of whig legislation. We have gone
back to the Walpole times when corporations
hi gan ti) treat with the government as equals,
oMo dictate to it as masters; when submis
sion to insult and depredation from abroad,
and tyranny to patriots at home, was the
practice and the policy of the administration;
when the money was spent for party objects,
which should have been devoted to the public
defence; when, to preserve peace, the nation
was not put in arms, hut the minister placed
upon his knees; when good tnen were perse
cuted, and the had were promoted ; when
military, naval and civil officers were dismiss
ed from employment for voting against the
minister, and his partisans pul into *" r
voting against him; when secret committees,
composed ot political hacks, were made in
quisitors into the conduct of their enemies,
and never failed to find what the minister sent
them to hunt for. We have gone back to the
times when this,and such as this, was the work
of the English government; and when a wi.ig
administration gave all the originals ot which
our lederal wings are now presenting us with
faithful cop.es here. In every thing, great
and small, toreign and domestic, legislative
and executive, the Walpole whig measures of
the reign of George the second, are the mea
sures of our ft-deial whigs here; and it the
1 masterspirits now in command should have as
long time to work in, as their great original
had in England, they would probably suc
ceed in giving us as much debt ami taxes, as
many paupers and jiensions, and as many
corporations to rule, govern and bribe us, as
; the English people have. But I fancy their
I reign will not be quite so long as that ol the
V\ alpole whigs in England—that it willhard
!ly exiend twenty-five years; and ol this the
master spirits seem to he a little suspicous
j themselves, and therefore are “for making hay
while the sun shines.” Haste to the wedding
i is the tune lo which they dance, double quick
1 time is the time of their step. Hence the
j hurry in every thing. Hence this extra ses
! sion of Congress, which, in the brief space ot
half a dozen weeks, and under the fires ot a
I solstitial summer sun, and “>idsl the swelter
ing heats of the dog days, is expected to do
as much as Walpole accomplished in one o!
1 the seven year tory parliemants of which he
was the whig author. Asa compensation,
however, for doing so much in so short a time,
Congress is to be permitted to sink into the
quiet and passive condition of a bed of justice,
(Lit de Justice) of the old French monarchy,
tor the registration of edicts; or to realize,
for the edification of the American people, the
metaphysical conception of the legislature
which gave so much celebrity to tiie Abbe
Sieys. In a word, we are to be permitted to
vote upon the bills, without telling the reasons
why or wherefore, which the master spirits
prepare for us in secret, and lay before us in
public.
1 consider myself called here to be present
at the immolation of our constitution, and ai
the formation ot anew government to be com
posed of bank and state, of which bank is to
be master, and slate is to be slave, and the
people to be taxed and plundered for the ben
efit of both. lam here at the holocaust of
the constitution. If they succeed in their
measures there will be nothing left of that in
strument but ts ashes.
This, sir, is what I snatch a moment to
write to you in answer to your inquiries. It
!is a frank letter, such as my feelings dictate,
1 and the times require; and you are at liberty
to use it in any wav in which it will accomplish
its object—that of preventing my naraelrom
being used on the list of Presidential candid
at Respectfully sir, your obliged fellow citizen,
‘THOMAS H. BENTON.
Col. Henry Simpson, Philadelphia.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 1, 1841.
From the Aibanv Argus.
THE ASPECTS AT WASINGTON.
How the ascendant Federalism proceeds in
its onward or downward career, the following
extracts from “whig” papers and letter-writers
will sufficiently explain. Any thing short of
disorder and disorganization from a combina
tion of selfish factions—with only a single tie
in common,—the love of power and the de
sire of office, —could scarcely have been ex
pected by any one familiar with the charac
ter of parties or the springs of human action.
Whether it may be regarded as a calamity or
as national good fortune, the present dominant
party are realizing in the Union and in this
State, the predictions of those who watched
its approaches to the possession of power by
the most inconsistent alliances, the foulest
frauds upon the franchise, and most disgrace
ful Bacchanalian mummeries and imposture.
From the correspondence of the Commercial Adver
tiser, Washington, June 14.
“The House adjourned, to-night, at half
past seven o’clock, in a slate of unparallelled
confusion and agitation. The body is in a
condition ol total disorganization, and the
worst feeling seems to be prevalent among the
members.
[Mr. Adams carried his proposition on the
7ili inst., by a vote of 112 lo 104. Mr. Wise
succeeded to-day, in a re-consideration by a
vote of 106 to 104.]
“This majority is small, but it will be
strengthened By the arrival of three loco
members expected to-morrow from Alabama.
Mr. Wise’s triumph is complete. The fruits
of his victory are, as claimed, the annulment
of the rules, —the abolition of the committees
appointed by the speaker, the annulment of
the election of officers and of every act done
in pursuance of the rules—the withdrawal
from the files of the house of the abolition pe
titions presented on Saturday—lhe establish
ment of the rights of the South, in regard to
abolition petitions, on a permanent basis—the
promotion of dissension between the northern
and southern whigs —the formation of a south
ern party—the embarrassment or defeat ot
the measures of the whigs—and in short, uni
versal and wide spread agitation, confusion,
and destruction.
“Nothing can be so inconsistent as the
votes given by the same individuals during
the last few days; —but there is a method in
this seeming madness —mischief is at the bot
tom ol it.”
The N* Y. American says:
“The Gag-Law.— Mr/Wise spoke six
hours! on Monday, and at the close of that
speech the House ol Representives reversed
ti.e decision of a previous day, adopting the
rules of the last session, excepting the 21st
rule, or gag-law. We give the yeas and nays
on the occasion. Tne house is now without
rules—and we have only to say, that, in our
judgment, it is belter that body should adjourn
at once, than suffer their deliberaie judgment
on such a question as that of the 21st rule, to
be overthrown by the pertinacity or menaces
of Mr. Wise, backed, though he would seem
to be, by the Executive.
“If the gag-law he now re-established, it
will be a whig measure, and as such it will
receive the execrations of Freedom every
where.”
From the correspondence of the Herald, June 11.
The motion of Mr. Fornance, to reconsider
the vote adopting the report of the committee,
lor the regulation of the action of the house,
having prevailed, every thing hitherto accom
plished, such as (he organization ot standing
committees, Sic. &c. undone, anti the mem
bers must begin again de novo. The admin
istration men are in the greatest contusion and
disorder, and the end no man can foresee.
The spirit ol abolitionism is at the bottom ol
lhe whole difficulty, and if this spirit cannot
at once be repressed and put down, Congress
had belter adjourn immediately, ana let Presi
dent Tyler manage matters until December.
The Extra Session bids fair to prove a lailure.
There was no real necessity lor it, in the
wants of lhe government. Even Mr. Wood
bury could have shinned through the year
with the provisions made by the last Congress,
and as (or any distress among the people that
can be immediately relieved by legislation,
the thing is preposterous. ‘I he speculators
and bankrupts are suffering, and want the
government to pay their debts, and furnish
The means for future extravagance; but en
terprise and industry meet a sure reward.
If the Extra session amoun s to nothing, let
the responsibility rest where it belongs.”
Coirespondence of the Savannah Georgian.
Washington City, June 16.
The two late votes taken in the House of
Representatives shew plainly that Mr. Clay’s
whipping in system will not answer in that bo
dy so well as was expected. The Speaker,
unfortunately for his party, is not aufait in
the rules ot the House, and is shamefully de
ficient in his knowledge o( parliamentary law;
hence, the lepeated appeals from his decisions,
and their success ; for the veriest tyro who has
read Jeflersou’s manual, could instruct Mr.
While on questions of order. His onlyqualifi
cation for the office he holds, consists in being
Mr. Clay’s candidate, and his strong Federal
predilections, which have been palpably shown
in the appointment of committees, &.c. Had
h s l'utuie course been known at the time of
his election, he would certainly have been de
feated ; but as it is, the Southern portion of
the whig party, who voted tor him, have no
thing left, save an appeal from his decisions
to save themselves.
The Senate, this morning, succeeded in
electing a printer, by a bate majority, 27
members only having voted; the Democrats
having declined joining in the ballot, owing to
its unconstitutionality. It will be remembered.
that according to the rule established in 1819,
the Senate invariably choose its printers pre
vious to the commencement of a newses.'ion;
it pursued the same course at the last session,
and Messrs. Blair & llives were duly elected ;
but such a selection did not suit Mr. Clay,
and accordingly, contrary to all rule and pre
cedent, the election was treated, “as though
it had not taken place,” according to the plan
of Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. The successful
candidate for Printer is Thomas Allen, of the
. . .. . . L
Madisonian newspaper, one ot the most un
blushing advocates of federal falsehood in the
country, if we except Prentice, of the Louis
ville Journal—they hang together, truly “par
nobile fratrum This sheet is supported by
a species of “black mail” levied during the
contest on the Whigs and Conservatives, in
order to have such dirty party work attended
to, as the fastidious editors of the Intelligencer
had no disposition to look alter.
Tallmadge, Clark, Preston, Rives, and
James Garland, are the real owners of the
concern, and the editor is a mere puppet in
their hands; his editorials being generally
furnished bv a clique of what Mr. Webster
calls “the Omnibus Party.” Allen has no
materials to execute the Congressional print
ing, anil the result of electing him, will niere-
Ivbe to put some thousands in his pockets, as
tie will hare to hire out the work to have it
executed. This is a specimen of Whig t‘e
conomv.”
Mr. Buchanan spike for some time, this
morning, in opposition to the reference of the
late Webster and Fox correspondence to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Clay followed, and made a miserable
“the union of the states, and the sovereignty of the states.”
figure in attempting to puff up Mr. Webster,
who, it is well known, is everything but agree
able to him. But as all the followers of the
Kentucky Senator were Worn out in damning
the Secretary with faint praise, the driver had
to come up to the work himself.
Mr. Allen, 0 Ohio, replied to Clay, and
sifted his argument so thoroughly that nothing
but chaff was left. Poor Mr. Webster!—his
position must be an agreeable one, with the
whole democracy against him, —the Clay fac
tion and the conservative faction, both fighiing
one another, aud yet, each equally to
his prospects.
The motion of reference was finally agreed
to as was to be expected. The speaker, this
morning determined to attempt another impo
sition on the House, by refusing to give Mr.
Rayner, of North Carolina, thefloor, although
that gentleman was fairly entitled to it. An
appeal was taken from the Speaker’s decision,
and it was reversed by a voteot 112 to 104—
all the latter voting blindly in favor of the un
just decision of Mr. White, merely because he
was a Whig.
Mr. Rayner then took the floor, and ad
dressed the House for about three hours in a
speech replete with sound constitutional doc
trines on the subject of slavery. He look a
brief view of the condition of the manufac
turing establishments at the North, as com
pared with the plantations of the South, and
showed that the unmeaning cry of Liberty
was but the hollow sound of fanatics, old wo
men and interested politicians. He also said
that he felt bound to disclaim all fellowship
with his Northern Whig allies, who had in
variably deserted the South on this all im
portant question; but would freely give his
hand to those non-slaveholding men (Demo
crats) who upheld the constitutional rights of
ihe people. As for the right of petition, he
felt assured that the cry about it was a sheer
humbug—and that those who were pressing
it were heart and soul abolitionist, who, if they
ever visited North Carolina, would be placed
in a disagreeable, though exalted situation.
Mr, Adams, as usual, interrupted Mr. R.,
and used his customers quantum of abuse
towards the South. His remarks were vulgar
and licentious in the extreme —more so than I
have ever heard them.
After much confusion, the question was
taken on Mr. Rayner’s amendment, to con
linne in force the whole of the rules of the lasi
session, by yeas and nays, and it was decided
in the negative.
The question was then taken on the original
motion as re-considered, viz: to adopt the rules
of the last session, with the exception of the
21st. This also (ailed by a vote of 119 to
103, and the House adjourned about 9 o’clock,
P. M.
Correspondence cf the Savannah Georgian.
Washington, June 15, 1841,
What will Mr. Tyler do 1 is the question at
present on the qui vice ? Will he sustain his
old principles and friends, or throw himself,
neck, body and heels, into the arms of the
federalists, and consent to play second fiddle
to Henry Clay J Will he, after the long and
noble stand he has taken against a Bank of the
United States, embrace the monster now pre
sented him by Mr. Ewing, and thus encourage
a curse to the Constitution, to the country,
and to the South particularly 1 He will not
sign the Bank Charter proposed by Mr. Ewing,
under the title of “ Fiscal Agent.” At least
he has distinctly said so to three members of
Congress, whose words may be relied upon
with confidence.
Wliat follows 1 The resignation of Ewing
and Crittenden, will probably he the first
move, for both these worthies are bound, soul
and body to a Bank. Webster can get but
few favors from such an institution now, as he
is a perfect “ used up man.” Granger has
plenty of money, and wishes to enjoy the honor
of his position ; Bell can manage Indian Af
fairs enough to make himself comfortable, and
Badger is ambitious enough to think that by
his eiforts, he can prove North Carolina capa
ble of producing something greater than Pitch,
Turpentine and Federalists. These four will
therefore remain where they are, as none of
them have any serious affection for Mr. Clay.
We shall then, probably, have most of our
lost fold, and many repenting sinners return
ing back to the Democratic landmarks. Clay
bus already overshot his mark, and if President
Tyler only acts like a man on lhe single ques
tion of a bank, the fate of the “ puritan and
black-leg” is sealed forever; even the hazard
of the die will be denied him at his last politi
cal grasp.
While these things are progressing, the
Democracy stand firm. A little will gain us
the Senate, for wc now have 22 members in
that body, and if we obtain a Republican from
Tennessee, to fill the vacancy from that State,
there must be two out of the Whig ranks
that, cannot gulp at one fell swoop, the mon
eyed corporation Mr. Clay is attempting to put
upon us, in order to secure, by his usual mode
of bargain and corruption, the Presidency in
1844. No movement should be made on our
part for the selection of a candidate at this
early day. Our principles must triumph,
and let us calmly abide our time until the con
flict thickens.
In the House, yesterday evening, at a late
hour, the motion of Mr. Wise, for a reconsid
eration of the vote by which the rules were
adopted, was carried by a very close vote of
106 to 104 ! nearly all the Northern Demo
crats voting with the South ; although Botts,
of Virginia, and several of the Kentucky and
Tennessee Delegations went with the Aboli
tionists, against a reconsideration. Mr. B.
was extremely savage on the occasion, and
the result of the vote chagrined a great many
of our Southern expediency men. It was a
Democratic triumph, and may be reckoned as
split No. 2, of the great federal Whig party.
Mr. Wise’s speech lasted from 12 A.M. un
til 8 P. M., and it was decidedly the best argu
ment to show off the coalition between Nor
thern Whigs and Abolitionists that I ever lis
tened to. J. Q,. Adams and the Speaker were
scored severely—the latter principally for
leading Committees with Northern Abolition
ists.
Mr. Ravner, of North Carolina, an excel
lent speaker, and one of the State Rights
school of Whigs, has the floor to day, on a
resolution submitted by him, that no rules of
the last session shall govern the present, so
far only, as they relate to matters mentioned
in the President’s Message.
Resolutions in favor ot permanent prospec
tive pre einption rights on tiie public lands,
were introduced by Mr. VY alker ot Mississippi,
in the Senate yesterday, and referred to tiie
Committee on Public Lands. The resolutions
embrace the gist of Messrs. Benton’s and Cal
houn’s Preemption and Cession Bills.
Mr. Clay's gag was in operation, as usual,
although the subject on which it was exercised
was merely a resolution of inquiry as to the
names of those contractors who were accused
of offences by the Secretary of War in his
late Report,
The case of McLeod was next brought up,
and Mr. Preston undertook a lame apology of
the course of Webster, in which he made
several pretty flights, but gave us nothing that
in the least wiped off the stain, which the
Massacusetls man’s letter has placed upon
our national honor. Mr. Benton followed in
a thrilling speech, in which fiecommented with
merited severity, on the course pursued by
W ebster and Crittenden. The subject will
be continued to day by Mr. Buchanan.
THE ABOLITION CASE.
We are right in stating that the Cincinnati
Gazette was wrong in its assertion that the
decision of the Supreme Court of Ohio, in
the infamous slave case at Lebanon, was ex
trajudicial. The Lebanon Star thus contra
dicts the Gazette:
“The Court did decide, in express terms,
that the bringing of a slave into this Slate, by
the master’s consent, lor any purpose what
ever, even with a view of passing through it
to settle in another slave State, would, ipso
facto, tree the slave. This question was pre
sented by the record, and the court, both Judg
es concurring, decided it as we fiist slated,
and now repeat—and lhe subsequent avowal
ol this decision, by the Judges who made it,
wfienever the inquiry has been put to them,
leaves no room lor lhe least question in rela
tion to this matter; this the sequel will prove.”
This should serve as a warning lo masters
of boats and the Southern men generally.
I he Supreme Court of Ohio declares a slave
Iree the moment he touches the soil of that
State with the consent of his owner* Mem
bers of Congress have recently been robbed
of their servants while on their way to the
Capital of the Union to discharge their pub
lic duties. Virginians removing to Missouri,
and passing through Ohio, have been robbed
of all their slaves; and it will be perceived
that the citizens of Covington complain that
their slaves are no longer safe—that the peo
ple of Cincinnati do not hesitate to steal ne
groes from Kentuckians on the southern side
of the river.
Again we say to southern men—do not
venture into Ohio with servants. II Southern
ladies take with them servants to nurse their
children, the Courts have already notified the
operative abolitionists that such nurses may
be stolen with impunity.
The doctrine of Ohio is, that no man shall
dare to own a slave for one moment in that
State; and the “Queen City” is becoming
quite as famous for negro stealing as for her
manufactures.
If a slave, hired on board a steam boat,
should escape, the master or owner of such
steam boat may be made responsible for bis
value. The publication of the decision of
the Supreme Court is a sufficient warning
that boats, partly navigated by slaves, cannot
land in Ohio with safety.--Louisville Adverti
ser.
From the Philadelphia Spirit of the Times.
Appeal to Southern Members of the United
States Senate—abolitionism of our Post
master —kidnapping by a carrier.
If there were no other reason for the remo
val of the present postmaster of this city, by
the United States Senate, there is one which
must have great influence with tho Southern
members. He is an open, decided, and
avowed Abolitionist, and has bold and unscru
pulous Abolitionists about him! Let the Sen
ators from the south, whose fair homes these
fanatics would turn into a charnel house—
whose hearths they would deluge with the
blood of their wives and children—let them
think of this, and beware how they retain in a
post so fearfully calculated for the dissemination
of mischievious doctrines, one of a band that
is laboring to enkindle .the flame of insurrec
tion, is daily robbing them of their property—
and that boasts of the success of its efforts in
maturing plans for the massacre of the slave
holders of the South.
We do not speak unadvisedly. The present
postmaster is a violent Abolitionist, and was
the Abolition candidate for Mayor of this city
at the late general election. That he lias ap
pointed rank Abolitionists to office is undispu
ted. One of the new letter carriers is so no
toriously ir bued with ultra Abolition princi
ples, that people stop him in the streets for
mischief, and get to talking upon the subject
—simply because he is so enthusiastic in the
wicked cause that he will rant for hours, to
the total neglect of his public duties. This
same carrier, too, boasts of his agency in steal
ing a negro from his master, at the instance of
the Anti-slavery Society of this city. We have
all the particulars before us, with the names
of those who stand ready to make affidavit
that they heard this carrier make the declara
tion alluded to.
It seems that a negro slave named Isaac,
living with his master, near Memphis, Ten.,
wrote to this city. The society here offered
liberal terms to any one who would go and
kidnap him. r lhis carrier agreed to do it, and
started. Arrived in the vicinity of the spot,
he inquired of the slaves for Isaac, and met
him at night in the woods several times, about
five miles from his master’s plantation. He
gave the negro who bro’t Isaac to him, three
dollars for his trouble. Several boats that
stopped near that place were looked at, but
suspected, until six days had elapsed, when,
fearful of a discovery of his designs, this car
rier put Isaac on board the first ooat he met.
The boat, instead of starting that night, did
not depart until late next morning; and hence
the slave and the kidnapper were in agonies of
fear lest they should be apprehended. How
ever, they got off; and, though an advertise
ment in a newspaper of a reward for Isaac met
his eye immediately afterwards, this carrier
pushed on, and -delivered the negro he had
stolen to the conspirators in this city. Isaac
the negro he alluded to, is now in the employ
of a hatter in Philadelphia.
These are the facts of the case, as detailed
by the chief actor in them himself. Let the
Southern Senators ponder upon them. Let
them consider if such men, and the patrons
of such men, are fit hands to be intrusted with
a public office that can readily be made the
instrument of death and desolation. Let
them consider what a vast engine in favor
of the principle that would defraud them of
their possessions, the post office of Philadel
phia can be made ; how insiduously it can dis
tribute the seeds of discord even under their
very eyes and prepare the disaffected for deeds
of the most shuddering character. Let them
consider these things, and refuse to put, for
the sake of party discipline, a power so vast
into hands so readily disposed to wield it, not
only for their annihilation, but for the annihila
tion of the wealth, the peace, and the prosper
ity of the whole South.
Capt. John Martin, President of the Mont
gomery Bank, has been in these parts this last
week, making enquiries into the ac
tings and doings of our financiers, who have
defrauded that institution out of no small
sum. We were shown a list of about a doz
en names of individuals who had been recom
mended as perfectly good, who all united are
not worth one picayune. Among the rest is
one Mr. Farnum well known as barber and
hair dresser in Selma, whose note was dis
counted, we believe for §I,OOO. Farnum says
he was requested to loan his name and did so
willingly, as the individual requesting it was
a clever fellow, and patronized his shop, and
he thought one good turn deserved another, he
said he had no idea any person could get mon
ey under his name. Capt. Martin, we believe,
has instituted suit against those who got the
money through irresponsible names, as a suit
against the principals and securities on the
notes would be trouble without profit.—Ca
hawba Democrat.
[NUMBER 21.
THE FISCAL AGENT.
This bantling it seems has been nursed up so
far, that it is thought expedient to permit the
public to catch a glimpse of its features.
The most striking peculiarity is that it is to
be located at Washington, so that members
ot Congress and Secretaries of State, &c.
will not be under the necessity of coming or
sending all the way to Philadelphia to borrow
from it, and the road is kept open to them, for
though the Directors at Washington are for
bidden to borrow from the Bank, there is no
such prohibition in reference to public officers
of the government.
Branches are to be established in such
states as think proper to admit them, and the
states to be allowed to be holders of stock if
they shall choose to do so; the National Gov
ernment, however, furnishing the money, or
rather borrowing it for the purpose. Thus Un
cle Sam is going to economise by borrowing
money to lend again, until every body grows
rich by the grand operation.
Though the directors of the central Bank
are not to borrow from the institution, those of
the branches may borrow as much as they
please, ala Biddle cj* Cos.
The president is to appoint two out of sev
en directors ; of course if the president agrees
in politics with the directors, the whole seven
will work together without check. The sug
gestion of Mr. Walker of Mississippi to have
directors chosen in Congress in such maimer
that each party could elect a portion of them,
will probably be rejected by Clay & Cos., as it
would admit the dt mocrats into the secrets
of the concern.
The bank, whose capital is to be 30 millions,
is not to owe at any time more than 20 millions
above its deposites, and it is not to make any
loans when its notes in circulation are tluee
times the amount of its specie on hand.
It appears to us that this latter restriction is
founded on an erroneous theory, that of esti
mating ability to increase loans by the amount
of specie compared with notes in circulation,
instead of with all liabilities, or at least with
all liabilities to pay within a short time.
A Bank is just as liable to be called on for
specie for its deposits as for its notes in cir
culation ; and the difficulty with our Philadel
phia Banks lies not in an inability to pay their
notes, but in that of paying their deposits in
specie as fast as they would be called upon.
If the Whigs will have another monster, af
ter their experience of the last, it would be
wise for them to forbid it to loan whenever its
specie should not bear a certain proportion to
all its indebtedness. Then it would be some
what stable; and if an extra vagant rage for
importation should arise, as in 1835—(i, and
a large amount of public money derived from
imports be deposited in the bank, instead of
keeping up the mania, by lending out all this
money, to importers and speculators, as was
done on that occasion, a portion of it would
be held in the vaults in specie, thus checking
the extravagance of speculation, and furnish
ing a resource for the bank, and the country,
when the collapse should come on which al
ways follows such a state of things.
We must defer the subject of the constitu
tionality of this scheme to another occasion.—
Pennsylvanian, 15th inst.
A National Bank. —-Whatever Whig pol
iticians may say to the contrary, or however
brokers and manufacturer may reason, there
is a tremendous opposition to the creation of
a national Bank—not only among the people,
but among the most intelligent merchants in the
country. At the late meeting of the New
York Chamber of Commerce, sixty members
were present: twenty-four of them voted
against a national Bank—thirty-six in its favor.
The person who headed the thirty-six was
James G. King, a broker; one who is largely
connected with the London bankers, with hol
ders, to a large amount, of American stocks,
who openly advised an assumption of the
States debts by the General Government
Many of the thirty-six are notorious Wall
street stockjobbers, a class of men whose con
sciences are as elastic as India rubber, whose
hearts are as hard as the gold they handle, and
whose patriotism grows in proportion as the
distresses of the country increase. It was this
stockjobbing league that affirmed that suffer
ing should extort a National Bank ; and their
pensioned presses are now gulling the people
with the idea that a Natioual Bank is to restore
order from the chaos that reigns at the Souffi
—as though any thing short off ayiag a debt
in cash, or its equivalent, could cancel it. The
twenty-four v\ho voted against a National
Bank are represented as among the most in
telligent of the New York merchants—men
who have seen, who know, who have felt, and
who openly resist the evils of a National Bank
—evils that are inherent in its nature, and
which no legislation can avert and no guards
can prevent. Such, it is well known, is a
feeling with a large number of intelligent
Boston merchants. Its monopolizing nature,
for years, was declaimed against, as exhibited
in the late National Bank, and this, too, before
Jackson “removed the deposites,” or even ex
ercised his “ veto ” Its gross enormities were
not even dreamed of: and party anathemas, it
must now be admitted, did not reach them.—
Bjston Morning Post.
Remedy for a Lightning Shock. —As this
is the season when all are more or less liable to
experience a shock from nature’s battery, the
Buffalo Commercial Advertiser suggests that
any person struck down by lightning, no mat
ter if apparently dead, ought to be laid imme
diately extended on the damp ground ; and if
it do not rain upon him, water should be
thrown on freely, which in most cases will con
duct off the electric fljid without serious inju
ry. Many a one has lost his life when knowl
edge of these facts on the part of friends or
bystanders, wonld have preserved it.
Production and MoNEY.--The value of
the annual agricultural product of the United
States, fairly estimated, is secen hundred mil
lions of dollars ! The whole amount of hank
debts , is about five hundred millions of dollars ;
and the whole amount of paper money circula
tion is about one hundred millions.
Now suppose, (what is certainly true,) that
one-third ol the crop is a surplus production,
beyond what is necessary for the comforts
of life. It follows, then, as an inevitable
consequence, that if the people of the United
States willed it, they could pay off all the bank
debts and bank circulation of the United
States in less than three years.
The country is, therefore, immensely
wealthy, and has nothing really to fear from
the temporary embarrassments of the times,
occasioned, as they are, by moving a little too
fast, and forgetting, for a time, past experi
ence.—Cincinnati Chron.
The Board of Missions of the Protestant
Episcopal Church of the United States of
America, is now in session in this ci*y. Bish
op Elliott, of Georgia, on Wednesday evening,
preached the opening sermon at St James’
Church. The business of the Board was
transacted yesterday at St. Andrew’s Church.
Last evening, a general meeting was held at
the same place, and various interesting and
eolquent addresses were made.—Phil. Amer
ican.
Massachusetts keeps 7000 volunteer militia
under pay. What exactly are their duties and
t ie rate of compensation they receive, we are
I not informed.
The New York Journal of Commerce of
Tuesday has the following paragraph :
Credit of Cities. —We have already no
ticed that the Connecticut House of Repre
sentatives, at itg recent session, refused to
pass the bill authorising the City of Hartford
to contract a loan for the benefit of the Hart
ford and Springfield Railroad Company. This
refusal, we learn, was caused by the opinions
given by the Chief Justice of the state and
another gentleman of high legal reputa
tion, that the measure would be a violation of
the Constitution of the State, which provides
that the property of individuals shall not be
taken for public purposes without an adequa:s
remuneration. Contracting a city debt, the
learned jurists contended, was thus taking the
property of private citizens without compen
sation, and that the majority of the city could
have no power thus to tax and take away any
portion of the property of the minority. We
are told that upon these opinions some of the
citizens of the cities which have contracted
loans intend to resist the payment of the taxes
imposed in consequence.”
Suit against Nicholas Biddle. —One of
the New York Journals inquires as to the pre
cise nature of the suit lately instituted by the
Bank of the U. S. against Mr. Biddle. It is
brought to recover nearly seven hundred thou
sand dollars paid out during his administration
lor which no vouchers can be found, of which
sum moFe than four hundred thousand dollars,
it is asserted, were paid to him for purposes
unknown, upon the checks of the Cashier.—.
We must sustain this and every other proper
effort to place the odium now heaped upon
our city in general, upon the shoulders of
those to whom it belongs. It is due to Phila
delphia, that discrimination should be made
between the innocent and the guilty, to the
thousands of her upright citizens who have
regarded the appalling disclosures of frauds
and wrongs with an indignation exceeded in
no quarter of tlio country. —Phil. N. Ameri
can.
The DAMAGE DONE TO THE STEAM SHIP
Britannia.-- By a graphic correspondent of
the Boston Morning Post we learn the lollow
ing particulars of the damage done to the
Britannia off Halifax in her late outward bound
passage :
“Sunday night was clear and fine, and on
Monday morning we were running off meri
ly before a south wester, witli all sail and
steam. On Mouday evening, in thick, hazy
weathtr, we sounded for Cape Sable, and the
blue pigeon brought up in twenty fathoms of
water, which was quite near enough to that
place to suit my taste. We then stood our
course up the coast, having a hard gale, with
thunder and lightning, and a very heavy sea.
The Britannia rolled tremendously, and went
into the seas in such a way as to put sixty
out of eighty passengers on the sick list, and
also put their heads over the ‘pots and kettles.,
At 6 A'. M., Tuesday, we made the coast of
Nova Scotia, some miles to the southward of
Nambro Light, which is at the mouth of Hali
fax harbor, and run slowly up the coast, in
hopes to find the mouth of the harbor. At
last, our signal was answered from the light
hiuse, and we then attempted the entrance.
As we were going rapidly along, the quick or
der, “Helm a starboard!” caused me to look
over the starboard quarter, and I saw a patch
of rocks covered with foam, which we hardly
cleared. In a lew minutes, “Helm a port!--
Back her!” was rapidly given, and again we
barely cleared another reel'. The fog was ve
ry thick, and as we were running slowly, we
beheld a long reef of rocks, over which the
foam was piling at a very pretty rate. The
sharp order of “Helm a port! Stop her! Back
her !” was quickly given, but it was of no avail.
The ship struck broadside on, with a hard
crack, which caused her to quiver from stem
to stern, from truck to keilson. A favoring
wave lilted her, and, the wheel being aback,
she soon came off'. After backing out a few
minutes, headway was put on her, and in less
than ten minutes, we were approaching the
very same place from which we had just es
caped. “Port the helm!” shouted the cap
lain. “Port it is, sir!” shouted the helmsman.
The ship staggered for a moment, as if un
certain what couise to takei she then slowly
tripped on her heel, and wore round, leaving
the hold rocks dead under our counter.—
What a moment of breathful anxiety, of pain
ful sol citude! It seemed as though our fate
was inevilable. Had weftruck a second time,
at the rate we were going, we must have
sunk, as the ship would not have borne the
shock ; and out of the one hundred and sixty
souls on board the Britannia, not one fourth
part would have been saved. During these
trying circumstances, Capt. Cleland behaved
like a man ; and although I think it was im
prudent in running so many risks, yet I must
say he did all he could to keep the ship afloat.
After being in and about the breakers for
over three hours, we perceived a little skiff
mounting a wave and making towards us.
The skipper was sixin on hoard, and tendered
his services as pilot, which were gladly ac
cepted ; and, under his skilful guidance, we
arrived at the wharf, at 6 P. M. in nine
and a half hours from Boston. On arriving,
we found the Britannia was leaking badly.”
From the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Monitor, June 23.
LITIGATED OASES
Decided by the Supreme Court of Alabama,
since our last paper.
Tarlton & Bullard vs E. L. Gibson.—Error
to the circuit court of Talladega. Goldth
waite, J. delivered the opinion of the court, de
ciding
1. Where the sheriff returns an execution
that he has levied on certain slaves, but sold
the same to satisfy an older execution in his
hands at the same time ; he is not liable to a
motion for a false return, if the facts as stated
by him in his return are true, although a sum
of money may remain in his hands, unappro
priated alter satisfying the eldest execution.
2. Quere: Whether such a return will dis
charge the sheriff from liability if proceeded
against for making no return, and also wheth
er it is uorhis duty, after charging himself by
a levy, to shew in his return any fact which
is necessary to his complete discharge. Judg
ment of the court below affirmed.
William Towns vs Gideon Riddle.—Error
to the circuit court of Talladega county.—
Goldthwaite, J. delivered the opinion of the
court, deciding
1. This court will not reverse the iction of
the c.rcuit court in admitting evidence out of
ihe usual coarse of proceeding. The course
of proceeding is aiways within the discretion
of th ; court, and no reversing court can ascer
tain whether a departure from the usual course
.s calculated to advance or defeat the justice
of the case.
2. If one co-surety to a note gives no’ ice to
the piamtiff to proceed by law to collect the
note, and he is discharged by the omission of
the piaintiff to sue according to the notice, the
principal becomes insolvent, —all the other
sureties are discharged by the same omission.
3. Where a charge is correct in pointof law%
although there may be no evidence to warrant
the charge, the judgment will not be reversed,
unless the result shew that the jury were mis
led by the generality of the charge,
Judgment of the court below
Stone for pl’ff in error: Moody, contra.
William Little, Adin’r &c. vs Richard Bcaz
iy.—Error to the county court of Sumter coun
ty. Goldthwaite, J. delivered the opinion of
the court, deciding
1. Proven specimens of the hand writing of
the defendant, cannot be given in evidence to
the jury, to be compared by them with the
signature to the writing the genuineness of
which is controverted. Judgment of the court
below affirmed, Reovis tor pl'ff m error i
Jones, contra,