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’ TUB TI M E S' .
Tho jni oil sovereignty of r'.c sUtes
*OLUM BUS, JULY 1, 1841.
■ =l===: FOURTH OF JULY.
T’.ic Committee appointed by the “ Colura-
Guards” to make arrangements for ccle
iMig the approaching Anniversary us A
„_i ican Independence, (to be celebrated on
’ day tiie fifth) announce tho following as
ORDER OF THE DAYt
U day-break 1 gun,
At sunrise, 13 guns,
At 12 o’clock, 26 guns,
At sunset 1 gun.
i'he procession will be formed before the
Ufl umrpe House, at 10 o’clock, A Al. and
r iMCCCd according to order, under the com
, Us N. M. C. Robinson, Esq. Marshal of
Ja y f to the Methodist Church.
ORDER OF I’ROCESSION 1
Music,
Volunteer Companies,
City Authorities,
C.crg-y,
Orator and Reader,
judiciary and distinguished Guests,
Benevolent Societies,
Citizens and Strangers.
The ceremonies of the day to be commenced
by prayer, by the Rev. L. Pierce, after which
the Declaration of Independence will be read
Vy James L. Pierce, Esq. and an Oration de
iVered by A. 11. Cooper, Esq.
D. P. Ellis,
E. R. Goulding,
I). Matheyvsox,
Committee.
Mails.— It’the regisier of failures noted at
iiie Post Office of this City, for the last five
. *irs, were examined, vve doubt very much
whether within that period, the failures of the
Northern Mail, during the months of Ap.il,
.. and June, in any one year, amount to
* ne half the number which have occurred
within the last three months.
As the irregularity of the mails was one of
the grounds of opposition to the last Admin
istration, and their regularity one of the re
lorms promised under the present, the Post
Master General ought, at least, to keep even,
if he can do no belter.
is the debate the other day, respecting a
. .ovisionfor the family of Gen. Harrison, Mr.
buiutners of Virginia, in advocating the ap
propriation of $25,000 —characterised the
eulogy of Gen. Cass, at Paris, on the charac
ter of Gen. Harrison, as a tardy acknowledge
ment of the merits and virtues of the late
President—and seemed to decline the use of
tire eulogy as authority in favor of General
Harrison. Mr. Summers must have some
acquaintance with the fact of the inattention
of Gen. Cass, for a long period past, towards
General Harrison—'‘the man he respected—
Vit General in whom he had full confidence,
me friend to whom he was strongly attached,
and whom, now dead, he shall never cease to
regret.”
We recommend to the attention cf our
reader-, two article?, on our first page, on the
subject of Abolition—ona from the Louisville
Advor'is-er —and tire other from the Philadel
phia Spirit of the Times, a paper which ascer
tains and dissects facts with uncommon bold
ness and truth. With these facts before him,
(if they are satisfactorily established,) will
Mr. Tyler send to the Senate for confirmation,
the name of the present incumbent of the Phila
delphia Post Office !
Mr*. Finn’s ingenious Exhibition of Fancy
Class Blowing, has just commenced in this
City, and from th^celebrity of the Artist, we
have no doubt of his success.
Provision for the family of General
Harrison —On the passage of the law giv~
ing to the family of the late President, $25,-
000 the vote in the House of Representa
stood yeas 122 —nays 68.
On looking al the vote, we perceive that the
Georgia Delegation were ranged thus : For
tkv appropriation, Messrs. Gamble, King,
Meriwether and Warren. Against it, none.
Messrs. Alford, Dawson, Foster, Haber
sham and Nesbit, were absent from the House,
or „:d not vote. The absence of so many of
our Delegation at the particular moment the
vote was taken, would scarcely seem to have
been accidental. If these gentlemen really
doubted the constitutionality of the measure,
or questioi ed its propriety as a precedent, or
on the score of justice, they ought to have so
said by their votes, and not shrunk from res
ponsibility.
fr THE DIFFERENCE OF VIEWS AND
PURPOSE DISCERNIBLE NOW ?
Several weeks since, our readers will doubt
* a recollect, we made some remarks rela
tive to the Abolition prepossessions of Mr.
anger, the present Post Master General.
V.'o leferred particularly to his conduct, when
a member of Congress, on the consideration
of the resolution of Mr. Pinckney, of South
Carolina ; and endeavored to show—and
thought we succeeded in so doing—that Mr.
Granger’s design was no otherwise different
from that of gentlemen in the same body,
whose Abolition partialities seemed to be gen
cw.k/ conceded.
Tuo Columbus Enquirer thought that great
injustice was done to Mr. Granger, who had
been pronounced by that paper “ to be free of
tne least taint, or suspicion of even a leaning
towards the abominable heresy” (abolit.on.)
It mentioned, among other things, in exculpa
tion of Mr. Granger, that Gen. Glascosk had
pursued the saine line of conduct in reference
to the Pinckney resolution, and had, in conse
quence of his course upon that resolution,
been supported for re-election by both parties
in Georgia. This was very true. But the
difference in the motives and designs of the
two individuals was perfectly apparent, and
we thought distinctly recognized. Not so
w:'.h the Enquirer— at least, for party purpo
ses, and to extricate itself from a dilemma into
which it had run by its indiscriminate support
of e ‘ thing and every body connected with
t-'io present Administration—it did not choose
• acknowledge the distinction of thought and
I irposeof the two gentlemen, although found
voting together. That the Enquirer did not
actually see that distinction as clearly as our
uslves, we shall not do it the injustice to state.
Another instance of a similar kind his pre- \
sented itself, and we are certain the Enquirer j
will now readily recognize the difference, be- i
cause, upon this occasion, if it did not, the i
consistency anJ integrity of a joltllcal friend
might be compromitted. Oa the question of
the adoption of the resolution of Mr. fetuarU
which, as we have state 1 in another part oi
I tliis paper, was designed to avoid, any discus
sion o*, or decision on the abolition dispute, at
I the extra session, among the nays are found
I the names of Messrs. Adams and Alford. Now
! , ve suppose the most superficial observer will
readily d.scern the entirely dissimilar motives
which governed these individuals in uniting
them against the resolution of Mr. Stuart.—
Both, it is true, desired the final settlement of
the abolition question, at mice, and without
delay— but did they agree as to the disposition
to be made of it l Did not Mr. Adams desire
the immediate acknoicledgcment of the right
of petition on this subject ? Did not Mr. Al
ford as strenuously insist upon the immediate
acknowledgement of the inability of Congress
to receive these petitions ! And yet, accor
ding to the logic of the Enquirer, in the case
of Messrs. Granger and Glascock, Messrs-
Adams and Alford must necessarily have en
tertained congenial feelings on the subject of
Abolition, because tiiey voted against the pro
position of Mr. Etuart.
CHATTAHOOCHEE R. ROAD AND BANK
ING COMPANY.
We direct attention to the following no
tice :
“NOTICE.—The Stockholders .f the Chatta
hoochee Kail Road and Banking Company of Geor
gia, are respectfully invited to assemble at the Bank
ing H >use in Columbus, on the lOi h day of July next
at 9 o'clock A. M. upon important business.
ALLEN G. BASS,
Ju'y 1 Acting for the Cashier.’’
What the “impor! ant business” is, we can
only conjecture, arid placing a favorable con
struction on tbe object and intention of the
call, we are induced to believe that an exhi
bit of the affairs of the Bank is to be made,
and measures adopted to enlighten bill-holders
and tho creditors of the Bank, as to the real
value of its notes, and the character and a
mount of its assets—and, probably, to place
its atiairs in train of speedy liquidation.
This course is demanded by the public
voice—by a proper regard to justice and hon
or. The notice of the Acting Cashier pub
lished by us last week, failed utterly to ac
complish one of its objects—an assurance of
safety to the creditors of the Bank—because
notwitstanding that notice, its notes have
been selling in this City at ruinous sacrifices-
Nothing short of a distinct arid full statement
of the present condition of the C. R. R.&, B. C.
made directly to the public, to enable each
man to judge for himself—or the submission
of its concerns to the examination and consid
eration of disinterested parties, and through
them to the public, will satisfy the community,
or acquit the Direction of its duty in the pre
mises. If injury has been done, if deplorable
losses have resulted, and must result from tiie
failure of the Bank, it is inexcusable now to
aggravate that injury and those losses, by de
lay in submitting to the public the condition of
the Bank.
Besides, there may be, and probably are,
great misapprehensions abroad, respecting the
indebtedness of individuals to the Institution;
and time and distance will necessarily lend
strength and force to these misapprehensions*
In any aspect of the subject, therefore, it is
desirable to spread before the public, an exact
and complete statement of its present situa
tion, and its past actings and doings. There
are rumors likewise, that creditors have been
preferred—that its available assets, or a large
portion of them, have been surrendered to in.
demnify a large creditor, in the person of an
other Banking*lnstitution, (the Bank of Co
lumbus.) These rumors, and thousands like
them, are abroad, and spreading and extending
with the rapidity of lightning.
In this matter, we entertain no unkind feel
ings, nor have wo liny improper objects in view-
We believe tho course suggested by us will
be of service to the public, and perhaps avert
some of the losses which would otherwise
accrue ; and correct, also, many of the unfa
vorable reports in circulation respecting the
indebtedness of particular individuals, connec
ted with the Bank. If statements bearing the
marks of authenticity, are entitled to notice,
we are warranted in saying that, however the
result may induce the belief of great misman
agement, (or of emissions to manage,) on the
part of the President and Directors of the C.
R. R. and B. C.yet the indebtedness of any or
of all these individuals combined, is a mere
trifle—a drop in the bucket—an amount which
can be extinguished in 24 hours. If these re
deeming features exist in the management of
the Bank, let the community know if, that
improper odium may not attach where it is
not merited.
The failure, as we remarked last week, is
an unfortunate one—unfortunate in every as
pect in which it may be considered—but as it
is a failure, let all be done which the circuni
stances es the case require—and let the thou
sand rumors which prevail and are spreading,
detrimental both to the Bank and individuals,
be verified in all their length and breadth—or
be properly and distinctly explained.
The Enquirer of yesterday, remaiks that
reports unfavorable to the Banks of this City,
and particularly to the Planters and Mechan
ics Bank, are in circulation, ai a distance.—
I his was a natural consequence after the
lailure ol one of these Institutions —and doubts
o! the stability of the Planters and Mechanics
Bank particularly, have arisen probably from
tiie recent change in the Presidency of that
Institution. The public mind is now so exci
ted with respect to Banks and Banking, which
added to the fact that the Banks here are in
a stale ot suspension, that any occurrence
connected with them, although it be onlv the
change of a Bank Officer, for reasons wholly
and sconnected with the Bank, its management,
or its solvency, attracts notice, and engenders
suspicions.
We think, however, we are warranted in
saying (at least such is the universal opinion
here, and we are in possession of no facts au
thorizing us to question its correctness,) that
the Banks of this City, now in good
wi 1 maintain that credit, keep their bills at
par, and save their creditors harmless, inde
pendent o! the universal impression here to
which we have just alluded, nereis another
entitled to weight, and that ought to have its
just influence in determining opinion abroad,
on the subject. The undoubted solvency
and large means of the individuals managing
these institutions, afford some guarantee, we
think, that the Banks will not he allowed to
retrograde from where they now eland, be
*
C us', were th<y to permit any detriment to
happen to the community, through their mis
management, or the non-use of their credit,
public odium would attacii to them in a man
ner and to a degree by no means enviable.
We make these suggestions, because our
duty to our readers and patrons requires it—
and however much we may desire a'reform
in the Banking system—it is nevertheless
proper that we should submit to them now
facts and opinions as we entertain them, and
as vve understand them to be, r spectlng ihtse
Institutions, in our own neighborhood, and
ilieir present condition, without reference to
the course it may be necessary and desirable
to pursue hereafter with respect to them.
PROCEEDINGS AT TIIE EXTRA SESSION
OF CONGRESS ON THE SUBJECT OF AB
OLITION MEMORIALS.
It is not improbable that many of our read
ers may not understand ‘.be precise action of
Congress, at its present meeting, on the sub
ject of Abolition memorials —and in order to
make the matter perfectly intelligible to them?
it will only be necessary to remind them of
tiie position in which the present Congress
found the subject, at its convention on the 31st
day of Mayllas,s f , and of the attitude the same
subject has now assumed, it having been final
ly acted on, for the period us the Extra Ses
sion.
The following resolutions introduced into
tho IlouSe of Representatives, of the last
Congress, by the Hon. W. C. Johnson, of Ma
ryland, and adopted afier a stormy debate, were
incorporated among the rules of the House,
and constituted the 21st rule, for tho govern
ment of that body.
Resolved, That upon the presentation of
any memorial or petition preying lor the aboli
tion of slavery or the slave trade in any Dis
trict, Territory, or State of the Union, and
upon the presentation of any resolution or
paper touching that subject, the reception oi
such memorial, petition, resolution or paper
shall be considered as objected to, and the
question of its reception shall be laid on the
table wiihaut debate or further action there
on.
Resolved, That no memorial, petition, reso.
lution or other paper praying for the abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any
State or Territory, or the slave trade between
the States or Territories of the United States,
ii> which it now exists, shall be received by
this House, or entertained in any way what
ever.
At the opening of the present session of
Congress, a motion was made by a member oi
the House of Representatives to adopt the
rules of the last, for the government of this
House. Mr. John Quincy Adams moved to
amend by striking out the 2 Is’ rule, as con
tiicting with his views of the right of petition-
The amendment of Mr. Adams prevailed —
thus opening the door for the reception of ab
olition memorials. Four members only from
the slaveholding State s , voted for the amend
ment of Mr. Adams—Messrs. Butts and Stu
art of Virginia; Mr. Underwood of Kentucky >
and Mr. Randall of Maryland. It may not
be amiss to remark that these four gentlemen
are supporters of the existing Administration.
A reconsideration of the vote on the amend
ment of Mr. Adams was moved, and after ve
ry elaborate efforts from Mr. Wise, (a State
Rights Whig,) and'Mr.lngersoll, of Pennsyl
vania, (a Democrat.) the motion to reconsider
prevailed.
lt is necessary to mention, at this point ol
our statement, that the select Gomm.ttee on
the Rules had, previously to the reconsidera
tion on the amendment of Mr. Adams, report
ed a'proposition, which was adopted by the
House. That proposition reads thus :
“Upon the presentation of petitions and
other papers on subjects not specially referred
to the consideration of the House in the mes
sage of the President at the opening of tiie
present extra session, objection to the recep
tion shall be considered as made, and the ques
tion of reception shall be laid upon the table.
This rule to be considered only in force during
the present session. Petitions and,other pa
pers lor or against a bankrupt law to be ex
cepted from the operation of this rule.
“ ihe action of all committees on ail sub
jects not specially referred to the consideration
of the House in the message of the President
shall be suspended during the present session:
this suspension not to apply to business be
fore the Committee of Elections, of Ways
and Means, on Accounts, and on Mileage, nor,
If the House shall so determine, to tho sub
ject of a general bankrupt law.”
As the acting President had made no refer
ence, in his message, to the subject of slavery,
or the efforts to interfere with it, by means of
abolition memorials—the proposition adopted
by the House, independent of the operation of
the 21st rule, and without reference to its ex
istence or non-existence as one of the Rules
—debarred any . action on the part of the
House, with regard to these memorials.
In this stage of the proceeding—after the
adoption by the House of the proposition just
stated—after the reconsideration of the vote
on the amendment of Mr. Adams, and while
the question was pending whether the 21st
rule should, or should not be adopted as cue
of the rules of the present House of Repre
sentatives—Mr. Stuart of Virginia, who had
voted to rescind the 21st rule, submitted the
following resolution:
Resolved, That the rules and orders of the
last House of Representatives, not superse
ded by any rule or resolution adopted at the
present session, now in force, Ic, and the
same are hereby, adopted for the regulation of
the House at the present session ; and that
the Select Committee upon the Rules hereto
fore raised proceed to revise and amend the
rules heretofore adopted, and they have leave
to report at all times.
This resolution, it will be perceived, in con
junction with the proposition, just stated, and
which had been adopted, excluded, for the
present session, all larther debate or action on
Abolition -memorials, and left their receotion
by the House an open qutsticn to be settled at
the meeting of Congress, on the first Monday
in next December.
Objections to this disposition of the subject
were made by many Southern members, who
urged the final settlement of the queston of
reception, without delay, either for, or against
the right claimed by the Abolitionists. In tiie
course of the debate on the adoption of the
resolution of Mr, Stuart, the following remarks
were made.
Mr. Nesoit here alluded to the important
business for which the House was called to
gether. lie stated that the Northern Whigs,
with the exception of Mr. Adams, had met
the Southern Whigs half way. In the course
ot his remarks he alluded to the head and
heart of Mr. Adams.
Mr. Adams asked if the gentleman was in
order, in alluding to his “heal and heart”
Mr. Nesbit was willing to go for the prop
osition oi the gentleman from Virginia, and
proceed to the important business of the
House, and rene wed the previous question.
Mr. lUictt rose anil stated that he should
oppose the taking of tho previous question, as,
after having spent sixteen days in the discus
sion of the abolition question, it was necessary
hat the question should be settled now for
two year., at least. He renounced the idea
that the minority had a desire to distract the
action of the majority. He, for one, denied
that he was operated upon by any such dispo
sition.
Mr. Alford followed on the same side, in re
marks of considerable length and warmth, and
hoped that all Members from the South would
vote against the previous question.
Mr. Pickens, in an able speech, opposed the
puttiug the previous question.
Mr. Habersham)followed on the same sidb
of tiie question, but should vote for the prop
osition of the gentleman from Virginia, when
it came up, because he considered it a com
promise.
Mr. Gamble was in favor of the previous
question, and would not be dragooned into a
vote.
Mr. Gilmer was opposed to precipitate ac
tion. It was necessary that the important
question which was agitating this House
should be settled, consequently he should vote
against the previous question.
Mr. Stuart said that it appeared lie was
misapprehended. He considered it a ques
tion of time, rot one of principle, lie pro
posed to settle the question for one session ;
other gentlemen proposed to settle it for three
session?, not f.raver, as some had expressed a
wish.
xMr. Wise Ejected to the previous question,
because it would lead to battle and to war;
and the proposition of his colleague was a
pledge to meet those who were desirous for
this conflict. Mr. Wise had not taken his
ground without due consideration. He knew
his rights, and being informed of them, he
was willing and determined to maintain
them. He denied that Southern Whigs pre
vented the organization of the House. North
ern Whigs had said, hy their votes on tins
floor, that this House should not be organized
without omitting or rejecting the 21st Rule.
The vote wes finally taken, and the resolu
tion of Mr. Stuart adopted—yeas 119—nays
193. Thus the 21st rule excluding abolition
memorials having been rescinded—the recep
tion of these memorials is postponed, for the
period of the extra session, by the adoption o*
a proposition restricting the business of the
House to the subjects embraced in tin mes
sage of the President.
As it. may be matter of interest to our read
ers to understand how the Delegation from
Georgia stood on the subject, we will state in
conclusion that Messrs. Dawson, Foster, Gam
ble, Habersham, Nosbit and VVarren, voted *for
the resolution of Mr. Stuart—-and. Messrs Al
ford, King and Meriwether against it.
Mr. Tyler and a Banx.— The Washing
ton correspondent of die Savannah Georgian)
under dale of June !sth, and whose letlei
will be lound on our first page, sa vs of Mr.
Tyler, that‘ ; he will not sign me Bank Charter
proposed by Mr. Ewing, under the title of
“Fiscal Agent,”—at least he has distinctly
said so to three Members of Congress, whose
words may be relied upon with confidence.”
If this be correct, what becomes of Mr.
Clay’s Bank B 11, in t he event of its passage?
“WHO ARE RESPONSIBLE.”
Under the above caption, tbe Richmond
Whig of the 22d of June thus concludes a
very boisterous article :
Once more, by these wily Loco gentry, the
House is thrown into the maelstrom,of an in
terminable Abolition debate. Monday week
another vote was taken, resulting in the adop
tion of Fornance's morion to reconsider, by a
majority of two out of t\>. o hundred and ten
votes—the Locos going in solid column for it.
Thus the Northern Locos, for party ends,
shifted sides and voted for the restoration of
a rule which they had just voted against. Can
their treacherous purpose be mistaken ! The
motive for this conduct is too obvious. It
evinces so clearly the anarchical designs of
the Van Buren minority, to resort to every
species of legislative trick to embarrass the
proceedings, protract the discussion, and de
feat the action of Congress upon tiie salutary
measures which would be brought up, that ice
have no hesitation in holding them responsible
for these wicked delays. Will not the nation ex
pel them the councils cf the country /
In the same paper, in a neighbouring col
umn, wo find the following among tho pro
ceedings of the House of Representative?.
Mr. Andrew Kennedy repelled the imputa
tion of the gentleman from Kentucky that tho
House was kept hi a slate of disorganization.
Let tho Whig majority of fifty leave this
House, and the Democratic party would show
that they had purity and principle enough leit
to organize this House.
Mr. Cushing accepted the imputation of the
gentleman from Indiana. It was the fault cf
the Whig party that legislation was not pro
gressed in. He was willing to proceed in the
business proposed for the action of this House
in the message of the President, under parlia
mentary law, under which Select Committees
can be appointed, to take into consideration
various subjects, of the message, and digest
them for the action of this House.
It. appears that the statements of the Whig
and Mr. Cushing do not harmonize. Whose
representations on the subject are to be cred
ited, those of the violent and unscrupulous
editor of the Richmond Whig—or those of
an individual equally decided in his party pre
ferences—an eye witness of the occurrences de
tailed—and who occupies a prominent and in
fluential position in the body of which lie is a
member !
From the ChurUston Courier. June 24.
BEAUTIES OF MODERN LEGISLATION.
We copy the following from a report in the
National intelligencer of certain proceedings
on Wednesday, in the lower house of Con
gress, to show up, iu real life, what is almost
hourly enacting among the political gladiators
of the day, in that degraded political bear gar
den,
Mr. Winthrop said that, if he had been
called upon to vote fifteen minutes ago, when
this question was first moved, he should cer
tainly have voted against it. He had raised a
point of order in relation to it at the outset.
And “e begged leave to say with ail due re
spect for the Chair, that he had not withdrawn
has appeal from the decision of the Chair, be
cause lie acquiesced in its correctness. It
was rather because he was unwilling to in
volve the House in another of those contro
versies on points of order which so much re
sembled certain controversies described bv
Milton ; where
- — ; Chaos sits umpire,
Anil by deeirtun mure embroils ihe iruy ;
— Next him, high arl/her,
Chance governs ail.”
But he had other objections, besides those
of order to the previous question at the pres
ent time. The honorable member from North
Carolina, who addressed the House for two or
three hours this morning, (-Mr. Rayner,) had
appealed repeatedly to the members from
Massachusetts to say how far they endorsed
the doctrines of their colleague, (Mr. Adams.)
Air. \Y. desired to have replied (as to his cer
tain knowledge did some others ot his col
leagues) that while he certainly dissented in
some respects from the doctrines of his ven
erable colleague, he dissented still more from
the doctrines of the gentleman from North
Carolina.
But, said Mr. W. when I reflect on the deep
disgacc to this nation, ami the even deeper
disappointment to the People, which will re
sult from any further exhibition in this House
of such scenes of disorganization and confu
sion t.s have been displayed here for a fortnight
past, I am unwilling to give any vote which
will defer for another hour, much less for an
other day, a decision upon the question before
us. I shall waive, therefore, all objections to
the motion, and go with my friends in its sup
port.
The question on the demand for the previ
ous question being then taken, there was a
second.
The main question was ordered to be tak
en.
Mr. Wise asked a division of the question
on the proposition of Mr. Rayner, to end with
the words, “until otherwise ordered.”
The Speaker said that, under the Parlia
mentary law, a majority of the House would
be required to order a division.
Air. Chapman asked the yeas and nays on
making the said div.sion ; which were order
ed, and being taken, were—yeas 89, nays
125.
So the House refused to order the division.
After some conversation—.
Mr. Rhett asked the yeas and nays on the
main question ; which were ordered.
And the main question (being on the amend
ment or substitute of Mr. Rayner) was then
taken.
Before the vote was announced—
Mr. Profit rose and said that there were
four gentlemen from the slaveholding States
who had manifested great anxiety on this sub
ject, and who would not vote. He should,
therefore, be put to the trouble of publishing
their names.
[Cries of “order, order.”]
[Note by the Reporter.—This list of names
was not furnished to the Reporter in time lor
publication in this day’s paper.]
The Speaker announced the vote to be as
follows : Yeas 90, nays 103.
So the amendment of dir. Rayner was re
ceived.
And question recurring on the original res
olution of Mr. Wise, as amended by the pro
position of Mr. Adams—.
Mr. Rayner moved to amend the same by
striking out all after the word “Resolved,” and
inserting the following:
“That the Rules and Orders of the last
House of Representatives be adopted as the
Rules and Orders ot this House, until other
wise ordered ; and that a committee of nine
members be appointed by the Speaker, under
the said rules, to reserve, amend, aud report
on the same.”
Air. Wise demanded the previous question.
Mr. Stanly saidthere had been trifling enough
already. lie moved to lay the resolution on
the table
Mr. Fillmore inquired of the Chair, what
would be the effect of the motion to lay on the
table, should it prevail .* Would it take the
whole subject with it?
The Speaker said it would.
Air. Fillmore. Then we shall be without
ruies.
Air. Stanly. Well, where are we now!
Air. Weller asked the yeas and nays on the
motion to lay the resolution on the table.
Various questions.of order wore raised, in
relation to which Alessrs. Underwood, Win
throp, Pendleton, Triplett, Wise, and Rayner
were severally on the floor.
Air. Stanly withdrew his motion to lay the
resolution on the table.
And the question recurring on the demand
for the previous question, there was a second.
And Ihe main question was ordered to be
taken.
Mr. Centry called for a division of the
question, first on striking out, then on insert
ing, &.C.
But Air. G. withdrew the motion.
Air. Stanly renewed it.
Mr. Turney asked the yeas and nays or.
making the division; which was refused.
And the question being taken, the House
refused to order the division.
And the ‘ question recurring on the main
question (being on striking out all after the
word “Resolved,” and inserting the proposition
of Air. Raynor)-
Air. Rhett asked the yeas and nays ; which
were ordered, and being taken, were yeas 194,
nays 197.
So the amendment of Air. Rayner was re
jected.
And the question again recurring on the
original resolution ox Mr. Wise as amended
by the proposition of Air. Adams, in the words
following:
Resolved, That a committee of nine mem
bers be appointed to revise, amend, and
report rules for the government of this
House, and that until such committee make
report, and ihe same be finally acted upon, the
ruies and orders of the last House of Repre
reseatatives, except the 21st, shall be consid
ered as the rules and orders of this House.
Air. Bods moved the previous question there
on.
And there was a second.
Air. Wise asked the yeas and nays on or
dering the main question, which were ordered,
and taken were yeas 111, nays 99.
So the House decided that the main ques
tion should bo now taken.
Air. Wise asked the yeas and nays on the
main question, which were ordered.
And the mam question being on the adop
tion of the original resolution) was then ta
ken.
Before the vote was announced, a number
of gentlemen rose and desired that their names
might be called.
Mr. Stanly wished to inquire of the Chair
whether these gentlemen were changing their
votes. If so, he should like to know it.
Air. Wise, Order. I call the gentleman
to order.
Mr. Stanly. I don’t care if you do.
[A voice/ Put him out.]
Mr. Staniy. Try it, boys.
[Loud cries of order—order.]
The Speaker called the House to order.
Mr. Stanly, i shall submit my inquiry to
the Chair, let who will call out order. Is it,
in order, Mr. Speaker, to ask if these gentle
men have changed their votes 1
[Great noise in the Hall.]
Messrs Wise and Gilmer called Mr. Stan,
]y to order.
‘Mr. Speaker said the gentleman from North
Carolina, (Mr. Stanly) had a right, to put an
inquiry to the Chair, if it was proper for in
formation.
Mr. Stanley. I inquire, then, whether these
gentlemen changed their votes ?
Mr. Wise. I ask the speaker if that inquiry
is in order!
The Speaker said it was not,
Mr Wise. Order.
Mr. Stanley. Order back again.
The Speakei called both gentlemen to or
der and then announced the votes Yeas
100, nays lit).
So the original resolution was rejected, the
House stood adjourned to where it did Monday
noon of May til ! A beautiful specimen in
modern legislation !
To the Elinors ut ihe National Intelligencer:
Washington, June 17, 1841.
Messrs. Gales & Seaton.—The Intelligen
cer of this morning, in giving a sketch oi trie
debate of yesterday upcu the propriety of the
previous question on Mr. Stuart’s proposition,
notices my request that a report of my repiv
to air. Marshall should be postponed, in order
that it might be accurate. Umoie I proceed tc
give an accurate report ol that reply, permit
me to say that the report of my reply to Mr.
Stuart is very, inaccurate and incomplete, that
Mr. Marshall’s remarks are “not acurately re
ported, and that the sketch oi the debate in that
part between Mr. Stanley and myself is very
incorrect. Mr. Stanley called me his person
al, anu not his political friend, ‘lor,’he said, ‘al
ter the. gentleman’s declaration a few minutes
since, (alluding to the reply to Mr. Marshall,)
I do not recognise him as a political friend
Ho said “I discia m him.” Aly reply to Air.
Stanley was, “l have nothing to do in tlia*
respect with the gentleman, for 1 have never
claimed him politically ” He then said he had
excommunicated me first.
Now niyreply to Air. Mar;hall wag tills:
“The gentleman told \is the other day that he
was accused at home of being an abolition.s .
Let no one be surprised then at his calling
me ultra on this subject. Again, sir, lie ac
cused some gentlemen of the bad motive to
make confusion in our proceedings from the
evidence of having changed their votes. Tins
cannot apply tome, for I have at no time ever
changed my vote. l>u f , sir, the gentleman
should have been cautious in laying tins trap
for the consciences of others, for by the same
evidence, he may be caught in his own trap.
The gentleman changed Ins votes.” [Here
Alr explained, by saying that he
alluded to those gentleman who after giving
their vote on one side of the same question,
changed to the other] Mr. Wise proceeded :
“ Now, sir, it so happened there were gentle
men on both sides who did this very thing;
and the gentleman himself*after voting for my
proposition at the beginning, changed in foj-ty
eight hours, and is now, as 1 consider, in op
position to his tivst vote. But, sir, 1 did not
intend to notice these points of the gentleman’s
remarks; there is something else of more im
portance which the gent.email said, and w inch
t desire notice. He said that ‘the present Pres
ident of the United States was elecleJ by the
act of God not by the voice of the not
at least, bv h.s constituents; that Kentucky
voted for Old Tip. All! sir, does Kentucky
look with a jaundiced eye upon the present
President of the United States! S,.r, it was
I who said that the present President ot the
United States was elected by the Constitution,
by voice of the People, and by the act ot God,
which no man lamented mere than 1 did. l)o
any now envy his position and his power?
Sir, the gentleman said, ‘lf there be any gen
tleman here who for any pu'pose desires to,
become ihegreat architect of mischief by-falling ;
back and becoming the leader of the enemy to j
create confusion, he ought to be counteracted
a; and put down-’ And now, sir, in reply, l have
to say, that if there be any gentlemen com
bined for the greatest of ail mischiefs, thecon
version of tho Whig party into the coalition
cf 1828—the palming again upon this country I
the union of Kentucky and Atassachusetis—- [
the union ct a name in th.s House (Air.
Adams) with that of another elsewhere, as
they and their friends were united, 1 tor one,
will hunt for republicans wherever lean find
them.”
The Intelligencer will please publish the
above by inserti-g this letter entire : with the
explicit declaration that my meaning was aid
is, ,i cordial concurrence in the sentiment ot
Mr. Cushing, that the Whig party should
unite in a sincere support ot the Administration
of John Tyler, and keep itself free from fac
tions inimical to that Administration. Hint
position 1 mean steadfastly to preserve ; and
am, very respectfully, yours,
HENRY A. WISE.
From the Richmond Enqimer. June -2.
CASE OF McLEOD.
We adopt the opinions which ‘‘Dinwiddle”
expresses. Wo consider Air. \\ ebstei s
course as cowering in its spirit; and his letter
to Air Fox, as touching new issues, which a
discreet Diplomatist ought to have avoided.—
Mr. Webster should have said only, that “ Air.
Forsyth had explained the true position of th
case, and that he was disposed to change it —
that McLeod was in the hands of the State
of New York, charged before her tribunals
with violating her laws, and that lie must
have hrai there, to the institutions ct’ Ids
country —that McLeod would have full justice
done him—and that the plea put in by Great
Britain, that the act was assumed by her Gov
ernment, would constitute a lair argument be
fore the Judiciary of New York, and would
have its due weight —that even if the Govern
ment of the United States had any right to
interfere with the legitimate authorities ot
Ne.v York, it could scarcely be induced lo
interfere, because of the continued evasion
of Great Britain to do justice, and because of
her present peremptory aqd unqualified de
mand for the surrender of McLeod,” &c., &c.
The course of Air. Webster, however, lias
been far otherwise, lie has repelled the de
mand cf Great Britain with no sort of digni
ty. He has manifested an indecent haste in
complying with her demand. The broad po
sition he has taken is untenable. The British
attack on tho Caroline was either an act o
war, or it was not. It it was an act ot war
upon us, (imperfect state of war, as Air. Rives
considers it,) then McLeod is a prisoner of
war, and ought to be held by us, until Great |
Britain had done us justice lor the attack.—
But if not .an act of war upon us on the pari
of Great Britain then McLeod is charged with
doing us an injury, in time of peace, tor which,
according to VaLlel and according to the laws
of New York, he ought to answer to the of
fended laws of our country.
There is another point in Air. Webster’s
course, which seems liable to strong doubts
and strong objections. Is it so certain, as his
instructions to Mr. Crittenden assume, that
a writ of error does lie fiom a judgment of
the State Courts, to the Supreme Court of the
U. S. in a criminal prosecution. l The highest
Court of Virginia has denied this jui-isdic
tion, even with reference to a civil suit. Is it
so certain then, that convict, adjudged guilty
of a flagitious crime against a Stale can be
wrested from tho penalty of his guilt, by the
strong arm of the Federal Judiciary ! Is not
the right to punish otfendeis against the civil
code, an attribute of sovereignty reserved to
the Stikcs?
We do not thirst for tha blood of McLeod.
Far from it. On the contrary, we hope
the man has told the truth to the British Con
sul—that he can sustain an alibi —and that
lie may be acquitted. But we have no idea ol
yielding one atom of our rights or cur reputa
tion to the peremptory demands of the most
arrogant nation in Christendom —a nation,
who will only increase her demands with every
new concession and every new success—and
who will assume now airs upon the faith oi
her recent victory over the miserable Chinese.
We should indeed carry out the maxim of Gen.
Jackson—“asking nothing but what was right,
submitting to nothing that is wrong”—a max
im, which has been so happily expressed in
another torm, by Mr. lyier *.
Correspondence ol the Savannah Georgian.
Washington; June 16.
It is said that Mr. Tyler has p amly indica
icd ins intention of being a candidate lor liie
Presidential Chair iri 1841, and i am led to
believe that there is some truth in the state
ment, from the contused slam the elements * I
the Whig party seem to be in at present.
Those who have heretofore been in the baba
ol’ leading their., are now regarded in the
biibtof followers, and the Stale of Kentucky
reigns triumphant in Loth Houses, as a dicta
tor to Mr. Tyler. Nor are hints and inuen
does forgotten by the Clayiles in allusion to
the ‘'accident” which placed the present in
cumbent in office—and 1 have beaid several
conspicuous Whigs openly declare that noth
ing could be expected from one who was
merely taken up as a blit for the South, to
lull Ihe slaveholders. The Conservatives,
100, whine at Mr. Talimadge’s ill luck, and
you will find a paragraph going the rounds,
praising his patriotism, Sac. for declining to be
considered a candidate a t the Harrisburg Con
vention lor Vice President—which, if he had
accepted, would have made him President.
This remark, I take it, is rather unkind to Mr.
Tyler.
Another Executive session of the Senate:
was held yesterday. Nothing ivasdone, save j
tiie reference (((’certain nominations to C>m-|
mil tees, which is the customary course. Af
ter they report, action is held on the confirm-’
alien or rejection oi the appoint munis. A
g iat many candidates for ufllee are about tbft
Capitol daily, and Consulships seem to be in
the greatest demand. F.pes Sergeant, a
youthful poetaster, who writes fulsome adula
tions of Mr. Tyler and his Cabine", and
stronu Whin letters tor a neutral paper, called
the “New World” in New York, has been
fawning on all the great men here for the last
six months, in order to get a Legationship or
something of the sort. New York, Philadel
phia, anil Boston furnish a host of this char*
acter if gentry —some of whom are nearly
out at tlie elbows, and may be seen daily at
Hotel poiticoes, looking
“Like patience 0:1 a monument.”
REMARKS OF MR. ALFORD,
ON RESCINDING THE 21ST RULE OF THE
HOUSF.
Air. Alford of Georgia hoped he should le
permited to submit the few re mark she wished
to offer, without interruption, particularly as
he meant to say what he had to say in the cool
est and most dispassionate manner. It had
been a rule with him throughout life, when
ever he considered himself as in imminent
danger personally or politically, to keep his
mind in as cool a state as possible. He hoped
the motion for the previous question would
not be sustained. It he rightly understood
the resolution offered by the gentleman from
Virginia, [Mr. Stuart,] the rules of order were
not left by it in as safe condition, as they had
been by the resolution of the gentleman from
Maryland on his right, [Air. W. C. Johnson.]
He wished to know whether it was the
understanding of the Chair and of the House
that, by this resolution, the 21st rule of order
was excluded !
Mr. Stuart replied that the gentleman from
Georgia must judge for himself whether that
rule would Le excluded or not, because he must
judge lor himself what had been adopted by
the House a the present si ss on. A. r Ssr ■
solution proposed that all rules adopted by the
last Congress should remain in force save so
much ol tnem as was superseded by the action
of the House at the present session. He
would read the resolution, that the gentleman
might judge of its import. (Here Air. S. read
the resolution moved by him] For himsalf,
lie considered the 21st rule us having been
thus superseded.
Air. Alfor 1 resumed. Then I consider it
my most solemn duty to oppose the proposi
tion of the gentleman from Yiiginia. It is my
sworn duty. I have once pledged myself to
my constituents, under oath and I could not
forego this couisq though the dome of this
Capuul should crumble on my head. I can
accept of no compromise. 1 shall be
satisfied with nothing short of an act of the
House absolutely rejecting the resolution. I
hope the House will not organize itself until
this matter is settled. I trust t hat every man
whose heart is true to the South and who has
supported the resolution of the gentleman from
Miijylaac!, never, will yield one inch until the
A.h rule shall have been re-established. I
hold it to be of all questions the most vitally
important, What was the condition of things
when I came here 1 That 21st rule had been
established by a vote of the House—the ques
tion of Abolition had died.
Air. Everett, here called Mr. Alford to order,
observing that he could not debate the main
question after tho previous question had been
moved.
The Chair decided that Mr. Alford must con,
fine iiiiuseli to remarks on the previous ques-*
tion.
Mr. Alford. Very well; I know perfectly
that if that gentleman had power over me I
should not proceed at all. 1 frankly confess
that ali I hope for is suspended on the expec,
tationthat ihe South will stand firm and con
sent to no compromises ; that those who sup
ported the resolution of the gentleman from
Maryland will slick to their integrity, and not
assent to any of this palelnvoik. We stand
here isolated and alone on the sure and stable
rockoi S .ate Rights. i hope we shall not-throw
ourselves into ihe arms of either party, and
„hat I shall never see the glory and honor of
the constitutional rights of my country con-,
verted into a football for mere party play.
But they r have been made such. Whenever
the South lias given way, Southern rights
have been sacrificed. Here are gentlemen on
both sides declaring their assent that abolition
petitions shall Le received,
Now, I say that if you exclude the 21st rule
it is nothing to us that you grant us a short
respite during the extra session of this most
extraordinary Congress. What! shall wo
submit to accept of a resolution which tells us
that Abolition memorials may be received m
future after a short respite of a few weeks ?—=
Is that the compromise proposed to us? And
shall we be satisfied because we are told wo
may rest quiet for Jt moment ? What is tho
language it addresses to the South ? “ Judg
ment is gone against the Constitution, and
udgment of deat h is gone against y-ou, but lo
perfectly quiet, you shall not he executed un,
il next session : we are going to give away
the public lands, lo establish a Bank, and to
extend tho tariff, ar.d if you work well in the
fills you may live to-day bqt to-morrow you
die. Let this 21st rule be rescinded, let the
blood of the Constitution flow round your
feet; let it perish, and all Southern rights with
ifisldlyou shall have peace fora moment; and
can you reject tins? No gentlemen suppose
we are going to submit. Now is the day and
now is the hour—it is with the South tho
darkest hour of all, and if there is one singlo
man that lias the soul of his fathors in him, ho
will stand firm to tire death.
From the London and Paris Ladies’ Mrg;*ic of
Fasliio i.
FASHIONS FO.I JFNE,
Fourlards are very fashionable this season,
and seem quite to replace the moufselines do
laine; they are chines, the taffetas de
chine is a.so a most useful material, and is
made in stripes and various patterns, and
shades of every color ; watered silks are also
very fashionable. Muslins and organdy are
ornamented with inlets and embroidery en ta
blier or echelle. lledingotos of muslin are
also much ornamented by inlets. With these
dresses the sleeves ate of modeiate fulness
j with deep wristbands ; the make of sleeves
depends on the material; there are three styles
principally used : if of silk or thick material
they are tight, tbe top variously ornamented j
for muslin or light material, the demi gigots
and the Altadis are used. The redingoto form
lot body and the tight half-high corsage are
! very fashionable for morning wear; in eve
i iiing dress the corsage grand’ mere, corsage a
Ila Niobe and ala Yierge. Flounces, tucks,
! b'.ais, ruches, gimp trimming, also vary with
! the material.
For walking dresses, scarfs or tail etas giaces
of light colors have three folds on the shoul
ders', and hack confined by hands qt gimp.
-Muslin scarfs are withembroider.es a jours, or
with inlets. Black lace -carls are lashtonable,
! as also those of filet.
Fichus and cannezousarc very much worn ,
1 some arc with short sleeves, and form a pretty
finish to a silk dress. Summer mantele's of
I „:.,k or blue Jevantine glace with white and
lined taffetas, are trimmed all round with pink
i and white gimp, and fringes of the same color.
; Mantelets of embroideted muslin are lined
with pink and trimmed with lace, and those
of lilac poult de sole are lined with white, and
embroidered in white silk with cordeiieres of
white and lilac.
In bonnets all the lighter materials are now
in requisition, crapes, tulles, lace, organdy,
tissue de soie, &c. &c.; paille, pink, blue and
white are the favorite colors, and feathers in
various styles, with flowers, are the lavorite
trimmings. The capote form is still very gen
eral, but the fronts are not quite so round as
they have hitherto been worn ; they partakg
more of aa oval form.