Newspaper Page Text
“the Nomination of Gen. Washington
to be Commander-in-chief of the American
A KM y.—The Troy Whig savs that there is a
Very prevalent error existing in this country
as to the individual member of the Continental
Congress who nominated George Washington
to be Commander-in-chief of the American
Army —the honor of that nomination having
been almost universally ascribed to John Ad
ams of Massachusetts ; while it in reality be
longs to Thomas Johnson of Maryland, who
soon after signalized his patriotism by hasten
ing from civil life with a body of Maryland
troops, to join the army during its retreat
through New Jersey, and who, as a just tri
bute to his virtues and talents, was elected
the first Governor of his native State.
The evidence on which this statement rests
is found in the following extract from a letter
written by John Adams himself to Col. Pick
ering, dated August 6th, 1822. After giving
an account of his going to Philadelphia, in
1775, in company with Cushing, Samuel Ad
ams and Paine, “four poor pilgr.rns,” Mr. Ad
ams says:
Th°y were met at Frankfort by Dr. Rush,
Mr. Milflin, Mr. Bayard, and others, who desir
ed a conference, and particularly cautioned
not to lisp the word “independence.” They
added, you must not come forward with any
bold measure; you must not pretend to take
the lead ; you know Virginia is the most popu
lous State in the Union ; they are very proud
Os their ancient dominion, as they call it; they
have a right to take the lead, and the South
ern States and middle States are too much
disposed to yield it to them.
This was plain-dealing, Mr. Pickering ; and
I must confess, that there appeared so much
wisdom and good sense in it, that it made a
deep impression on my mind, and it had .an
equal effect on all my colleagues. This con
versation, and the principles, tacts, and motives
suggested in it, have given a color, complexion,
and character to the whole policy of the Uni
ted States from that day to this. Without
it, Mr. Washington would never have com
manded our armies, nor Mr. Jefferson have
been the author of the Declaration of Indepen
dence, nor Mr. Richard Henry Lee the mover
of it, nor Mr. Chase the mover of dissolving
foreign connexions.
“If I ever had cause to repent of any part
of this policy, that repentance ever has been,
and ever will be, unavailing. I had forgot to
say, nor had Mr. Johnson ever been the nomin
ator of Washington for General .”
McLeod remanded to Niagara for trial.
—The New York Herald, and New York Sun,
Extra, of the 13th, bring us the opinion and
decision of the Supreme Court of New York
in the case of McLeod. The Habeas Corpus
is refused, and the prisoner remanded to Ni
agara county for trial.
The Herald says:
Judge Cowan delivered the Opinion. It is
learned and powerful, and dirgetstbat McLeod
be remanded to Niagara for trial according
to law.
The consequences of this decision will be
fearful but honorable. It establishes the su
premacy of the laws, over the threats of a for
eign government. It is now highly probable
that the British Minister will demand his
passports, and return immediately to England.
Let us all prepare for the worst. —Charles-
ton Mercury, 17th inst.
Obituary. —Two of our oldest and most
respected fellow-citizens have been taken
from among us, since the close of the last
week—lsaac Lawrence, Esq, and Dr. Win.
James M’Neven. Mr. Lawrence was emi
nent as a merchant, and was long president of
the United States Branch Bank in this city.
His age was about seventy four years. Dr.
M’Neven also was eminent in the medical
profession, and not less so by his estimable
character; while a peculiar interest attached
to him as one of the companions of Emmett
in the attempted revolution of Ireland, long
years ago, and in the subsequent imprison
ment and exile with which that attempt was
punished. Dr. M‘Neven‘s years were almost
eighty.
This day also we have to record the death
of Mrs. Hosack, widow of the late Dr. David
Hosack. —National Intelligencer.
The Flag of Repeal—was raised on the sth,
by the gallant Democracy of the Old Bay
State. At the town of Oxford, Worcester
county, Massachusetts, there W&s a glorious
celebration. The Oration was delivered by
Mr. Hallett, of Boston, who warmly urged the
right and duty of repealing the Bank Charter,
should the Consolidationists in Congress suc
ceed in passing it; and at the dinner, the sen
timent “ let them charter, and we will un
charter” was repeatedly given and responded
to with unanimous enthusiasm. —Charleston
Mercury.
Appointments by the President— By
and with the advice and consent of the Sen
ate.
Elisha M. Huntington, Commissioner of
the General Land “Office of the United
States*.
Philip R. Fendall, Attorney of the United
States lor the District of Columbia.
postmasters.
Solomon Van Rensselaer, Albany, N. Y.
James Rees, Geneva, N. Y.
Wm. Stevens, Newark, N. J.
Joseph M. Moore, Indianapolis, la.
Sami. H. Jenks, Nantucket, Mass.
Asher Bobbins, Newport,U. I.
Wm. H. Harrison Taylor, Cincinnati, O.
Benj. W. GaOse, Tallabasse, Fa.
Jno. G. Miller, Columbus, O.
Jonas M. Wheeler, Canandaigua, N. Y.
Geo. Wm. Gordon, Boston, Mass.
James W. Coburn, Maysville, Ky.
Keel and Tyner, Macon Ga.
Sylvanusß. Lyman, Portland, Me.
George Hall, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Thomas Finley, Baltimore, Md.
David Agnew, Wheeling, Va.
Jacob Alricks, Wilmington, Del*
Charles Troxell, Reading, Penn.
Charles Martin,Chillicothe, O.
Caleb Foote, Salem, Mass.
Henry B. Stacey, Burlin ton, Vt.
Wm. Collins, Steubenville, O.
Addley H. Gladden, Columbia, S. C.
John Wall, Winchester, Va.
James H. Turner, New London, Conn.
Sami. Gookin, Portsmouth, N. H.
Liverpool, England. The census of
Liverpool has just been taken. Thepopula
-lion of one of the sixteen wards, Vauxhall,
amounted to 25,437— 0f this population only
600, were parliamentary voters. The whole
population of the borough would probably be
between 350,000 and 400,000 souls.
The Charleston Patriot says, “Among the
the acts recently passed by the Congress of
Texasis one actually in the Statue Book, viz;
.?/ Jlct authorising the President to set on
foot a corps of mounted Gunmen.”
It ought to be entitled “an act to author
ise the President to lower [not to raise, as the
phraseology generally tuns,] a corps of dis
mounted diagoons.”
[N. Y. Courier St Enquirer.
Splendid Vase.— The vase designed to be
presented bv the citizens of Augusta to our
Ex-Mayor, A. Cumming, as a testimony of
their gratitude for his government of the city
during the memorable epidemic of 1539, a
description of which we sometime since ex
traded from a Boston paper, reached this
city yesterday evening. Asa specimen of j
art it is unsurpassed by any thing ol the k nd
we ever saw, whether it be regarded for the
classic purity of the model, or tiie beauty of
ihe workmanship and is aline worthy *the
donors and the distinguished and worthy re
cipient of so durable and lasting a monu
ment of his well earned fame as Chief Exec
utive Officer of the —Augusta Sentinel,
July 10. i
THE TIMES.
The union of the states and the sovereignty of the slates
COLUMBUS, JULY 22, 1841.
FOR GOVERNOR,
Charles j. McDonald.
GEORGIA—A NATIONAL HANK.
We referred last week, to a letter addressed
to the Columbus Enquirer, by the Hon. Julius
C. Alford, a member of Congress from this
State, in which Mr. Alford declared his inten
tion to vote for a “fair Bank Charter*’ and not
“a sou! one”—in short, that he was “in favor
of Mr. Tyler’s plan”—by which we understand
the Honorable gentleman to mean the projet
submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury,
the distinguishing feature of which is, that the
j assent of the States is required to the estab
lishment of Branches, as we are yet unapprised
that Mr. Tyler is specially identified with any
plan on which to found a National Bank. A
bout the period of the date of the letter to the
Enquirer, Mr. Alford, in some remarks we
believe on the Distribution Bill, stated that his
constituents sent him to Congress to make a
Bank.
We propose to submit briefly some of the
reasons which bring us to a different conclu
sion from that adopted by Mr. Alford, relative
to the sentiments of a majority of the people
of Georgi on the question of a National Bank.
We are quite certain that Mr. Alford will
perceive, when he recurs to the incidents of
the last political campaign; (the application of
oyr remarks is restricted to the limits of this
State,) to the train of argument almost inva
riably employed by the opponents of the late,
and the supporters of the existing Administra
tion during that campaign ; and to the various
and multiplied reasons presented to the peo
pie in favor of a change of rulers—that he
has stated the case too strongly—and that it
would be difficult for the shrewdest and most
impartial observer of all the circumstances
connected with the late Presidential election,
and that induced a change of Government, to
recognize in the result, the establishment or
annunciation of any principle or wish, other
than the desire to prostrate Mr. Van Buren,
and the more prominent statesmen identified
with his Administration, and gratification at
its successful accomplishment. These were
the only two points on which the Whig party
of Georgia was unanimous. Each and every
member of that party did desire the prostra
tion of Mr. Van Buren, and was gratified at
the consummation of his desire. Unanimity
thus far, is beyond question or dispute. By
these declarations we do not wish or intend to
be understood as saying or implying that
most, if not ail of the members of the Whig
party did not entertain distinctive opinions on
tiie leading subjects of national policy, hut
so entirely dissimilar were these opinions, so
totally and radically variant, that it was early
foreseen that any attempt to harmonize and
reconcile them, would only be “making war
with beJlapi”—and that the contest, to ensure
union without which success would be unat
tainable, must be waged on one ground, and
one alone, opposition to the late President, and
the eminent men connected with him in the
Administration of the Government. In this
particular, the universal Wiiig party could
agree, and in this particular, very much to the
detriment, as we believe, of correct principles
of Government, they did agree.
If we are correct in our statement, or only
partially so, of the issue made before the peo
ple, is not the declaration of Mr. Alford too
broad, unsustained in its full extent by the
occurrences of the late election, that the peo
ple of Georgia sent him to Congress to make
a Bank. Is it within the recollection of the
Whigs themselves that the question presented
to the people by their organs, was Bank or
no Bank 1 Was it, indeed, among the princ.i
pal questions agitated in that controversy by
the advocates of Gen. Harrison 1 What Whig
press in Georgia urged, before the election,
the establishment of a Nat.onal Bank l In
deed what, and how many of the Whig presses
in this State have even yet displayed their
colors on this subject 1 Did the Columbus
Enquirer, one of the most acrid and violent op
the Harrison prints in Georgia, perhaps the
most so, did it say one word in favor of a Na
tional Bank—evince the slightest partiality
for such an Institution, until long subsequent
to the election, and before the commencement
of the present extra session of Congress 1
Has the Southern Recorder, one of the lead
ing, perhaps the leading press of the Whig
party, located at the capitol of the State, and
accessible to correct sources of information
as to the condition of public opinion on sub
jects of general interest, has it even to this
moment, uttered one syllable in favor of the
establishment of a Bank! Have the Georgia
Journal, the Macon Messenger, the Athens
Whig and the Washington News, influential
Whig prints, and embracing nearly the whole
number in the State—have they, or any cf
them, expressed an open and decided prefer
ence fora National Bank, or, in courtly phrase,
a Fiscal Agent ! Is this silence unintention
al, merely accidental! By no means. It
grows out of the fact that as the last election
(so l'ar at least as this State is concerned,) de
cided no other question than opposition to
Mr. Van Buren—doubts still exist, and serious
doubts, whether the State Rights or Whig
party has abandoned or intends to abandon the
opinion of the unconstiturionality of a JJank,
which it has heretofore, and for so long a pe
riod, so resolutely and pertinaciously main
tained. These doubts well may exist, be
cause the Presidential controversy was not so
conducted, at least in Georgia, as to settle
that question.
The speeches which were made to public
assemblages, to “ mighty conventions of the
people” during the pendency of the contest,
what said they, what their tone and tendency?
Did they submit the issue of Bank or No
Bank 1 While inveighing in the bitterest
terms against the financial policy of Mr. Van
Buren, did they propose a Bank of the United
States as the o)ih/, or even as the proper sub
stitute for the Sub-Treasury ! The truth is,
and it ca mot be disguised, that the orators,
candidates and presses of the Whig party
were afraid to narrow the controversy to the
single and distinct question of Bank or No
Bank. We repeat it, they were af raid to risk
the result on that issue. Besides, what were
the long standing and well known opinions of
the candidates before the people of Georgia,
at the last election, both for Congress and the
Legislature, on this question of Bank! Opin
ions which had not been withdrawn, or even
modified, and that, in many instances, were
reiterated during the political contest cf which
we are speaking, in all their original force and
pertinacity ! Did not the Hon. Thomas F.
Foster, state over and over again, in the hear
ing of almost every individual in this City*
and doubtless wherever he went, that, in his
opinion, Congress had not the constitutional
power to charter a Bank ! Were not the
opinions of his colleagues Messrs Meriwether,
King and Nesbit, explicit on the same side,
as evidenced by their votes in the Legislature,
and their former written declarations to the
people ! Was any one authorized to declare
for Messrs. Alford, Dawson, Gamble and
Warren, that they, or either of them, were
friendly to the establishment of a National
Bank, or did any one venture so to declare at
any period previous to the first Monday in Oc
tober last ? In short, was not Mr. Habersham
the only individual of the whole nine, selected
by the Whig party ol Georgia, to represent
its views and interests in Congress, who had,
in open and unequivocal terms, expressed his
intention to vote for a Bank ! If, therefore,
the declaration of Mr. Alford be correct, that
his constituents sent him to Congress to make
a Bank, it is very certain that strange instru
ments were selected for this purpose, in the’
persons of Messrs. Foster, Nesbit, Meriwether
and King. But let us bring the subject nearer
home, within the limits of Muscogee county,
for we presume the contest here was not un
like that in other sections of the State, and
how was it conducted here! llow did the
Whig party of Muscogee county manage this
question of Bank or No Bank ! Most admi
rably it must be admitted, when the facts are
stated. Well—in the first, place, it sent Mr.
Alfbrd (uncertain) and various Bank, anti-
Bank, and non-committal men to Congress.—
Next —it sent Col. Holt, anti Bank (after the
Presidential election, and when there was no
motive for concealment or equivocation if the
Whig party were really for a Bank) to Con
gress where the question was to be settled —and
it sent Dr. Chipley (a thorough and undis
guised Bank man) to the Legislature, where
his votes on die subject icould be of no avail. —
As we have heard so much of the unity of
sentiment, and feeling of the Whig party we
can adduce another illustration of its truth, in
the persons of these gentlemen (Messrs. Holt
and Chipley.) We beg them to understand
that we are using their names or opinions in
no invidious sense, but simply to exemplify
in their persons the remarkable consistency
and identityof this Whig party. The Whig par
ty claims to be the exclusive State rights party.
That the late honorable member of the Legisla
ture is not equally with the late honorable mem
ber of Congress, a State Rights man, we shall
by no means controvert; but then as to Slate
remedies—have they ever compared notes ?—
Here’s the rub ! And how, we beg to know,
does the former harmonize with his friends of
the Columbus Enquirer, whose principal, in.
deed, almost insuperable object ion to Mr
VVebster, a few weeks since, was, that he was
not like as they are —a straight out Nullijier l
But we are digressing from the subject.
We set out to show tiiat Mr. Alford was not
sustained in the declaration that the people of
Georgia, or the Whig party entire which com
posed at the late election a majority of that
people, sent him to Congress to make a Bank.
That we have succeeded in the undertaking*
we are willing to leave to the unbiassed de
cision of any impartial observer of all the inci
dents attending the late political campaign. It
may, perhaps, not be amiss to mention that of
all the gentlemen who spoke to the Whig
party, in this section, whether candidates or
not, but one only, as we recollect, avowed an
open and decided preference for a National
Bank as both constitutional and
and that one, the late honorable member of
the Legislature to whom we have already
alluded. Although v/e had not the pleasure
of listening to his remarks more than once,
or twice at the farthest, during the canvass,
yet we think we are authorized to state tlia t
the Bank topic was, even with him, subordi
nate to that of the odiousness of the Sub-
Treasury ; the despotism of the Army Bill’;
the awful corruption and dishonesty of our
late rulers ; proscription for opinion’s sake ;
and that fearful and certain forerunner of direct
taxation—the census of the Turkies and the
Ducks. Did we say proscription {or opinion’s
sake was alleged as one of the unpardonable
sins of the late Administration ! In mercy to
the feelings of those by whom this argument
was used in favor of the substitution of the
present, for the late Executive, we ought, per
haps, to preserve silence ; especially as the
former lias adopted, and is now carrying out*
in all its length and breadth, the motto that
“to the victors belong the spoils.”
Conjecturing that there might, possibly be
something in the action of the last Legislature
to authorize the declaration of Mr. Alford, we
have referied to the Journals of the Senate
and House of Representatives to see what
action took place in either or both branches
on the subject of a National Bank—although
we cannot imagine how any proceedings of a
State Legislature can be considered as a cer
tain criterion of the sentiments of the people,
on a question which cannot possibly be made
the subject of State legislation, and that had
nothing to do in the sel ction of State Repre
sentatives. A cursory examination of the
Journals, however, shows that the action of
the Legislature on this subject, indecisive and
unintelligible though it may be, does not war
rant the conclusion that a majority of the Le
gislature were in favor of a National Bank, or
believed that the people of Georgia desired
such an Institution.
By reference to the Senate Journal it will
be seen that Mr. Dunagan, on the 4th of No
vember, introduced a resolution declaring that
a “National Bank of any description whatev
er” ought not to be chartered. On the 25th
of November Mr. Dunagan called up his res
olution. Mr. Gordon and Mr. Smead offered
amendments, both recognizing the constitu
tionality and expediency of a National Bank-
Mr. Jones, at the same time, submitted in lieu,
eet of resolutions, one of which declared
*’ that the power to charter a Bank, or any
other corporation , is not granted to Congress
by the Constitution.”
On the 26th of November the resolutions
of Mr. Jones were taken up, when Mr. Mil
ler and Mr. Calhoun introduced amendments,
bo.h recognizing the power of Congress to
chirtier a Bank. On the 27th of November
the resolutions and amendments on the sub
je<t of a Bank coming up, the resolutions of
M\ Jones were adopted. Yeas 43, nays 38-
Oi the 28th of November it was moved to
reconsider the vote by which the resolutions
of Jr. Jones were adopted. For reconsifiera
tioi the vote stood yeas 37, nays 42. No
farrier action on the subject of a National
Bank took place in the Senate until the close
of the session, and then induced by resolutions
of tKd other Branch.
The House Journal shows that on the sth
of November Mr. Flournoy, of Washington,
introduced resolutions declaring simplyagainst
the Sub-Treasury, without recommending a
Bank.
On the 10lh of November, Mr. Chipley, of
Muscogee, intioduced a resolution declaring
that a Bank of the United States is constitu
al, &l expedient ind “proper, and necessary to
the permanent velfare and prosperity of the
people of the U. States.”
On the 20th of November the preamble and
resolutions of Mr Flournoy, and the resolu
tion of Mr. Chipley coming up, Mr. Toombs
moved to substitut? in their stead resolutions
by him then presented. The resolution of
Mr. Toombs having reference to a National
Bank is in the following words. We insert
it entire on account of its peculiar phraseol
ogy, and direct the attention of the reader to
that portion 6f it embraced in italics :
“And be it further resolved, That in the
opinion of this General Assembly, a Bank of
the United States, properly regulated and
guarded, is the best, most proper and econo
mical means, which can be devised for the col
lection, safe-keeping, and disbursement k of the
public monies: And while many of us, yield
ing to the convictions of our own judgments,
and the concurrent authority of the Executive,
Legislative, and Judicial Departments of the
Government, from its formation, with a slight
interval, up to the time of the second election
of General Jackson, and to the wisdom and
patriotism of George Washington, James Mad
ison, and their illustrious compeers, believe
that Congress does possess the constitutional
power to charter a Bank —yet we believe it in
dispensable to the financial prosperity of the
country and happiness of the people, that that
question should be settled by an amendment of
the. Constitution , before such a power is excis
ed by Congress.”
If the above resolution were adopted how
was it expected to operate ou public opipion !
Os whdYforce and effect would it have been!
The Constitution must be amended before the
power is exercised. ‘1 his course is “indispen
sable to the financial prosperity of the country,
and happiness of the peopled’ Well, what was
done with the resolution of Mr. Toombs drawn
even in this negative firm ! Negative did
we say ; it is positive calling for an amend
ment of the Constitution. Why, a motion
was made that the whole subject, including
the resolutions of Messrs. Flournoy, Chipley
and Toombs, “be indefinitely postponed,” and
the vote stood, yeas 83, nays 82. What in
ference is to be deduced from these proceed
ings, in both branches, other than that the
Legislature, unapprised of the wishes of the
people, was extremely unwilling to meddle
with the question t More conclusive still, is
not the inference fairly deducible from the re
fusal of the House to consider the resolution
-of Mr. Toombs, which really amounted to noth
ing more than A recommendation to amend the
Constitution, that the members of the House
Were inclined to the belie f that a majority of
the people were averse to the establishment
of a Bank, no!, simply on the ground of uncon
stitutional ity, but for reasons connected with
the Bank itself —e’sc why object to the reso
lution of Mr. Toombs which asked, not for a
Bank, but for an amendment of the Constitu
tion authorizing a Bank !
Farther on in the Journal we perceive that,
on the 21st November, a motion was made to
reconsider the Whole subject and it was re
considered ; yeas 90, nays 79. On the 14th
December Mr. Flournoy, of Washington,
moved to make the subject tbs special order
of the da}*, on a day not distant. The House
refused ; yeas 85, nays 94. No farther action
was had on the subject in the House untii the
22d December, when the resolutions of Mr.
Jones, adverse‘to a Bank, which had before
passed the Senate, and to which we have al
ready alluded,., were sent to the House for
concurrence. When the House took up these
resolutions sent from the Senate, Mr. Chip
ley, on the alert, and watching a favorable op
portunity to pass his resolution, which has
been already stated, moved to substitute it in
lieu of the one of Mr. Jones, adverse to a Bank,
and succeeded in his object. His amendment
prevailed ; yeas 74, nays 64.
Under what circumstances, we ask even
the mover himself, did the amendment of Mr-
Chipley prevail! Was a fair expression of
the sense of the House of Representatives
obtained ! only 138 out of 200 members pres
ent —more than a third absent. Have we not
a right to infer from what had previously oc
curred in the House on the same subject
from its refusal to adopt even the resolution of
Mr. Toombs that if there* had been a full
House, the resolution of Mr. Chipley could
not have passed ! Indeed, is not this abso
lutely certain f The result of our examina
tion of the Journals of the two Houses is this:
that, in a full Senate, resolutions adverse to
a Bank were adopted, a;id in a lud House,
notwithstanding repeated efforts to adopt Bank
resolutions or quasi Bank resolutions, they’
were uniformly unsuccessful.
A* the correspondent of the Columbus En
quirer, over the signature of “Giovanni, ’ in
timates an intention to again address the Pub
lic, will he be kiifd'enough lo state whether
he re all v designs to say tint the great ten
dency of the “schools and literary and scien
tific associations” of the age. “is to Infidelity.”
This is a sweeping charge, and we wish to
understand distinctly the meaning of the wri
ter.
In another place, in the same communica
tion, the writer says that “ajudicious and
vigilant christ iau education is the only anti
dote against the tendencies to Jacobinism and
civil misrule, that so fearfully characterize
the age.” Is any aliusion here made to either
of the two political parties now existing in this
country 1 Will the writer please to be more
explicit in his next paper.
The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday, in
an article headed ‘‘The Next Legislature,” is
evidently alarmed at the political prospect
ahead. It is calling up its friends to stand by,
and to prevent us from taking charge ot the
ship of State, in all its parts, Well may it
be alarmed, so utterly and totally has the par
ty to which the Enquirer is attached, failed to
fulfil even a tithe of the promises made during
the last summer. Look at the tax law, and
the course pursued towards the Central Bank,
and tell the people what kind of relief and re
form you have given to them.
But the beauty of the article is where the
Enquirer speaks of its desire “to prevent the
recurrence of those scenes of high political
excitement which have alienated the affec
tions of the people-— corrupted their morals —
and turned their attention from the true inter
ests of the country, to the mere fortunes of a
party”—why not say to the mere exhibition
“of travelling Orators—ballad singers—fid
dlings and revelries”—to cider barrels and coon
skins with which you run after us, and run us
down?
But the “Olive branch” has been offered —
and “yet no generous response is given.” On
this matter of generosity we have a word to
say: Does the Enquirer recollect the exhi
bition made in the streets of this city on the
day after the last annual election? Was
there any evidence of generosity to a fallen
foe in that extraordinary combination of living
things and dead —which were paraded in the
streets-of log cabins and cider barrels and coon
skins, and “every creeping thing thatcreepeth
on the earth, and that is in the waters under
the earth!” In that extraordinary and unique
exhibition, dees the Enquirer recollect the
steam boat yawl on the wheels of a stage
coach-—and the gentlemen sealed in ill We
recoleclit well—and when these gentle
men descended and retreated from it* never*
never, have we seen the truth of the saying
so vividly exemplified—“that it is hut’s step
from the sublime to the ridiculous.”
We stood it however like men, trusting
that the days of political delusion would be
few and short—that the people misled by the
prevailing delusions of the times—warmed by
passion—and enlivened by collision—who had
been encouraged by the dangerous influence
of first impressions,and hadyieldedto the cur
rent of abuse which had been impelled from its
source by the convulsions of disappointed am
bition —would soon awaken to an accurate and
impartial examination of the circumstances
by which they were surrounded—escape from
the labyrinth artfully prepared to perplex them
—and again embark in the support of those
genuine principles of freedom which achieved
the independence of the country, and the po
litical revolution of 1800.
That period is evidently dawning upon the
Enquirer, or it would not so earnestly expos
tulate with its political friends, “ to be up and
doing.” We are glad, too, to hear from the
Enquirer that our prospects of success are so
flattering—from one who, during the summer,
has had such “unusual opportunities” of wit
nessing the spirit and vigor of the Democracy.
But, how is it possible for the Enquirer to
offer the “olive branch” to the Democracy, to
be willing to act with them even remotely 1
One of two things is certain—either that the
Enquirer is willing to consort with rogues, or
that its repeated and public declarations, pre-
vious lo the late election, were insincerely
umJo to pftprf, improperly what could not be
done by the emplovment of honorable and fail
means. Has the Enquirer examined its files
recently to see what it said, in the six months
preceding the first Monday of last October, of
the party to which it now offers “ the olive
branch !” An offer which it has the effron
tery to state it did not suppose would be
made in vain.
The democracy will, we presume, take the
field on their own hook, and, as we remarked,
a week or two since, intend to show what can
be done, when “ reason is left free to combat
error.”
THE EAST LEGISLATURE—THE TAX
LAW.
As tho people were promised such lasting
and substantial benefits from the action of the
last Legislature, we desire to ask the majority,
in both Branches, how they suffered a tax law,
of the kind and description now in force, to
be adopted—increasing the tax one hundred
pe<- cent over that of the preceding year. Was
there any necessity for this exorbitant increase?
Bv reference to the report of the Finance
Committee in the Senate, last fall, we perceive
that the receipts into tlie Treasury, last year,
were $>599,512 85—and that the expenditures,
for the same time, were $5598,087 77, leaving
an unexpended balance in favor of the State
of $90,527 08. How and in what way were
the public expenses so much raised this year
as to require this extraordinary increase ?
Will the members from this county who, with
one exception, sustained this law throughout,
give the reasons, if any, which justify a tax
act like the present? But, admitting that
there was some slight necessity ler an in
crease, of which however we have yet seen no
evidence—was one hundred per cent addition
al required ? And if not —il such an increase
could, by any possibility, have been avoiued
ought it not to have been deterred until, at
least, the people were easier, and the currency
of the State improved ?
And then the kind of money prescribed to
be received for taxes —tho notes of specie
paying Banks, and of the Central Bank on!}
are receivable at the Treasury. Did not the
Legislature know that with the resumption
law upon the Banks requiring them, in their
disabled condition, to withdraw their notes |
from circulation, if they expected or desired j
to sustain themselves —and with its action
upon the Central Bank, it would be difficult
almost impossible for the people to command
the proper funds to liquidate their taxes ?
This is the case already—great inconvenience
is now arising in consequence of the search}
of specie paying notes and Central Bank notea
—and if the Legislature, or the majority v. ho
passed this law, did not foresee this state of
things why then to what credit for foresight are
they entitled ?
We design next week to discuss this matter
in full, from the Journals of the Legislatuie,
and it is time for the late members from this
county to brush up their armour , as v\e intend
to exemplify in their legislative acts the beau
ties and the benefits of that refunn promised
last year both in the National and our &tcue
Legislature.
The Central Bank too— Have tney aided
the people, or accomplished the promised re
form, by prostrating that Institution ! I here
is something besides in relation to the regula
tion of precincts in this county to which we
desire respectfully to invite their attention.
For what purpose, and to subserve what object.
were the people of llalloca and'Glenn’s Dis
trict deprived of their regular places of voting 1
Will the lion. Mr. Sapp inform the good peo
ple of that section of the county ? Although
we have no disposition to impose unnecessary
or irksome duty in the heat of summer, (and
such heat as we have had recently has not of
ten been experienced here,) yet the Journals
of the last Legislature show the propriety and
absolute necessity of explanation on the part
of the majority, and as the members from this
county formed a part of that majority, we de
sign to address our queries to them.
CHATTAHOOCHEE HAIL R. AND BANK
ING? COMPANY.
The statement of Mr. Moody one of the
Stockholders of this Institution, and also one
of the committee selected to examine its con
dition, is inserted in another part of this paper.
The Public can refer to it for farther informa
tion respecting the C. R. R. & B. C.
Mr. Moody notices our remark that the
President and Directors (not Cashier) did not,
all combined, owe the Bank more than $20,-
Uoo.oo—and says that he shall admit
nor denv our statement, but will state, upon
the authority of the books of the Bank, that
the President, Cashier and Directors, all com
bined, owed the Bank, at the time it failed, the
snug gum of $85,700 14.” Well, since it is
necessary to give particulars, why did not
Mr. Moody separate the indebtedness, and say
that we were nearly, if not entirely accurate
;n our estimate, (indeed are not the liabilities
of the President and Directors, all combined,
precisely $21,441 00'!) but that we had omitted
(Ogive the liability of the Cashier? And"now
lor the reason of that omission. AY e un
derstood, from the time of the failure, ‘hat the
Cashier ov?ed : the Bank sixty odd thousand
dollars, but we were unable to learn precisely
the nature of that indebtedness. Rumor said
(and we bad little else than rumor to go on.)
that, although the Cashier appeared on the
books of the Bank to lie owing a large sum,
vet in reality it was so much money of the
Ban 1 ,;, expended by the Cashier, for the Bank,
in the purchase of cotton —and that the pro
ceeds of the sales of the Cotton would here
turned to the bank. This rumor was current —
it was stated to us, by someone, as fact—and
until we could obtain authentic information,
was it proper or just for us to publish it as an*
individual liability of the Cashier ? That h
is an individual liability, we are led to infe r
from the expose of Mr. Moody, although lie
does not so say in distinct terms.
We have seen the full statement of the as
sets of the Bank, the names of ihe individuals
indebted to it, and the amount due by each,
and we are authorized and requested to say,
that a copy of this statement may be seen in
the Office of the Clerk of the Superior Court,
where it is recorded, as also in the hands of
the Trustees, who will cheerfully ‘exhibit it.
to all, or any one, wishing to inspect it. This
statement shows that the Trus'ecs appointed
by the Bank to take charge of its effects, owe it
hot a dollar, and that the Cashier has reduced
his indebtedness, SIB,OOO.
We have nothing to add in relation to this
Institution beyond what we have said in pre
vious numbers. Additional light is conveyed
by the statement of Mr. Moody, which more
than confirms the apprehensions we have en
tertained and expressed, from the first, of the
condition of this Bank, and its ability to pay.
Want of room alone compels us to omit the
comments of the other Journals of this City,
published yesterday, respecting the statement
of Mr. Moody, as we desire to place our reader®
in possession of whatever is said relative to
the matter. Justice to the Enquirer, how
ever, requires us to state that it has, since last
week, received sufficient light to make its ar
ticle on the subject intelligible this week.
WESTERN- BANK OF GEORGIA.
We are glad to perceive that this Institu
tion is relieved from its late legal difficulties—
difficulties which, there is good reason to sup
pose, were improperly forced upon it. The
Bank is now, as it has been,- in good credit,
and-redeems its bills as promptly, and on as
good terms, as any of the Banks in this city.
The Columbus Enquirer'ofyesterday contains
the following notice of the legal proceedings
in the case.
The Western Bank o? Georgia. —At the
instance of an individual claiming stock in
this institution, an injunction was granted a
short time ago having the effect to close up
the bank, without even permitting a redemp
tion of its notes. The officers of the bank,
upon legal advice, assumed the responsibility
otdisobeying the injunction until a hearing
could be had for its dissolution.—This hear
ing we understood took place before his Hon
or Judge Trippe, at Chambers,on the 12th inst.
when the motion to dissolve was sustained,
upon the ground that there was, no equity in
the hill, and if there was, it was fully sworn
off by the answer. At the same hearing,!
| another application for injunction by another ;
party, was dismissed upon cause shewn to the !
contraiy. We learn that the hank did not,
stop redeeming its liabilities pending tho
injunction; and being now relieved from this [
legal embarrassment, is going on to discharge
promptly as heretofore, its obligations to the
public.
The Glasgow Courier says that 200 hand
loom weavers are employed in breaking
stones for the highways, not being able to
procure work at iheir trade.
Gen. Harrison’s remains arrived at Cincin
nati on sth inst and were exposed to view in
the main cabin of the steamboat in which
they were conveyed.
A Hard Hit.—'lf I were so unlucky,’’
said an officer, “as to have a stupid son, 1
would certainly make him a parson.” A
clergyman who was in company, calmly re
plied, “ You think differently, sir, from your
lather.”
The Suit against Mr. Biddle. — A vigo
rous endeavor was made by several ol the
Bank Directors, at a recent meeting, to have
this suit without drawn; but only lour, as we
on lerstan 1, finally voted in fa vor of the with
drawal. It is due to ail concerned that this
suit take its regular course. Any interference
to accelerate or obstruct it, to load it with o
dium, or relieve it of responsibility, will only
embarrass or pervert the ends of justice.—
Phil. North American.
lajport of Oil. —During the month of
June, 12 shibs, 5 barks, and 5 brigs, engaged
in the whale trade, arrived at various ports of
the United States, bringing 10,023 barrels
sperm, and 24 390 barrels whale o:l—total
gallons, 1,443,570.
COIIRESrONDENcIi OF THE CHARLES
TON COURIER.
Washington, July 13.
The Loan Bill has passed the House of
Representatives, by a vote of 124 t o 93. The
form of the bill was essentially altered, on mo
tion of Mr. Fillmore; and it provides for a loan
of twelve millions at 6 per cent, reimbursable,
at the will of the Secretary of the Treasury,
alter six months’ notice, or at any time after
three years from the first day of January next.
I'he reason of this amendment, as Mr. F. sta
ted, was that the present administration, while
in power, and during its present term, should
discharge the debt bequeathed to it by its
predecessor.
The House is now quite ready for the Bank
bill, but it will not be able to get it from the
Senate, till the beginning of next week. The
J 4th of August is talked of by the Whig Sen
ators as the day for closing the session, but
this cannot be done, unless they should be able
to dispose of the Bank question, as they pro
pose, by the end of this week.
Mr. Tallmadge made a strong appeal to the
Senate in favor of action on the Bankrupt
bill, at the present session. It was, he said,’
the greatest measure of relief that could be
passed at this session. lie wished to divest
the subject of a party character. He was
himself opposed to including the Banks gin
such a bill, but he would take it with that pro
vision, rather than lose it.
Mr. Walker also urged the Senate to act on
this subject as soon as the Bank was disposed
of. He believed that the measure was del,
manded by the people, and be was determined
very soon to have the yeas and nays on taking
it up. He was for including the Banks, but
would still vote for the bill, without that pro
vision, in the hope that they would be ultimately
included.
There is certainly a strong feeling in favor
of action on this subject, but still I am not san
guine that it will be taken pu at this session ;
and if taken up, the difficulties of the details
will defeat it. ff a majority of the Whigs
would agree to include corporations, it might
succeed.
The Bank Bill was again discussed in the
Senate, and Mr. Wright brought forward a
number of important amendments. Mr. (.’lay
was opposed to the amendments, as their el
fcct would be to protract the discussion, while
the country was crying for action—action.—
The bill had already been before us three
weeks, and every attempt, both open and in
s dious, had been made to embarrass it and*
render it odious by unwise amendments. He
was ready himself to adopt such a rule as
would give the Senate the control of its busi
ness.’ ■ :
This produced a warm reply from'Mr. Linn,
Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Walker, and others, who
complained that there was an attempt to gag
the minority—to force the bill through with
out discussion, &c. Mr. Calhoun said the
cry fox’ action —action, meant plunder—plun
der. .
Mr. Buchanan deemed it proper to giro
due notice that, if this measure should be
forced thrUfigh the Senate at this session, he
would raise the standard of Repeal. He de
clared, emphatically,’ that the law Would be
repealed, i,nd he should vva n the public
against giving-their confidence to the institu
tion. lie was ready to argue the question
and show that Congress had the constitutional’
power to repeal a public act of this sort. Mr.
Clay would not, he said, discuss this question’
now ; it would be time enough, when the bill
was passed, and when UiC proposition of re
peal was offered. Let gentlemen on the other
side submit such a proposition, and the moral
feeling of the country will, rebuke them —*
They will be worse beaten at the next Pres
idential election than they were last Novem
ber.
Mr. Wright will proceed again,” to d;y, ’
with his pro, ositioiH for amendment.’ After,
him, Mr. Buchanan, Be it n, .Lum, Allen and’
others will oiler amendinems and go into the
discussion at length. Those gentlemen will
discuss the bill till next sets on, unless the
screws are resorted to, and ii Air. Clay has a.
majority for the bill, which is doubtful, ho
probably lias it also lor tiie adoption of w ■
means lor terminating the discussion.
Washington, July 14.
The weather L oppressively hot, and it has
been found difficult mlfeep a quorui4Mn either
11 iuse.. Many of (he members arc complain
ing of indisposition. It has been rumored that
an attempt would tie made to lay tiie Bank
Bill on the 1 a hie in the Senate, and to take up
tue Land Bill—and that the House would, in
the mean time, proceed l i consider a Bank
project, which is to he reported from their
Currency Committee. Tne project to be re
ported in the House, is Mr. Ciay’s lull, with
Mr. Rives’ amendment. But whatever the
House may do, it is not probable that tlie Sen
ate will lay their bill on the table* They will
press it to a vote, whatever may he its fate.
The opinion that the President will refuse Ids
signature to Mr. Clay’s- bill has gained strength.
Poe only chance for the passage of any bill,
this session, is that a sufficient number ot Mr.
Clay’s friends in the Senate will give way, and
allow the Rives bill to pass that body. This
may be llie result.
The Bank discussion in the Seriate, yester
day, was full of interest. Mr- Wright brought
forward his amendment providing, in sub
stance, that in case ufsiispensi.u, of specie
payments by the hank or any of its branches,
it shall be liable to the provisions of a compul
sory bankrupt law. Mr. VVrighi, Mr. Ben
to:), Mr. Walker, Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Wood
limy and others spike in support of the amend
ment, contending that, as this bank was to
regulate the currency, it oujhl to be secured
from suspension; that, unless suspension was
prevented by a provision of this sort, Con
gress would indulge the Bank, in case of sus
pension, anil that thus a permanent iriedcema
! ble currency would be fastened on the coun
| try ; that the provision was no other than was
! applied bv law to all the Banks in the State
of New York, where it had proved a whole
some regulation, and kept the Banks in a
sound state; and that, if this United Stater
Bank should ever suspend, all the other banks
m ttie country would be obliged to follow.
Mr. Berrien, on the other hand, contended
that the provisions already in the bill were
ample to prevent suspension, as ihe Bank
must pay per o-*i>t Hmnge ou suspended
paper, and also be subject to the loss of its
charter, by an act ol Congress ; that the cap
ital and operations of this Bank hme a small
proportion to those of all the local Banks, and
that there was no propriety or justice in ap
plying a rule to this Bank which was not also
applied to all other Banks. Should the Bank
rupt hill, including corporations, he passed, it
would of course embrace this Bank.
The amendment was lost, yeas 22, nays 25.
In the course of the debate, Mr. Berrien made
a very able and impressive argument against
the power, moral and constitutional, of Con
gress to repeal this charter, if it should pass.
In the House, the morning hour tvasoccu-
Died with a speech from Mr, Bowne, of N.
Y., on the McLeod case, wherein he opposed
the course of the administration on the subject.
The bill appropriating $146,000 fur the
payment of Navy Pensions, due from the ex
hausted Navy Pension fund, was considered,
and, after much opposition, passed.
The bill making appropriations, 1o the n
mount of $600,000, for the present year, for
naval ordnance stores, s*c., was considered in
Committee, but not disposed of.
BROUGHT TO JAIL
ON the 17ih inst. a negro man who calls himself
Andrew, and says he belongs to Nathaniel Uz
auney, of Russell county, Alabama. The owner is
desired to come forward, comply with the law, pay ex
penses and take him awav.
WILLIAM BROWN, Tailor.
May 2t