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BVE R Y THURSDAY MORNING,
BY JAMES VAN NESS,
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From the Federal Union.
A WORD TO OUR FRIENDS.
Tlie opponents of McDonald, me enemies
of the measures of their relief proposed by
him, the advocates of the corporate banks and
those ivbo are using every effort openly or
covertly to destroy the Central Bank are eve
ry where marshalling their lbrces, and with
ttie desperate resolve of men determined to
crush the people, upset the principles of de
mocracy, and destroy the Ceniral Bank tiie
only sound insiiuition in the State which the
whole people are m eiesied in and secure in
holding its issjes, they are howling (lieir death j
knell.
Already a leading organ of their party the, 1
Savannah Republican, lias formally amiotin- j
ced their candidate for Governor (Mr. Daw-j
hoii) as opjßiacd to the Central Bank, and hails
liis election as the triumph of the chartered j
Banks into whose hands lie says the peoples !
notes are to be placed for collection t ci'hout
renewal, and proclaims the importance of
making it a question of qualification for iheir
Represent*lives lhat opposition to (he Cen
tral Bank lie distinctly avowed before they
should be chosen by tlieir party. With these
declarations from one of iheir press, wliocan
mistake llie feelings and purposes of thelead
‘ers of that parly; hut is this all, that the
friends of democracy—the supporters of Mc-
Donald and relief and the advocates of the
Central Bank of whatever political party they {
may be; have of the inveterate hatred of a
certain portion of the State towards the mea
sures of rebel so necessary and so much
IVeucd liy the people, and their reckless dis
position to destroy the credit of the Slate and
prostrate the Central Bunk. In every section,
tlieir croakings are heard and their objects
planned either openly or secretly to oppose I
the one and destroy the other. Under the
popular named Harrison and reform, relying
tipon the prejudices and partialities engender
ed from tiie strifes and ■contests waged in the
“fete election tor President, tftough Harrison is
no more, and the government fallen into the
hands “by accident,” of I'yler and W ebster
and others, constituting it a Federal adminis
tration formed and conducted bv men and
principles of the'deepest Federal and ve, Ihev
trust m arraying every friend of the deceased
President of whatever party heretofore in
Georgia to support their opposition to the re
lief measures and sustain tlieir crusade against
the Central Bank and friends. Will this be
no? Can it he so? Will those who fancied
■the hame and approved the election of Harri
son lor President, all by die clamour of Har
rison party 1 .— Whig REFORM and the like, I
he quelled into a disregard for their own besi
Itoeresf, and forsake tlieir state rights princi
ples with their own favorite measures and
institution, et home. There are thousands of
all parties in Georgia, who, could they be
convinced that the matter in issue, is the de
struction or maifttainance of the credit and
continuance ol the Central Bank—would i
throw their whole energies into the suppoitof
men, for the legislature friendly to measures
of relief, and advocates of that institution.
That this is the issue winch will be made, and
that our opponents will it they have the pow
er in the next Legislature, strain sav to ‘
people they “would not if they could,” relieve
them; and that they will demolish the charter
of the Bank, forthwith wind it up and place
jr* assets out among the corporations lor im
mediate collection —let no one doubt.
The time has arrived for action; candidates
should be nominated in every county—whe
ther our friends are in the majority or minori
ty, bring out your ablest, strongest men.
those who are known and in whom the people
“"fan confide. As our opponents wish it, let
the line be drawn, Central Bank or no Central
Bank —Relief or no Relief. McDonald and
Relief, or Dawson and ‘we would not if wc
could,” relieve the people. Let oar friends
he up and a doing--lei them be careful to
know and to understand fully the sentiments
of candidates to be supported by them, on
<hese subjects beloie they nominate or vole
for them.
Notwithstanding theeitorfsof the opposi-!
tioa press to produce a schism in the party.;
over those and oilier subjects, its integrity is
still preserved. j
Members of the democratic party whodit-j
sered from each other on the subject ot the
Presidential election, the relief message and j
Central Bank, should practice mutual forbear-1
ance. The sentiments ol justice and liberali- \
ty combine with the calcinations of policy to
recommend in ad respects, the exercise ot re-:
eiprocal and friendly toleration. Every mem- i
her of the party has a right to the enjoyment 1
of his own opinion, and when that opinion is j
deliberately formed and honestly acted on,;
■who has the right to censure? And whyj
should we look on each other with Coldness!
and distrust? Our minds are variously con-’
Btituted, rendering it impossible that we should
all arrive at the same conclusion. In addition
to this original” source of diversity in our
opinions, we arc placed in various situattons.
and constrained to view the same object un
der different lights. To require ot men thus
formed, and thus situated, an entire uniform!-;
ty of opinion on every political question,
would be unjust and arbitrary. Closely bound
to each other by harmony in sentiment on s<>,
many questions, Van Btiren men, McDonald, j
relief and Central Bank men—and men that;
were for Harrison while living, and who are,
relief and Central Bank men, should be in
duced bv the strong sympathies of a common
cause, ort these subjects to cherish a kind and
liberal allowance for each tnliyr, ‘I he same
VOLUME I.]
course is recommended by the clearest calcu
lations of policy. They are united in main
taining the same great principles and why
should they endanger the ascendency of these
principles by dissentions among themselves?
Why should they by hostile opposition to each
other, give to their common enemy anoppor
) tunity of triumphing over both ; and of de
stroying their favorite institution, and forcing
on the State a system of policy arid govern
ment to he maintained for the benefit of the
; aristocratic few to the distress and prejudice
jof the many, which they equally condemn.
• Hmv weak, how guilty, how miserable would
he the infatuation, which would blindly incur
I Iho hazard of casting in the aims of your
j opponents, a Governor, such as they assert
; their candidate Mr. DAWSON to be—and a
i majority in the Legislature, to refuse any
| measure of relief to pass laws imposing heavy
j taxes, s;'f*h as many of you now feel the op
! pfeSMon of, tinder the act of the last Legisla
| tine. Reflect upon the course of your oppo
nents as already manifested; their policy is
; io destroy the credit of the Slate by every
I denunciation of its ability lopay; and there
[ bv shelter themselves from the responsibility
l of declining to a fiord telief to the people —
whilst they impose (he most onerous taxations
in a litre of ihe greatest distress and scarify
of money—withholding State aid, and impo
sing burthens on those already in the most
j calamitous condition from their indebtedness,
j and ihe providential disasters to their cotton
j crops. Why is this done, why have they said
j io you “they would not if they could' 1 relieve
j the people? Why have they pa-sed laws
: exacting extraordinary taxes in times like
j these ? And why are their pnrlizmsslandcr
| ing and calumniating the Executive for his
; desire to interpose the State’s credit for llie
relief of the people from the r temporary em
barrassments? Why have they endeavored
byali means holhat home and abroad to prove
; the State faithless and insolvent? Is it Iheir
i patriotism? Is it their benevolence towards
j the people; or is it to drive the people to their
j support, and to force them to relinquish their
j cofidence in the Central Bank? let die people
j look at it. Their motives and their"policy are
I apparent, however much they have clamour
ed over REFORM and attempted to disguise
their object. Let not our friends Icaep their
ryes fixed with unhappy intensity, on any
single point, on which they differ. Let them
| rather dwell with complacency and aflection,
I on the many points on which ihev harmonize.
I If this magnanimous course be pursued by
j our friends in every county, which we have
i no reason to doubt will be the case, our gal
lant Barque, with a harmonious crewon hoard
j all sails unfurled and making noble headway,
! xvili hold her triumphant course over the tem
pestuous ocean of the late Presidential elec
tion ; and shunning those rocks on which our
enemies have watched with eager anxiety to
spc her split, sho will safely hear the preeious
Cargo nf democratic principles and hopes,
and wishes, into the desired haven.
From the Federal Union.
THE RELIEF MESSAGE OF GOVER
NOR McDonald.
In to-day’s paper, we lay before our readers
i the whole of the proceedings in the House of
Representatives of the last legislature, on
the subject of the relief proposed by the Gov
ernor. We also, in connection with these
proceedings, again publish the able letter of
.Judge Warner, as an expose of the course
and conduct Os the opponents of llie measure,
fjet every one read for himself what was the
proposition of the Governor and what was
the action of the reform legislature. The
yeas and nays are recorded and the report of
the committee is laid before you.
The falsehoods and misrepresentations that
are daily made respecting this matter, are best
explained A: contradicted by the Journals them
selves. By some, we see it stated that the
Governor proposed to sell bonds of the State
to relieve the people, on which bonds the State
would have to lose some 40 or 50 per cent.
The facts which these records show, prove
first, that the Governor made no such recoin-.
mendation, hut requested the legislature to
suggest some measure for the relief of the
people. To this they replied, and instead of
acting, desired the Governor to propose, a plan,
which being done with the averment that if his
plan was not aceptable lie would co-operate
I with them in any other constitutional measure
whic they might propose. They, in place of
endeavoring to amend his plan, or of proposing
a different one. for the purpose of carrying
out their feelings and objections to furnishing
the relief requested by the Governor, set a
bout to abuse his recommendation, to present
j the awful condition in which it would involve
! the State, and the utter impossibility of dispo
i sing of the bonds without great sacrifice, with
as many other raw heads and bloody bones as
could be conjured up to alarm the people and
prejudice them against the Governor and h;s
proposition to iliein to do something to relieve
,heir constituents, they finally wind up by a
j plain declaration that “they would not if they
con Id.”
Our opponents exhibit great uneasiness
when this subject is discussed. They have
for several months endeavored to lead off the
mind of the community from the true facts in
which they are enveloped. They talk of a
great desire to relieve the people, but McDon
ald’s robot they do not like says some, it is a
State i-e ling, State But and system, by whichtl e
Slate would borrow money at 49 to 50 cents
loss on the dollar, to lend to the people at 6
per cent. These arc all subterfuges ; a weak
and evasive detence to a plain case, ’tis done
to draw the attention from the facts, and ade
! fenceless po.-itioo to something ever which I
I they hope to produce discussion aud excite
| men! while the matter in issue shall be over
i looked. Did they propose any measure
i better calculated to answer than the Gover
i nor offered ! Did lie not lirst ask them to
j suggest and enact something to meet the case
’ and when lie was called on to propose a plan, |
did lie not do so saying to them, if this does
not suit suggest one yourselves, and I- will j
give it my concurrence, ‘flic-re was no bond j
or State selling proposition made by him ; they I
torture it into that to screen themselves from j
their positive refusal to do any thing—from !
their affirmation and decided avowal that j
“ They wotXD xct if they covLD ” relieve ;
| the people.
i t they desiro the sins of these cold-hearted
1 proceedings—this regardless, rigid inuifier
i once to the wants of their constituents forgiv
en and forgotten, they should make full con
! session—avow their repentance of their past
• transgressions, ami openly renounce the per
! nicious principles upon which they acted.—
I They say they are for relief, and ready to do
any thing but what McDonald proposed.—
Most true. And for a very sufficient reason —
! because they cannot defend their own course
| and desire to shift the odium on his head who
! merely asked them to lend their aid. Their
| leaders have seen that it is impossible to con
vince the people of their willingness to re
; lieve them, and therefore they assail the plan
i proposed by the Governor, which they solici
;ed merely to obtain a charge against him,
and not for the good of the country. They
have not renounced their doctrine “They
would not if they couid,” and their remaining
! quiet in defence of their position, arise not
j from their innocence, or their virtue but from
I tlioir objections to note being charged with the
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 5, 1841.
offence contained in their proceedings, re
minds us of the culprit arraigned before a
court of just ice, who endeavored to escape
punishment under the novel plea, that he is
not now engaged in committing the crime for
which he is indicted. He has made as wick
ed an aßempt illegally, to take the life of his
’ neighbor, but the man whose life he sought
proved too fetrong, for tiie aggressor succee
ded in defending himself against the injury
that was attempted, and now brings the cul
prit to-anewer the charge of assault, with the
intent lo murder.
The prisoner declares that the act was
committed sometime ago, that he was com
pelled then to do so to sustain his particular!
rights, and the principles npen vvhch his edu-i
cation and habits were formed; and broadly j
insinuates that, the proceedings against him
savor of malice and are only designed to in
jure his standing in society. In like manner
our opponents declare the set for which they
are censured, was justifiable and they.com
plain of the measure of'the Governor, while
they assert that to censure them although
they refused to do any thing whatever, is il
liberal and designed to injure their popularity.
They have not confessed tlieir faults; re
nounced their position, or promised amend
ment. Why then, should a patriotic people
that they have attempted or countenanced this
utter sacrifice of tlieir best interest, when
their attention was thus expressly called to
the subject. It is not safe to trust them with
political power. Their opposition to this mea
sure of relief is not eradicated ; the fire is
smothered, not extinguished. It is at the polls
that democrats, relief men, can maintain their
principles.
We know that of the State Right party,
there are hundreds perhaps thousands, who had
not sanctioned the proceedings of the last
Legislature in relation to the relief. Have
they net adhered to such associates long
enough to prove the constancy of the attach
ment f Why should they no longer lie down
under an opprobium that does not properly be
long to their own doctrines ? Why not break
the evil connection, and associate themselves
with men whose principles harmonize with
their own on this vital and absorbing topic, and
on many other important questions. Read
their proceedings and judge them as they are.
Vou liavetlipm spread beioreyou. Let them
speak for themselves why “they would uot if
they could.”
From the Journal of the Senate of the ‘ast Legisla
ture of the Slate of Georgia, page 250.
The following messase was received from his Ex
cellency tiie Governor, by Mr. Glascock, ins Secreta
ry.
Executive Department,
Milledgcville, 12ib December, 184(1.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives:
Since your assemblage on the second ulti
mo, the cotton crop of the present year has
been generally gathered, and tiie quantity
raised lias fallen so far below the most rea
sonable calculation, that without a forbear
ance on (be part of creditors, not to be ex
pected, the pecuniary distress of the people
for the next year, will be unprecedented and
ruinous. I feel it my duty, therefore, to cal!
vour attention to this subject, before your ad
journment, that you may adopt such constitu
tional measures for the telief ol the people as
vour wisdom may euggest as expedient and
proper.
The Central Bank, burthened as it is and
necessarily must be by appropriations for
the support of Government; cannot, extend
further accommodations; and if you concur
with me in the opinion that the exigency de
mands at your hands some effort lor the aid
of the people through the difficulties of the
ensuing year, disappointed as they are in the
usual means of meeting their engagements,
bv the almost totai failure of the coiton crop
in some places, and its great diminution eve
ry where, you cannot turn your attention too
soon to the suhjer*.
BeitH’ unapprised of any measure proposed
hv von for this object; and not being willing
to incur the expenses incident to an extraor
dinary session of tiie Legislature, when it is
as well known now as it can be some months
hence, that the necessities of the people will
certainly requite relief, which none but the
supreme auiuority can afford, l venture to
place tiie matter before you, not doubling that
all will be done by you, that can be, to avert
the consequences of a calamity that could not
have been forseen, and that no prudence could
have guarded against.
Charles j- McDonald.
From die same, 252.
Mr. Calhoun laid the following resolution
on the table.
Resolved, That his Excellency the Gover
nor, be and he is hereby respectfully request
ed to recommend to this branch ol the Legis
lature, such specific measure or measures as;
he may deem necessary and expedient to pro- j
vent the pecuniary distress of the people fivj
the next year, referred to in his message ot u 1
day. . j
On the question to agree to the resolution,
the veas and nays were required 10 be record
ed, and ate yeas 45, nays 39.
From the same, panes “259, 26').
Ti c following message was received from
Ids Excellency, the Governor, by Mr. Harris,
his Secretsiy :
Mr. President—l am directed by his Ex
cellency the Governor to la v define this branch
of the General Assembly iris communication.
On motion of Mr. Calhoun.
The following communication from his Ex- j
cellenc.v, the Governor, was taken up, read,
and referred to a se'ect committee, consisting
of Messrs. Echols, of Walton, Miller, Spen
cer, Bishop, Calhoun, Cox, and Beall, viz:
Kxecttivb Pf.PAKTMTXT,
lotli Dec. 1840.
I had the honor yesterday, of asking the!
attention of the General Assembly to such j
constitutional measure of relief to the people,!
from the calamitous consequences of an un
precedented failure of the cotton crop, as their i
wisdom might suggest as expedient and pro-’
per. leaving the selection ot'the means by
winch so desirable an end could be acconi-j
pliohed, unembarrassed by airy specific recom
mendation from me. But as each House ot
; General Assembly passed a resolution or die
I same day, requesting rue to suggest to ..<• con
sideration some definite measure fur this pur
pose, 1 accordingly proceed to state the result
of my reflections, as to the m >st appropriate
method of effecting it.
The Central Batik having exhausted its
means, and new demands being about to be ;
made upon it to pay the appropriations of the j
present session, which must be met with its;
own bills, tor tiie redemption of which, there j
is no fund, except the notes due that Institu- j
tion by individuals, cannot be relied on in its
niesent condition, for the purpose.
The suspension of the operations of the law j
would infringe a wholesome provision of - the
Constitution, and violate the morality of pri
vate contracts. The safe ot State Bonds to
an amount adequate to the purpose, and the;
deposile of the proceeds in tl eCentral Bank.’
hv which that Institution would be enabled toj
afford the necessary relief, under such restric
tions as the Legislature may prescribe,seems!
to be liable to fewer objections, t tan any
i which suggests itseif to me, as practical)!*-.
As the measure proposed, is one of relief,
“THE union of tiie states, and tiie sovereignty OF the states.”
I and not intended to afford lacilities for specn
| lation, the funds should be distributed to those
alone, whose embartsssmenfs require it—they
paying an interest equal to that paid on the
bonds, giving unquestionable security to save
the Slate from the possibility of loss. The i
money used for this p irpuse being raised upon j
the credit of ihe Slate, to supply (he deficien- j
cy of ihe cotton crop, t he borrower should be j
required to repay it within such reasonable |
time as the Legislature may prescribe; as this j
is a temporary expedient to meet the present j
[ emergency, tne measure should be confined
i to the contemplated object, and the borrowers
| should not be encouraged to hope that the
! proceeds of their industry might he applied
■ to new engagements, unnecessarily cor.tract
j ed. If the plan now proposed ior giving ef
fect to the measure, be deemed bv me gener
al Assembly objectionable, l would earnestly
recommend to them, to devise some othei
more faultless, in support of which, they will
have my co operation.
The people of an adjoining Stale have de
rived immense benefit horn a similar measure.
By laboring industriously, and observing a
rigid economy, they have been enabled to dis
charge debts without a sacrifice of property,
which, if prtssed, would have brought ruin
upon them. The mailer is again referred to
you, with these suggest ions, which should
i have accompanied inv former communication,
but for an apprehension that it might have
been construed into an indelicate intrusion ol
the opinion of the Executive, as to the details
of a measure which he had submitted in ihe
usual manner to tfe Representatives of the
people. If I he correct, in supposing the
condition of the country is such as to demand
some act of relief, I think it important, and
required by the public interest, that you should
provide for it before vour adjournment, rather
than draw upon a treasury already exhausted,
for the enormous expenses of an extra ses
sion ; but if yon shall determine against it, I
shall have the expression of ihe Legislative
opinion, that no measure of tfie soil is de
manded bv our constituents, which will ren
der superfluous your special assemblage for
this purpose.
ciiarles j. McDonald.
From the Journal of the H. of Representatives of the
Hst Legislature of the State of Georgia, pages 424
’5, ’6, ’7, ’B.
Mr. Toombs, from the committee to whom
was referred the message of his Excellency
the Governor, in relation to the pecuniary em
barrassments of the country, made the fol
lowing report, to-wit :
The special committee to whom were re
ferre I the communication of lus Excellency
the Governor, upon the subject of Legislative
relief lo the good people of this State from
their pecuniary embarrassments, consequent
upon the unprecedented failure of their cot
ton crop, beg leave to.
REPORT:
That your committee have given the sub
ject all that earnest and considerate attention
which its importance demands consistent with
the brief space of time allotted them ior that
purpose, and the nature of their other public
duties, and their deliberations have resulted in
the conviction, that the measure suggested by
his Excellency, ought not to be adopted.
While we are duly sensible of, and deeply
regret the pecuniary embarrassments of ma
ny of our feilow-ciuzens, we feel constrained
by a sense of public duly to declare, that we
deem it unwise, impolitic, and unjust, to use
the credit, and pledge the property & labor of
the whole people, to raise money to supply the
private wants of a portion only of tiie peo
ple. The use cf public credit is one of the
most important and delicate powers, which a
free people confide in tiienr representatives —
it should be jealousy guarded, sacredly protec
ted, and cautiously used, even for the attain
ment of the noblest public euds, and never
for the benefit of one class of the community,
to the exclusion or injury of the rest, whether
the demand for it grows out of their cupidity,
or real or supposed private pecuniary difficul
ties.
The improvident or unfortunate use of pri
vate credit, (by what means stimulated, or
fostered, or thwarted, in the consummation of
its proposed objects, we will not slop to en
quire,) is undoubtedly, the immediate cause
of the present pecuniary embarrassments of
our fellow-citizens. To relieve those difficul
ties by the use of public credit, would he to
substitute a public calamity (for such we
deem a public debt,) for private misfortune,
and would end in the certain necessity ot im
posing grievous burthens in the way of taxes,
upon the many, for the benefit of the few.
All experience admonishes us to expect,
such resuits from the proposed measure; to
adopt which, would he to violate some of the
most sacred principles of the social compact.
All free governments deriving their just pow
ers from, and being established for the bene
fit of the governed, must necessarily have
power over tiie properly, and consequently
die credit of the governed, to the extent ne
cessary lor public use, and no farther. And
whenever government assumes the right to
use the property or credit of the people for
any other purpose, it abuses a power essen
tial for the performance of its legitimate du
ties, in a manner destructive of the rights and
interests of tlio governed, and ought to be
sternly resisted by a free people.
Tiie proposed measure violates th?~e
truths, asseif s the untenable principles, that
; governments should protect a portion of toe
! people, in violation of the rights of the ro
| iiinitider, from the calamitous consequences
of unpropitious seasons their private misfor
tunes, and, perchance, of their indiscretions
and lollies—that the pecuniary wants of the
people, by whatever cause produce'!, should
be supplied with funds borrowed upon public
credit, and that in the distribution of the funds
| so raised, a discrimination should be made,
j based upon the necessities ot the applicant—
I the right to judge of whose necessities inns’
j be confided to public agents, who will thereby
| be entrusted with a dangerous, as well as odi-
J ous power, and which will be liable to great
j abuses, lie must hare been an indifferent or
! careless spectator of similar financial opera
tions, who can persuade himself, that this
scheme of borrowing money to lend again at
the same rate of inrerest, can be performed
without loss to the State; that toss must be
supplied by taxation, and to that extent, a*,
least, it will operate so as to legislate money
from one citizen’s pocket to those of another.
But if it is even deemed expedient and
proper to adopt the proper measure upon prin
ciple, it i*j at this time, utterly impracticable.
This branch of th° General Assembly here at
this session, put the seal of their condemna
tion when a measure so similar ir. its charac
ter, as to interfere q constitutional barrier a
ga'mst its further ccpsideration, without a de
gree of unanimity Aot to be anticipated, if dc-
I sit able, after so decided a vote of disapproval:
for these, and other reasons, WE OUGHT
NOT TO ADC PT THE MEASURE SUG
GESTED, IF YfE COULD—WE COULD
NOT, IF WE WOULD. Our bonds
1 have been upon the stock market for above
j two years, to the amount of two millions of
dollars. They have be£n carried across the
I Atlantic iti search of a,market ; no advanta-
J geous sale of them cjuld be made there—
• where money is abundair, and cheap : They
have been brought bacj for the same purpose
among our own citizens, who are liable f<sr
their payment. There they can only he ex
ebafiged for labor at a rate greatly above cash
prices, and we feel great confidence in thoo
pinion, that the issuing of similar securities
uy the State, to an amount necessary for car
rying out the proposed measure, and, especi
ally, to subserve tiie purpose intended, will
noieuhsnce the value of such securities, or
facilitate the operation of melting them into
coin.
The want of system and order in the man
agement of our finance-, the indifference, at
least manifested towards, if not disrega rd ]
the right of our creditors, the injudicious use,
loan improvident extent,of the public credit,
in the snipe of Central Bank notes, has so
impaired tne public, credit, that lie would be a
very unsafe borrower for the State to trust,
who could uot now raise money to the extent
that his circumstances in life would warrant,
as cheaply upon his private credit as we can,
upon tue credit of the State. We are not,
*amiliar with tiie minute operation of a similar
system adopted in a neighboring sister Slate,
alluded to, by his Excellency; but from the
deranged and depreciated condition of the
currency of that State, the financinl embar
rassments of almost all classes of her people
for several years past, and which still exist
to an extent far greater than those of our otvn
State which we are called onto relieve, we
are well convinced that the road to financial
prosperity must lie in a far different direction
from any sfre has as yet taken.
We deem it proper further to report, upon
that portion of ins Excellency’s communica
tion, which invitee us in tiie event of our dis
approval of ihe system suggested by him, to
devise “ some other more faultless” for the at
tainment of the end proposed. That from the
foregoing brief notice of the financial condi
tion of the State, it seems that she cannot sup
ply popular wants with money, because she
has none ; that she ought not with her credit
lor the reasons herein assigned; that we
know of no other mode of Legislative relief,
except the interposition of unconstitutional,
unwise, unjust, and oppressive legislation be
tween debtor and creditor, which, we presume
needs not our condemnation.
We therefore beg leave to be discharged
from the further consideration of this subject.
Robert A. Toombs,
William H. Stiles,
A. 11. Chappell,
Geo. W. Crawford.
Which was read, and upon motion to agree
thereto, the yeas and nays were required to be
recorded, and are yeas BH, nays 79.
Those who voted in the affirmative are,
Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, of Chatham,
Anderson, of Warren, Ashley, Bighatn, Black,
Boynton, Brown, of Bibb, Brown, of Houston,
Bryan, of Houston, Chapman, Chappell, Ches
ter, Chipley, Covenah, Craft, Crawford, of
Oglethorpe, Crawford, Richmond, Crawford
of Sumter, Cuthright, Daniel, of Greene,
Daniel, of Thomas, Darden, of Troup, Darden,
of Warren, Davenport, Delauney, Dickson, ot
Talbot, Emanuel, Flournoy, of Muscogee,
Foster, Green, of Macon, Hardeman, Hard
man, Ifardy, Harrison, of Putnam, Hitchcock,
Hubbard, Hudson, Johnson, of Heard, John
son, Troup, Jones, of Columbia, Jones, of
Harris, Jones, of Monroe, King, Long, I,owe,
Loyall, Lynch, Mann, of Mogan, Martin; of
Gwinnett, Maxwell, May, of Warren, McMil
lian, of Thomas, Millen, Moore, Morris, of
Cobb, Mulkey, Nash, O’Neal, Osborne, Parks,
Preston; Pryor, Rea, Reynolds, Rhodes, Rich
ardson, Sapp, Sermons, Shaw, Stephens, Stu
art, of Ware, Stiles, Stone, Stround, ot Clark,
Thomas, Toombs, Trayler, Waldhour, Wales,
Warren, West, Whigharn, of Macon, White,
r-f Jasper, Whitfield, Whitworth, Williams, of
Harris.
Those who voted in the negative .are,
Messrs. Anderson of Frandlin, Barclay,
Beavers, T3e 11, Bentley, Bethea, Brown, of
Fayette, Carlton, Cannon, Carroll, Chandler,
Collier, Dark, Davis, Dawson, Dixon, of Wal
ker, Dodson, Dufour, Erwin, Fitzpatrick,
Flourny, of Washington, Ford, of Cherokee,
Franks, Gathright, Green, of Forsyth, Hall.
Hammond, flardage, Harrison, of Randolph,
Harris, Hatcher, Hendry, Hibberp Hines,
Hotchkiss, Hudgins, Hunter, Johnson, of Ap
pling, Jones, of Franklin. Keaton, Lawson,
Lee, Mann, of Tatnall, Mays, of Cobb, Mc-
Call, McCrimmon, McMath, McMillen, of
Jackson, Meadows* Mitchell, Moon, Morris, of
Murray, Murphey, of DeKalb, Murphey, of
Wilkinson, Neal, Nixon, Palmer, Pettee, Pitts,
Price, Read, Reeves, Roberts, Robinson, of
Jasper, Robinson, of Laurens, Rodgers, Shrop
shire, Smith, Stroud, of Walton, Sumner,
Tanner, Tarver, Thompson, Towles, Turner,
Welborne, White, of Pike, Williams, of Bul
lock, Wilson-
So the report was agreed to.
From the Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist, July 31.
THE RELIEF QUESTION,
The great entrenchment of the majority in
the last legislature, behind which they thought
themselves secure from all attacks, was based
on the impracticability at the time of the plan
of relief proposed by the Governor. If they
had not calculated on the strength of that en
trenchment, they would not have ventured to
be so bold in their denunciation of legislative
relief, and in their renunciation beforehand of
any plan that might be proposed, of a character
less impracticable and less objectionable in its
operation. But the people have sense and
intelligence, and their vision is as keen as that
of the members of the majority; the people
can see through the veil with which that ma
jorifv have attempted to cover their proceed
ings'. The impracticability of the measure
proposed by the Governor was not the basis
of the rejection by the majority of that plan.
The Governor had proposed the plan of relief
and the policy of the majority was to reject it.
It coni 1 not har e comported with the aspira
tions of certain party leaders, that such a pop
ular measure should have originated with a
political opponent, and that the credit of it
should be enjoyed by him. Hence the oppo
sition it met at once by ttie majority in the le
gislature, and the attempt to ridicule it, to
misrepresent the motives of the Governor,
and to show that it was oil done for popular
effect. If the majority had anticipated such
a movement on the part of the Governor, they
would themselves have taken the lead ; but
too late they repented of their neglect and su
pineness, especially after the promises they
had mad", and the pledges they had given, of
reform and better time.-, of a restoration of a
sound currency, and of entire relief from em
barrassments and pecuniary pressure. On
the other hand is it not reasonable to conclude,
from the neglect and supiuene's of the ma
jority in the legislature, that they had not the
intention to fulfil their promises and redeem
their pledges, made before the elections, ij they
could! Why, when the Governor presented
his plan, did it create such a bugbear, as the
one we find described in the reports of the
committees ? Before the elections, every
thing was prac’icable, if power was placed in
‘he hands of the Harrison whigs: reform, re
lief, a sound currency, a return to wealth ard
! prosperity, could easily be accomplished, if
* the people confided to them the control of the
1 legislature. The people confided to them the
control of the legislature, and from the first
Monday in November, to the 14th of Decem
ber, one week before the adjournment of the
i legislature, they had entirely forgotten the
i 1 promises they had made, and the pledges they
[NUMBER 26.
had given; and ihey recollected those prom
ises and these pledges only when the G aver
nor transmitted his message to both branches
of the legislature. Then they awoke Irom
j their oblivious apathy ; then they rubbed their
eyes, and attempted to find out who had so
j unceremoniously interrupted their slumber.
They stared, and wondered, that the minority
should have dared to take tiie initiation of a
reliei measure, when it should have been done
by them, if they thought proper. They then
began to apprehend that they would have to
account for their neglect and culpable apathv
in a matter so deeply connected with the wel
fare and future happiness of the people. \\ e
have already shown how tho subject was
treated by the Harrison whig party in the le
gislature, and how the plan suggested by tiie
Governor, for relief, was met and rejected.
Tho majority in the legislature, and s'nro
the whig pt nits, rely much as a defence for the
violation oi’ their pledges, and the non-fulfil
ment of the promises made to the people, on
the impracticability of carrying into operation
the plan proposed by the Governor. Admit
ting that the plan was impracticable, why was
not g practicable one proposed? Why declare
that no plan could be adopted ? But was the
plan of the Governor so impracticable, as it
has been represented in the whig prints, and
is represented in the reports of the special
committees ? Let us examine this plan, and
see how it would have worked had the state
been in a position to carry it fully into opera
tion.
If the times had been propitious, the credit
of the state good and undoubted, and confi
dence in its recourees unimpaired, what evil
consequences could have been apprehended in
carrying the plan of the Governor into opera
tion? The bill which was introduced in the
Mouse of Representatives, in conformity to
the plan suggested by the Governor, contem
plated the issue of state bonds to the amount
of two millions of dollars; the bonds to be
sold at par, to bear an interest of not more
than S per cent per annum, and be redeema
ble in six years. The proceeds of those bonds
were to be loaned to the people at the same
interest, for a term not exceeding three years.
These were the principal features of the bill •
and certainly, it those features had been
faithfully carried into operation, no possible
loss could have been sustained by the s’ate.
But let us proceed. If the bonds could have
been sold in the north, two millions of dollars,
in specie, or specie funds, would have been
obtained for them and deposited in the Central
Bank. And now we will ask those who ridi
culed the plan of the Governor, would not tne
Central Bank have been safe, when posessing
in its vaults two millions in specie, or funds
equivalent to specie, to issue two millions in
Central Bank bills, for the purpose of meeting
the loans to be made to the people ? Or could
not the Central Bank have paid the discounted
notes of the people in the same kind of
currency that they received tor the sale of the
state bonds? But by taking the position as
sumed under another point of view, wc can
show that the sale of the bonds, as just sup
posed it could have been effected, would have
placed the Central Bank on as good a footing
as any specie paying bank in this State oreise
where. The bank had in circulation in Dec.last,
about one million of dollars of bank notes,
and very little specie. The sale of tiie bonds
would have produced two millions of dollars
iu specie or funds equivalent to specie. The
Bank would have had to issue two millions
more of bank notes for the loans to the people.
The circulation of the bank would have A
mounted to three millions. And for these
three millions of bank notes in Circulation, the
institution would have had in its vaults two
millions in specie, or specie funds, which, it
not called for before six years, would have had
to remain in its vaults. Furthermore-, it might
have happened, if tiie loans had been made
judiciously, and punctually returned to the
bank, in its own notes, or notes of specie
paying banks, that the bonds issued lor three
millions, would have had to be redeemed with
the very identical funds that the purchasers
gave for them six years before. We will ask,
what losses then would the state have had to
sustain in all those various operations? Wiiat.
grievous burthens would have had to be imposed
upon the many for the benefit of the few ?
If the above plan could have been carried
into operation, and two millions of dollars ju
diciously distributed among the several coun
ties of the state, would it not have been ot
material and immense relief to the people ?
Would not our merchants, to whom the
citizens in the interior of the state are so much
indebted; have been relieved from pecuniary
pressure; at least to the amount of two mil
lions of dollars ? Would not the whole state
have been relieved from embarrassments near
ly one half of the amount of the deficiency in
the cotton crop, estimating tins deficiency at.
from four to live millions of dollars ? Thus
we sec that, if the plan suggested by the Go
vernor could have been carried into effect,
benefit would have resulted from the opera
tion, and no loss could have been sustained by
lhe many for the exclusive advantage of the
lew. But the special committess alleged in
their reports, as an objection to the plan of
the Governor, that the Central Bank has been
badly managed. Their own words are these :
“And it the management which has charac
terised that institution for some years past,
with few exceptions,* be continued under the
operation of the plan proposed by his Excel
lency. ihey feel assured, tiiat tne faith and
credit of the state can o :ily be fully sustained,
if at all, by onerous taxation, for the purpose
of meeting her engagements.” This is a poor
and untenable objection. Admitting that the
institution had been badly and unskilfully
managed; admitting that the whig majority
in the last legislature had no confidence in j
the Executive; ior the exercise of the power j
ho possesses to appoint, the directors of the j
Central Bank ; and admitting that the Presi-J
dent of the institution is the Mardochai o! |
certain whig Amans, who can never be satis- |
lie I, and think they can have nothing, no bank j
salaries, so long as they see him sitting at the 1
gate of the bank : admitting all ;h ~ was there \
not a remedy to remove the objection, or the
evil if one existed ? The whig parry had the
complete control of the legislature; they could
easny have changed tiie mode of appointing the
directors of the Central Bank; they could nave
elected those three honest, men from their own
party, to manage the institution, and to carry
| into eperation the plan of relief proposed by
j the Governor. Tne absurdity of lire objection
j is thus fully demonstrated, and we are sure
i that the committees raised it without due con
! sideration.
Vv r e may now allude to the two propositions
of the majority in the legislature, which we
stated in our last paper would have been just
and proper under any other circumstances,
but which were then imprudent and ill-timed.
One of these propositions was the abolition
of the Central Bank, and the winding up ot
its concerns. We firmly believe that if the
measure had been carried into effect, in the
actual pecuniary distress of cur citizens, the
most serious injury to the state would have
oecn the inevitable consequence. Our hos
tility to the institution is well known ; we are
convinced that its operations, have been pro
ductive of many ev.ls to the state and to our
citizens; and we are also convinced that the
sooner the people require the abolition of the
institution, the better will it be for their in
terest. But at the same time we are not so
blinded by onr hostility to that institution as
übt to perceive that there would have been
danger to stop the operations of the bank,
when embarrassments and distress were felt
by all classes of tiie community, and when
thousands of our citizens were indebted to the
institution in sums, small it is true, but suffi
ciently large for those who require indulgence
and an extension of time to meet their en
gagements. Well, the proposition to abolish
the bank was made when the people called
loudly for relief, and when those in distress
called on the majority in tho legislature to re
deem the pledges they had made to operate a
radical reform in the operations of the state
government. And how were the people an
swered ! By a proposition to abolish the
Central Bank : at a time too when lenity and
forbearance on tiie part of creditors ceuld
alone mitigate the disasters which would be
produced by requiring the immediate pavments
of deb's. At any other time tho proposition
! to abolish the Central Ban!; would have been
prudent and proper, but it was unwise and un
feeling to make such a propose ion when bank
ruptcy was staring us in the face, and when
mum ers of our citizens were iu dread of the
sheriff's levy and public sale.
The other measure protioeed, and which
was carried into effect, is that which required
the banks to resume specie payments on liie
Ist of February last. We admit that the
banks should never have been permitted to
suspend the redemption of their notes in spe
cie. We admit that when in the first instance
they suspended specie payments,'heir char
ters should have been forfeited, and their doors
closed. And we admit also that the act re
quiring those institutions to resume specie
payments on the first of February last, wan
just and in accordance with the spirit and fair
construction of their charters. But however
just and legal the act may he considered, we
conscientiously believed at. the time, and be
lieve so still, that it was imprudent and ili
timed, and more calculated to increase the
embarrassments and distress of our citizens,
than to restore a sound currency, lessen the
rates of exchange, and give greater facili'ies
*o our own citizens to meet their engagement ‘!
A gradual resumption should have been the
policy; and if adopted our merchants would
have been less liable to sutler the immense
and ruinous premium they have had to pay in
order to meet their engagements abroad. We
would not tiring the passage of this biil as a
charge against tiie majority in the legislature
under any other circumstance. But the ma
jority had promised wonders; they had prom
ised relief; they had promised reform ; and
they had promised to show that their oppo
nents, by improper and unwise measures, had
plunged the state into inextricable difficulties
and ruin, from which the state could be extri
cated but by themselves.
*Thesd few exceptions no doubt allude to
the years 1838 and 1839, when the Central
Bank was under the control of tho whig par
ty. We should like to be informed of the
better management of the institution during
these two years, than during tho preceding
and subsequent years.
Cast Iron Buildings. St. George's
Church, Liverpool, England, is mainly con
structed of cast iron. The whole of the
frame work of the windows, doors, roof, pul
pit ornamental enrichments, are of cast iron.
The length is 119 feet —breadth 47.
Within two years past, several dwellings
have been< rected near London which are ex
clusively of cast iron structure —walls, doors;
steps, chimneys, sashes, &c.
A great many of the manufactories, built in
England within ten years, are all of cass
iron except the walls.
The first cost of such buildings in England
is said to be less than those of timber.
The Philadelphia North American has the
following paragraph:
“ United States Bank. —It may be grat
fying to the stockholders of tins institution
here, as well as elsewhere, under the peculia
ry disastrous state of their affairs, to learn
that the officers are now devoting themselves
unweariedly toward husbanding its assets and
resuscitating its credit and character. Day
and niitht they are employed in prohing every
part of its resources, witk the rigid determi
nation of testing the exact value oi the
assets, and enforcing, judiciously tho pay
ment of every dollar w.fich is honestiy due
the institution.”
Appointments ey the President. —By
and with the advice and consent of the Sen
ate.
Peleg Sprague, Judge of the United States
for the District of Massachusetts.
DEPUTY POST MASTERS,
Robert D. Riddle, at Pittsburg, Pennsyl
vania.
John C. Montgomery, a! Philadelphia.
The season still continues very healthy;
The principal cases which prove fatal in the
Charity Hospital are ilmse of persons who are
brought there dangerously ill, consequent on
intemperance or exposire to tiie sun. Four
teen persons have died in the hosptal from
these causes during the present month. ‘Poo
much strong sun and ton much strong alcohol
are debilitating appliances.—N. O. Picayune)
18th inst.
FROM FLORIDA.
W e learn from Captain Goodwin, of she
sc'ir. Joseph Crowell, arrived at this port last
evening from St. Augustine, in the short space
of 24 hours, that the Indian (one of Wild
Cat’s party, alluded to in our [taper of I7ih
nut.) had arrived at that place In m Picolaia,
and was immediately sent South iri the steam
er Cincinnati. This is the Indian who savs
he can guide the troops to the camp of Biilv
Bmv Legs. Capt. G. informs us there was
no other news.—Savannah Republican, July
22.
Judge Coaiter of Miss, nas raised quite an
excitement by deciding tint a Sheriff’s return
of payment on an account in nut is not legal
and satisfactory, if made in tn.e irredeemable,
depreciated Bank Notes of that S'.aie. The
defendants or Sheriffs can only be credited
with the Specie value of such notes. This
may he hard, but could a Judge decide oth
erwise?—Shv. Rep.
French Fisheries. —The Boston Mercan
tile Journal whose editor is “at home” among
salt water craft, says that there are 400 ves
sels employed in the cod fisheries of France,
measuring 50,000 ions, and manned by 11,009
seamen. The whole number of seamen em
ployed in the Mercantile marine of France, is
now 98,000. In 1793, the seamen employed
is stated in a Paris paper, at 100,000.
Tlran Wages Administration. —The Bos
ton Post says that at the U. S. Navy Yard,
Charlestown, the laborers’ wages have been
REDUCED PROM ONE DOLLAR AND SIXTEEN
CENTS TO CNF. DOLLAR.
The Confessional. —The Archibishop of
Paris has jnst issued an order for the con
struction of the confessionals in the churches
of Paris in such a way that the priests shall
no longer be concealed from public view.—
They are to have open seats, but the peni
tents are, as the present, to he entirely con
cealed from the public gaze.
It is stated that there are ctran
at all times in the city of y ork ;
there are upwards ot H'tfO fema!cs jn th t
city; who obtain their Jiving by the needle.
< i TTNUED : ‘HI!GRATION.-101.>passengers
arm-ed at York, during the week ending
.Saturday lpth,
CgTD Advice.— Hate nothing but what is
dishonest, fear nothing hut what is ignoble,
and love nothing but what is just and honors->
ble.