Newspaper Page Text
THE TIMES.
‘V?-
Tile union of the states a-. ;hc ■‘oTereigntyofthe states
COLUMBUS, AUGUST 5, 1841.
FOR GOVERNOR,
Charles j. McDonald.
GEORGIA—A NATIONAL BANK.
Having observed a remark of tbe Hon. Mr.
Alford that his “constituents sent him to
Congress to make a Bank,” and not having
seen any thing in the progress of the canvass,
or in the plan of operations, to authorise a de
claration so specific and unqualified in refer
ence to the establishment of a National Bank,
we ventured so to say in our paper of the 22d 1
nit, enumerating some of the reasons which !
brought us to a different conclusion from that i
adopted by the honorable member of Congress.
We did not design to state, nor did we state
that Mr. Alford “misrepresented the opinions
and feelings of his constituents” in reference
to the Bank question, as is alleged by the Co
lumbus Enquirer of last week—but simply
that the incidents of the last political campaign
were differently estimated by the honorable
member and ourself, and that we thought it
altogether probable Mr. Alford would, on an
impartial review of all the circumstances con
nected with tbe late Presidential election, and
that induced a change of government, per
ceive that he had stated the case too strongly.
We did not charge wilful perversion on the
part of the honorable member.
The Columbus Enquirer of last week re
plied to our observations and declared, and in
deed endeavored to show, that we had shame
fully perverted the facts of the case ; or, in
its own peculiar and elegant phraseology,
tiiat “there was not one word of truth in the
whole of our presy and digressive article.”
We replied in our last paper to the comments
of the Enquirer, and distinguished wherein it
had evaded the strong grounds assumed by us
in support of our opinion, leaving each one of
those grounds not only unassailed but even
unmentioned. We promised, however, to re
cur to the subject again, and briefly to exam-*
ine that portion of our first article, which spoke
of the points on which the Whig party of
Georgia was unanimous—and of the action of
the last Legislature respecting the establish
ment of a National Bank. As we conceive
that the material and substantial reasons en
tertained and expressed by us, in our paper of
the 22d ult., to show that Mr. Alford had stated
the case too strongly, are unanswered and un
answerable, we shall condense into a limited
space our remaining comments on this sub
ject.
The Enquirer remarks that as our “argu
ment is based upon premises utterly false-the
deductions are of course equally as unfair as
they are superficial.” Those premises are thus
expressed—That “ the only two points on
which the Whig party of Georgia was unan
imous'’ were “the desire to prostrate Mr. Van
Buren, and the more prominent statesmen
identified with his Administration, and grat
ification at its successful accomplishment.”
We beg it to be recollected that vve remarked
in connection with tbe above that
By these declarations toe do not wish or in
tend to be understood as saying or implying that,
most, if not all of the members of the \Vhig
party did not entertain distinctive opinions on
the leading subjects of national policy, but so
entirely dissimilar were these opinions, so to
tally and radically variant, that it was early
foreseen that any attempt to harmonize and
reconcile them, would only be “making war
with bedlam”—and that the contest, to ensure
union without which success would be unat
tainable, must be waged on one ground, and
one alone, opposition to the late President, and
the eminent men connected with him in the
Administration of the Government. In this
particular, the universal Whig party could
agree, and in this particular, very much to the
detriment, as we believe, of correct principles
of Government, they did agree.
The Enquirer in its wholesale denial of
our premises seems to have overlooked cr
forgotten the above remarks; and to have
proceeded on the assumption that the mem
bers of the Whig party, individually, were
characterized by us as entertaining no dis
tinctive opinions on the leading political ques
tions of tl 1 3 day. We neither meant nor said
any such thing. We designed to convey sim
ply the idea that the “party of allies” was not
thoroughly united in all its parts and branches,
upon any of the prominen* political topics o !
the day, not even tin repeal of the Sub- Treasury;
or to repeat our own language that “ the only
two points on which the Whig party of Geor
gia was unanimous, was the desire to pros
trate Mr. Van Huron, and gratification at its
successful accomplishment.” Nor did we
say, or intend to be understood ass lying that
no arguments, assuming to deal with abstract
principles, were employed to effect the pro
posed object Sadi arguments were put
forth in the greatest profusion, which, at any
other period than in the heat of an excited
political canvass, would have been expelled
from public notice as utterly unworthy of a
moment’s consideration—arguments wholly
personal in their inception and design, aiming
at nothing more than the production of personal
odium and the prostration of personal charac
ter. In what light would the Columbus En
quirer view the efforts made to corrupt public
opinion by means of the miserable fanfaronade
of Ogle, which was glitteringly paraded in its
own columns—the attempts made, even by
itself, to turn to political purposes the instruc
tions issued to persons taking the census to
ascertain, with a view merely to information
and improvement, the value and amount of
the various productions of the Country! If
the editors of the Enquirer will refer to their
own paper of September 2, 1810, they will
there find a labored editorial endeavoring to
prove that some awful plot to force direct tax
ation was concealed in the instructions to as
certain the resources of the Union. Os a like
character were the efforts to produce odium j
by means of the Army Bill—the Hooe case,
and various other acts misrepresented and
perverted to inflame the minds of the people.
YV hat candid man, conversant with the facts,
believed then, or believes now in thi truth of
the statements ot Ogle—.a the imputed cor
rupt intention, of tha census instructions—in
tlie correctness cf tbe charges that, by sub
mitting the Army Bill, admitting its objection
ablo character, any designs against the liber
ties of the people were even thought of, much
less seriously contemplated—or that, in the
Hooe case, precedent or previous practice were
overlooked or violated? And yet these were
among the principal weapons employed to
crush the last Administration. But it is use
less to multiply instances. We could go on
until doomsday, and enumerate examples of
like kind, which, properly interpreted have no
bearing oh principle—were used, in the
warmth of political exasperation, to create
personal odium—and are now thrown aside
and ridiculed by the Whigs themselves.
We have said that the Whigs were not
united even on the repeal of the Sub-Treasu
ry, at least vve have the authority of one of their
leading men in so stating. In a speech of the
lion. Mr. Alford, delivered in the House of
Representatives of the U. S., in June 164.0,
and published in the Columbus Enquirer of
Sept. 23d, 1310, in referring to the course of
Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and Black, Mr. Al
ford employs the following language :
“ They allege they have been “ proscribed”
by the State Rights party, on account of this
measure. I answer, not so. The people elected
them with a full knowledge of their friendship
for th is system if finance; in fact, ice agreed
; that a difference of opinion on this question
| should not separate us as a party. Acer riing
ly the people elected us; we came here—six
of us “are as we were;” you are in a new
“position” easily “defined.” You are Van
Burenized in full; gone over, “ horse, foot and
dragoons.,’ You have not been “ proscribed ”
because you support the measure. No such
thing. You are rejected because you support
the man —the head of the party.”
Here is evidence, at least so far as the de
liberate and voluntary declaration of an influ
ential and prominent member of his party, and
honored with its confidence—is entitled to
weight—of the truth of our two propositions,
that opposition to Mr. Van Buren and a desire
for his defeat, were the only two points on
which the Whig party of Georgia was unan
imous—and that Mr. Alford had stated the
case too strongly when he said his constitu
ents sent him to Congress to make a Bank.
Believing that our positions and proof on
this subject are impregnable, as the Enquirer
of yesterday has failed even to allude to them,
much less to controvert them, we shall close
this branch of the enquiry by bringing in aid
of our position tho opinions of Gen. Harrison
as quoted in the articles written a year since,
and published in the Columbus Enquirer, by
One of the People,” or, as is well knowrn
by the distinguished leader of the Whig party
of Muscogee county; as also the individual
opinions of the writer himself, previous to the
election, on the subject of a Bank. In the
Columbus Enquirer of the 17th of June, 1840,
in an article by “ One of the People,” num
bered five, the following are quoted as the sen
timents of Gen. Harrison. lie is speaking of
a Bank:
“ If it is not necessary for that purpose, it
does not appear to me that one can be consti
tutionally chartered, There is no construc
tion which I can give the constitution which
would authorize it, on the ground of affording
faciiit ies to commerce. The measure, if adop
ted, must have for its object the carrying into
effect (facilitating at least the exercise of)
someone of the powers positively granted to
the General Government. If others flow from
it, producing equal or greater advantages to
the nation, so much the better; but these
cannot be made the ground fur justifying are
course to it.”
What rational construction will tho above
extract bear than that General Harrison was
disinclined to sanction a Bank—that lie be
lieved it was possible for the Government to
do without one —in fine that his election by no
means secured the establishment of a National
Bank ? In the same article “ One of the
People,” in introducing the opinions of the
late William 11. Crawford respecting a Banlo
thus conveys his own sentiments :
“ I am opposed to a United States Bank ,
and yet 1 trust I may be pardoned for asking
the attention of the People of Georgia to the
following extract.”
And yet the Enquirer has the folly and tho
temerity to state that our “premises” and “de
ductions” are “false,” “ that there is not one
word of truth in the whole of our article.”—
We leave it to reconcile its unqualified con
tradictions with the facts we have presented in
this, and the two preceding numbers of our
paper.
We come now to the action of the Legisla
ture on the subject of a National Bank, in sta
ting which, it appears from the Enquirer, wo
have committed so many “blunders.” To be
brief—we stated in our paper of the 22d ult.
that, on the 27th of November, resolutions ad
verse to a .Bank were adopted in the Senate,
and that, on the 28 h of November, the Senate
refused to reconsider those resolutions. What
is the rep’y of the Enquirer! “ Why, simp]}’
(to quote its words) that the vote was taken
in the absence of ten Whig Senators. Had
a “full Senate” been present, it is plain that
the resolutions would have been negatived,
and others of an opposite character adopted.”
Is not this begging the question ? How does
the Enquirer know that resolutions of an op
posite character would have been adopted, if
the Whig Senators had been present l Does
it know the individual opinions of those Sena
tors 1 Is it altogether certain, even admitting
the individual opinions of the absent, members
to be as stated, that they would have felt
themselves authorized, according to their es
timate of public opinion respecting a Bank, to
sustain Bank resolutions 1 But the Enquirer
says, that the Senators who voted for Bank
resolutions “actually represented a majority of
the people of Georgia.” To render tins ar
gument available, the Enquirer must show
that the S3 Senators who recommended a
Bank were known to their constituents res
pectively, to be Bank men previous to the elec
tion. In one instance, it is within our own
knowledge, and that of the Enquirer, that a
Senator who voted for Bank resolutions had
avowed himsell an anti-Bank man previous to
October last We allude to the honorable
Senator from Muscogee. We are not im
pugning his motive?, or censuring the course
he thought proper to pursue in the Legisla
ture—but are simply detailing facts. This
honorable Senator had voted in 1838 against
Bank resolutions in every shape and form ;
and as late as June 13 10, had said, in so many
words, (as we have already shown by the
article signed “One of the People” and writ
ten bv that Senator) that lie was opposed to
a Bank—and yet he voted for Bank resolu
tions in the last Legislature. Now how will
the Enquire* determine the political ooinplox
ion of Muscogee county respecting a Bank,
by the vote of its honorable Senator !
In reference to our detail of the proceedings
of the House which is represented by the En
quirer to be so incorrec + , what are the facts |
is stated by that print ? That of the 88 yeas
in the House voting far the indefinite post
ponement of Bank resolutions, 11 afterwards
voted for the amendment of Dr. Chipley.—
Admit if, and what does it show ? Clearly
that the 11 who voted for postponement, al
though Bank men, uninformed and uncertain
a, to the real sentiments of their constituents, \
desired, if possible, to avoid a direct vote on
the subject, but that the resolutions from the
Senate, and the amendment of Dr. Chipley,
came up in such form that the question could
not Le avoided, and the convictions of their
judgment were pursued, regardless of the
opinions of their constituents, whatever those
opinions might be. The Enquirer says far
ther, that if the members who voted on the
postponement had all been present when the
vote was taken on the amendment of Dr.
Chipley, the yeas would have swelled to 99,
majority for a Bank 28. Admit all this, and
is there yet a majority of the whole number
of which the House of Representatives is com
posed 1
In conclusion, are not the main points of
our argument unrefuted, both -as it respects
the opinions of the people, and the vascillating
course of the majority in the Legislature as to
the establishmentrmf a National Bank l If
no doubt were entertained as to the senti
ments of a majority of the people respecting
a Bank, would there have been any uncer
tainty in the Legislature, or any hesitancy in
adopting, at once and unreservedly, Bank
resolutions 1
THE ENQUIRER AND OtfRSELE.
The Enquirer of yesterday, in an article
headed the “Times and Ourselves,” says that
we seem to be “bent on having a regular built
war” with it—that we have “been throwing
out our banters for a long time past.” We
have desired no war with the Enquirer ex
cept the war of argument —and to this end we
have “been throwing out our banters”—not
because vve had any special confidence in our
ability to cope with the Enquirer ; but vve had
such undoubting faith in the rectitude of cur
principles, that we were desirous to see how
they would stand the guerilla warfare practis
ed by our neighbour.
The Enquirer undertakes to settle the char
acter of our paper—the dignity of its articles
—the spirit in which they are written—and
the degree of respect to which the Times is
entitled. We beg to object to the Umpire,
We are perfectly willing for the community
to judge—indeed any disinterested person of
either party. There are few things said by
us respecting the Enquirer which vve cannot
sustain by its own files—and now because we
are bringing them in judgment against that
print—at a season suitable for calm reflection
and unbiassed discussion—it is attempting to
avoid the issue by charging us with employ
ing billings gate and virulence, and a desire
to relieve ourself of “ accumulated bile. ”
Why, if the writer of the article in tbe En
quirer knew us well he would soon discover
that we cherished as little ill-will to men and
parties, for a difference of political opinion
merely, as any man with whom he ever met.
But the Enquirer is exceedingly enraged
because we thought that the finger of a “vigo
rous and talented writer” of its party was to
be seen in its last number. Why, is such an
intimation any reflection on the ability of the
regular conductors of the Enquirer? For
our part, if an individual possessing a more
minute knowledge of facts, from his connec
tion with them, than ourself, would embody
those facts with suitable comments, vve would
very cheerfully publish them editorially, pro
vided they expressed our sentiments, and
thank him for the act—and vve should not, in
consequence, think any the less of our ability
to manage our paper. So far as any inference
prejudicial to the ability of the editors of the
Enquirer may be drawn from our remark vve
beg them to allay their anger, as that inter
pretation of the matter never once entered our
mind. The truth is vve had a desire to invite
the late honorable member of the Legislature
to a discussion of the prominent incidents of
the last political campaign, with which he was
identified, and in which lie so intimately min
gled. We begjthe Enquirer, therefore, to ac
quit us of any intentional wrong in this in
stance.
As the Enquirer has expressed its willing
ness “to measure lances with us,” and “to
give us the benefit of a few passes,” vve
shall endeavor to engage it, speedily, in
the war of argument.
“ Giovanni” is mistaken. We ‘ : 1 not
“vauntingly throw down the gauntlet.” We
were amazed to see the statement so unqual
ifiedly made, that the tendency “of the schools
and literary and scientific associations of the
age is to infidelity,” and we simply observed
that it was a “ sweeping charge,” and we
wished “to understand distinctly the meaning
of the writer.” There was surely no “vaun
ting” in this.
Oar question whether “Giovanni” in men
tioning “ tlio tendencies to Jacobinism and
civil misrule, that so fearfully characterize
the age,” had any allusion to either of the po
litical parties existing in the country, was
prompted by the fact that, during the last po
litical campaign, such views were upheld by
the Whig presses, as justly chargeable to the
Democratic part}', and we simply wished to
know if “ Giovanni” used them in the same
connection. There was surely no “vaunting”
in this.
“Giovanni” stated in his first communica
tion that “ the great tendency of the age, its
schools, literary and scientific associations, is
to Infidelity.” This was the issue first made
and to this we intend to hold “Giovanni.”—
From a hasty glance at his article of yester
day, we perceive that he is disposed to qualify
and mitigate the severity of the declaration
quoted above. We shall endeavor to distin
guish, next week, the points of difference in
the two articles, and also to question the
correctness of some of the opinions advanced
by “ Giovanni.” As, in all probability, we
have to deal with a man of God, whose voca
tion it is “to allure to brighter worlds and lead
the way,” we shall not rush biiiidv into a
discussion with one who aspires to that criti
cism which illustrates religion by all the re
sources of human learning, and who is fa
miliar with the persuasive language “ of Him
who poured out hie bleesinge on the Mount
and of Illm at wliose impress, ve appeal Felix
trembled.” .
POST OFFICE.
John Schley, Esquire Post Master of this
City, has been superseded by George W. E.
Bedell, Esq. This change was not unexpec
ted, as it lias been known here for some time
that the removal of Mr. Schley was settled’
and that the delay in appointing his successor
| arose Irom the conflicting claims of applicants,
j This difficulty was at last reconciled, and the
Congressional Delegation united in favor of
Mr. Bedell, anj secured his appointment.
The address of Mr. Schley, with the evi
dence of his fidelity and impartiality in the
; discharge of his ofiicial duties, will be found
in another part of this paper. We had all
along supposed that if an3- officer were guilt
less of “active partisanship,” or of bringing the
influence of his office in conflict with the free
dom of elections, cr who was wholly free from
any participation in conduct which the pres
ent Executive solemnly declared should alone
constitute sufficient ground for removal, Mr
Fciiley was that officer. Either incorrect
representations in this respect have been made
to the President, or he has chosen to disre
gard his public and solemn pledges. /
W hat says the Enquirer of the act of the
late members of the Legislature from this
county, in abolishing two precincts, and con-,
solidating them at an inconvenient place ? j
What prompted this movement on the part of j
the honorable Mr. Sapp who, vve believe, in
troduced the 1311 ? How happened it that the j
two democratic precincts were molested, and ’
the Harrison precinct (Upatoie) entirely es
caped notice ? The same course vve learn
was pursued in Stewart, Talbot, Bibb and oth
er counties, abolishing or removing democratic
precincts, and thus subjecting political ad
versaries to trouble and inconvenience. If
the Harrison majority in the Legislature were
opposed, on principle, to precincts, why not
say so and abolish all precincts, and hold the
election in each county at the court house ?
But to searcli out, and abolish wherever it
would affect injuriously their political oppo
neuts, are acts of petty legislation to which vve
did not suppose Statesmen would resort.
A correspondent from Stewart, for whose
communication we have not room this week,
desires to know if an act were not before the
last Legislature giving to certain Indians in
the Cherokee Country all the rights of citizen
ship—to sue and be sued, to be witnesses in
Courts , SfC. And whether also the members
from Stewart,, and a portion of the Muscogee
delegation, did not sustain this obnoxious law,
which was crushed in the Senate?
We will refer to the Journals, and publish
next week the action of the Legislature on
this subject.
The Columbus Enquirer has wholly omit
ted to make “ the curious developemenls ” it
promised last week, attending the passage of
the Tax Law. Neither has the Enquirer of
yesterday attempted to show the necessity for
the adoption of the present odious tax act.
It. speaks of the Loco Foco misrule—of Loco
Foco extravagance, &c. &.c.—but it gives no
particulars. If the amount to be raised by
the existing tax law is indispensably required
to defray current expenses, certainly these ex
penses can be shown and enumerated. The
appropriation act will show tbe amounts to
be expended, and the objects of expenditure,
and if further sums were applied by the Le
gislature, the acts will clearly explain their
amounts, and the objects to which they were
applied. There is no difficulty in ascertain
ing the various sums (o be paid—and by re
ference to tbe laws, the Enquirer can show its
readers the necessity of extracting so large
an amount in the shape of taxes, if such
necessity really existed. Why has it omitted
to do this? We certainly hope that in a mat
ter as important as this the Enquirer will not
hesilate to enlighten its pairons, and enable
them to judge understand ingly of the wisdom
and kindness of their Representatives.
CONGRESS.
The Bankrupt Bill has passed the Se nate,
and is now before the House. Its fate is
doubtful.
The Bill establishing a Bank of the United
States has passed the Senate. The following
is the provision in the Bill respecting the pow
er to establish Branches.
“ And the said directors may also establish
one or more competent offices of discount and
deposite in any territory or district of the
United States, and in any State, with the as
sent of such State; and when established,
the said office or offices shall not be removed
or withdrawn by the said directors prior to the
expiration of tile charter, without the previ
ous assent of Congress: Provided, in re
spect to any State which shall not, at the first
session of the Legislature thereof held after
the passage of this act, by resolution or other
usual legislative proceeding, unconditionally
assent or dissent to the establishment of such
office or offices within it, the assent of the
said State shall thereafter be presumed; and
provided, nevertheless, that when it shall be
come necessary and proper lor curving into
execution anv of the powers granted in the
Constitution, to establish an office or offices in
any of the States whatever, and the establish
ment whereof shall be directed by law, it shall
be the duly of the said directors to establish
such office or offices accordingly.”
This provision was adopted by the following
vole:
Yeas—Messrs. Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Ber
rien, Choate, Clay, of Kentucky, Dixon, E
vaus. Graham, Henderson, Huntington, Kerr
Mangum, Merrick, Miller, More head, Phelps,
Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Simmons, Smith, of
indinaa, Southard, Talitaadge, White, Wood
bridge—26.
Nays—Messrs. Allen, Archer, Benton. Buc
hanan, Calhoun, Clay, of Alabama, Fulton,
King, Linn, Me Robe red. Mouton, Nicholson,
Pierce, Rives, Sevier, Wraith, of Connecticut,
Surgeon, Tappan, Waiter, Williams, Wood
bury, Wright, Young —23.
Two Senators were absent—Mr. Clayton,
Whig—aid Mr. Cuthbert, Democrat.
LATE FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE TEN
DAYS LA TER.
The Great Western arrived at New York
on the 20lh of July, Sheen days from Bristol, !
England.
In politics'—the Tories have been success
tul, and Sir Robert Peel will become Prime
Minister. Daniel O’Connell, the Irish Liber
ator, has been defeated—as also Joseph Hume,
the celebrated advocate of Free Trade.
‘Pile New Yon: Herald, Extra, of the 29th
ult. remarks of tip foreign news by the Great
Western, that “ the crops are good—money
scarce—cotton in—and failures plenty.”—
We have fooili to-day for the following ex-,
tracts only:
The prospect of the Americans corning!
into ihe London market once more as birr- j
rowers, a prospect with which we we.e:
threatened hy a paper of the last arrival has:
created a strong leeiing of the propriety of
resisting every attempt to send money to a
I country where the legal and moral obligation 1
|of paying slate debts is still an unsettled
, question, rather calculated to elicit the ingen
i uity ol the disputant than likely to be solved
jto the satisfaction of the lender. A cot res
'pondent suggests that the first effort of the
j kind should be met by the publication of a
j resolution by the committee of the Stock
; Exchange against the introduction of any
! fresh American loans unfit all the slates hav -
paid up their arrears of dividends and have
Driven security fur future payment. This
! measure, throwing obstacles in the way of
i every state, rat account of the defalcations of
| a few of them, would be somewhat severe,
i but the unsafe appearance of affairs generai
! Iv is such, that the people of the United States
; must not be surprised if the resolutions adop
ted here are more than ordinarily stringent.
Liverpool Cotton Makset, July 0. —
Business commenced rather briskly lies week,
and a tolerably extensive business was done,
in some instances at a slight improvement on
the quotations of this day se’nnight ; latteily,
however, the demand became less animated,
and we close with a somewhat languid tone,
at prices nearly equal to those o! Friday last.
The entire quantify disposed of this week
comprised 2b,270 bales, 3000 American ; 200
■Surat were taken on speculation, and ex
porters purchased 200 Americans and 500
Pernam. Ihe whole of the West India and
Peruvian offered by auction today, was with
drawn Tor want of buyers.
Saturday, July 10. —No alteration has ta
ken place in our market since yesterday; pri
ces are unvaried, and the demand has been
limited. 2500 bags were sold; 300 Surat,
4 1-4 and a sd ; so Egyptian, 9 l-2d; 2120
American, 5 1-4 and a 7 i-4d.
From the Savannah Georgian, July 23:
FROM FLORIDA,
We learn from an officer of the Army tliat
an Indian called Sulamico, who had been sent
out by Col. Worth, came in at Tampa, about
six or seven days since with a party of about
fifteen Indians from the Big Cypress Swamp.
Sulamico stated that about sixty others would
be in soon, supposed to be the same that
promised to come in to Col. Davenport at Sar- j
assola, but were prevented by the influence of
others.
From the last advices a few of Wild
cat or Coacooehee’s people had come in at
Tampa, and others were expected, in number
from eighty to a hundred. Our informant ex
presses it as his opinion that they will be in.
By the Steamer Gen. Clinch, Capt. Barden,
we have received tiie St. Augustine News of
Friday last. We extract the following :
Lieut. Judd, of the 3d Artillery, who ac
companied Coacoochee and his band to New
Orleans, returned about ten days ago to Tam
pa with his charge, by order of Col. Worth.
The Colonel expects to accomplish more by
keeping Coacoochee a prisoner at Tampa,
than hy sending him West at the present
Lieut. Judd arrived here a few days ago with
one of Coacooehee’s warriors, who promises
to guide him to the camp of Short-Grass,
somewhere in the neighborhood of Tomoka,
Lieut. J. with Lieut. Giham, and the Indian
guide left here last Monday in the steamer
Cincinnati for New Smyrna, where, hy order
of Col. Worth, they are to get 40 men for the
expedition. Every thing may be expected,
that can be accomplished, from the spirit and
enterprise of these young officers.
We like the disposition manifested by Col.
Worth to stimulate the ambition and enter
prise of our young officers, by giving them re
sponsible commands. It is no disparagement
to the elder officers to say that they carmot
oe as efficient in this kind of warfare as their
young brethren. The Colonel, therefore, very
judiciously leaves them to take care of the
Posts, and send our young warriors into the
field. This system will put a different face
on the war. We heartily wish Lieut. Judd
success —we know he will descrce it.
A tremendous fall of rain occurred on
Tuesday afternoon, accompanied by vivid
lightning.
An examination ©f the everglades is or
dered by Col. Worth, on the 271 h. The sail
ors and marines attached to the armed vessels
lon the Southern coast as well as troops ol
3d Artillery, are detailed for this duty. Major
Childs in command.
There is a good deal of sickness at the
Post at Smyrna. The disease is however,
not of a fatal character. Lieut. Judd was
only able to obtain 20 men, and proceeded
immediately up the Hillsboro’.
Private Jacob Seigle, Company G. 2d In
fantry, was killed by the accidental discharge
of a musket, on the 29th ulc. in the vicinity
of With'acoochee, Private Eeasle, same com
pany, severely wounded by the discharge.
The following article from the Richmond
Enquirer of the 27th of July, is worthy the
serious attention of every Georgian*
The Tariff Resolution. —The vote in
the House of Representatives on Friday, in
relation to the raising of a Select Committee
to collect information tor the readjustment of
the Tariff, is very important as a sign of the
times, in its bearings upon this great question.
We believe that most of the Georgia delega
tion voted on that question with the great
manufacturing interests of the North, and a
gainst the South generally. The vote was
close, 104 to 100—so that if the Georgia tie le
gation had voted with the South, and the true
interests of their country, they could have
changed the result. The issue made from
the debate and the speeches on the occasion, ‘
was important, as it relates to the future ad-1
justment of a great and exciting question, it ;
will be seen that the 1 democratic party gener-!
ally of the North voted with the South on this I
occasion. There is ho doubt but what our I
friends there are, in the main, sound on this
question. But Messrs. Dawson, Nesbit, Hab
ersham and most of the gentleman from Geor- j
gia, voted against us. This looks strange !
Is it true, that Georgia and Kentucky have |
an understanding as to the adjustment to he
forced upon the country 1 Ilumcr says t hat j
Mr. Dawson is to be put upon Mr. Clays
ticket as Vice President. This may not be j
so; yet if it is so, then we can see how ar
rangeraents in oolitics are to control the great j
audvitalinterests of the exporting States up-.
on a great question. We hope that our
friends in Georgia will look to these matters!
and see that their Delegation do not bind them |
hand and foot to the car of the distinguished j
Kentuckian, in order to gain his triumphal en
try into power upon the prostrate interests o 1
a “betrayed country* Look at the debate be
tween Mr. Wise and Mr. Nesbit—Does this
j mean nothing 1 Mr. Wise sees and knows
well who is about to desert, and is determined
to shoot down in advance.
As to the disclaimer which was made in
the course of the debate, that Georgia had
once united with Virginia o:i great principles
we leave that question also to be settled by
tbe citizens of Georgia. \ irgima stood by
Georgia in relation to the Indian land question
—she stood by Georgia in support of Mr.
Crawford—Mr. Cobb and others stood by us
in relation to the great fundamental principle
of strictly construing the Constitution—And
if the Representatives of Georg ia now declare
that she differs with Virginia on that qae.s-j
tion; if they choose to unite with the Federal
party ; and disclaim the great principles ol i
Madison’s Report and the Virginia School, 1
why, be it so ! They may write themselves
as friends of a Bank ; friends of an enlarged
Tariff; friends of a latitudinous Construc
tion—And again wo say, let the good people
of Georgia judge !
From tin: RiclintoiHl Enquirer, July 13. .
Tali. HYBRID MONSTER.
rtnVTTNISCEXCES FOR THE BENEFIT OF Mr-
Rives & Co.—ln the Winter Session of 1810
-’ll, a small number of the Republicans of
the General Assembly met for the purpose of
considering the best means to oppose the re
charter of the first Bank of the linked States.
They met at the House of the editor of this
paper, and ho distinctly remembers, for reas
ons which it is unnecessary to specify, the
following scene. Mr. Johnson, a staunch and
able Republican, afterwards a rnqmber of
Congress, and subsequently Collector of the
Port of Norfolk, was present. The meeting
was not fully organized, when the subject of
the constitutionality of incorporating a Bank
of the United Slates was introduced. Mr. J.
asked whether Congress could not establish
a Bank in the District? The reply was a.‘
once made, admit such a power, what then ?
Can they establish a National Bank in the
District 1 And if they were to endow it v. it!)
a large capital, it cannot be employed in the
District. Its commerce is too small. How
can it get on without the establishment of
branches in the States ? You surely do not
admit that power ! Mr. Johnson, with that
frankness which characterised the mar. at
[ once replied, that certainly lie did not—that
j Congress could not. constitutionally establish
| a Bank in the States, directly or indirectly,
; and he abandoned the suggestion as idle and
worse. No man was more opposed *.rough-
I out, than this abie and amiable man. Such
i was the course of our enlightened Statesmen
in the palmy days of the Republic. Why is
■ this monstrous hybrid scheme now sought to
ibe palmed upon us by Air. Rives ‘? No man
: was apparently more opposed to a National
I Bank, under all circumstances, than Mr. Rives
even when he was making war upon the Sub-
Treasury ; and yet, Ire too, is now attempting
to establish a National Bank indirectly, while
he disclaims the power to establish it directly.
He is splitting hairs “ ’twixt North and North
Vv est side.”
The suggestion of establishing a Bank in
the District, and to branch it into the States,
was not, however, confined to private circles.
It was thrown out in t lie public prints; and in
that shape, we had the honor of encountering
it. \\ hat we then said, we say now ; and by
a curious coincidence, we then cited t he same
proverb, which so many apply to it at this time,
it *is indeed “whipping the devii round the
stump.” It is an attempt in Congress to au
thorize the District to do that which Congress
have no authority to do themselves. It is an
insidious attempt to assume a power indirectly,
which had never been directly given. Given !
Why, who docs not know that the power of
incorporation was asked for in the Federal
Convention, and it was positively refused?
We republish this reminiscence, which con
tained at that time the States’ Right, doctrine
of Republican Virginia—and we ask Messrs.
Rives and Company what would have been
thought of his scheme, at that time, by Jeffer
son, and Macon, and Roane, and other States
Right men I Would they have not declared
it to be an “encroachment” which the States
might at any moment arrest? Tliat. if Con
gress were to authorise branches to be estab
lished beyond the District, “their charters
would lose their constitutionality the moment
they leaped the (District line I” The idea of
asking the consent of the States is now
thrown in, only to lull the understanding, and
to cheat the Constitution. Such assein can
not remove the error. The taint of uncon
slitutionality still adheres to it. Congress can
not assume the power of establishing a Na
tional Bank, toba branched into the States, by
the consent of two or three, or more States,
short of the constitutional quorum. George
Clinton has laid down the true law upon this
subject. Certain powers have been given to
the Federal Government by the part ies to the
Compact. If these should be insufficient, you
must not usurp them ; but ask for them, by
amendment, according to the forms of the
Constitution—that is, by the assent of three
fourths of the Slates. This is now and at all
times the true doctrine. How then can the
assent of Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island,
and Massachusetts, arid any number of States
short of three foart fig, now make a power con
! stitutioUal, which the fathers of the Republic
solemnly determined to refuse the Federal
Government? Such would have been the
answer given in 1811; such was the answer
which we gave in 1810 on the bonus bill, when
Timothy Pickering proposed to whip round
the Constitution, by stipulating for roads and
canals to be established in the several States,
with their assent. We so contended then—
and we contend now—and as we would have
contended in 1811, had this insidious feature
of assent been thrown in to sweeten the bit
ter dose of “encroachment” and total want of
“constitutionality,” which will mark the estab
lishment of a District Bank and Stale Bran
ches :
MR. E VEitKT'f’eS APPUJiS i MEN f.
The Globe makes the subjoined just and
serious objections to the appointment of one
of Mr. Adam’s clique as Minister to England,
while controversies of vital importance to the
South are pending.
New Minister to England. —“Mr. Web
ster’s hand is seen in Mr. Everett s appoiiu*
meat. We have some doubts whether, in
some important questions affecting tno South,
he will be found the best appointment for the
South.” —Rich. Enq.
Mr. Ritchie is right. Mi. Everett’s appoint
ment is the very worst for the South, i nis is
Mr. Webster’s second great blunder. Mr.
Everett who is an ex-Unitarian parson, what
the French cai! unprelredefroquc, (an unfrock
ed priest,) was for some time a member oi the
House of Representatives, and, lor-h 13 pre
tensions, a very insignificant one. 1,0 there
evinced no faculties of statesmansnip. He
had, however,one merit, ile acted invariably
with the South on the Abolition question. He
proved him. ‘hi devoted to tire rights and in
terests of the whole Union. But alas ! for
the fraillv of human nature i When opposed
by .Judge Morton, in the election for Governor
of Massachusetts, hi meanly recanted his
former sentiments, and, in a published letter,
declared himself an out and out Abolitionist.
No one believed that he was a sincere con
vert, but all regarded this change as one of
selfish calculation. He was defeated, never
. by a single vote. He experienced
the deepest of all mortifications ; the con
sciousness of having disgraced himself in vain.
VVe submit, therefore, that Mr. Everett is the
last man to bo sent to the court of Ft. James.
He may preach there as lie did before, in the
Old Jewry, but lie is not Ik to be the represen
tative of the United States —especially at this
time.
I A political revolution has just taken place
iin England. The Tories - have regained pow
! er. They have succeeded by an alliance with
the abolitionists on the West India question.
| This turned the scale in their favor. The
new Minister for the colonies will doubtless
be Lord Stanley, by whose exertions mainly
West India emancipation was carried. These
circumstances give a graver aspect to our re
lations with England. Most of the questions
under discussion are connected with that of
slavery ; for examples, the illegal search oi
our vessels on the coast of Africa; the liber
ation of our slaves cast upon the Bermuda
coasts ; the congregation of black troops in
the West Indies ; the British designs and in
trigues upon Cuba, &c. Sic. Is it proper, is
it fa r to tae South, to send an avowed Aboli
tiomst, and one, too, who is so by recanting,
which J no Randolph used to say was the worst
sort oi canting, to settle these great and deli
cate questions ? This is a great blunder.
Mr. Vv ebster has, doubtless,great talent; bat
he lacks what is more important, in public as
well as private conduct, we mean common
sense.—Globe.
The Augusta Constitutionalist says:
1 aking in consideration the questions which
continue to agitate the public mind 4t Europe,
■ especially In France ami England, and v. me ft
have been taken up as of paramount import
j once in European policy, towards the NV est
j India colonies, Mr. Ev erett entertains opin
ions til regard to slavery which must create
in the southern section of the Union, appre
i!tensions of a serious character. This vital
| and important question to the south, might, in
iau indirect or even direct manner, become a
I subject of diplomatic negotiations between
j the two governmets. It will be recollected
i that difficulties already exist between this
j country and Great Britain, for the detention of
(slaves in some of the VV est India islands, and
there declared free. Moreover, it will be
: recollected ihat John Quincy Adams, in one ol
| h:s late speeches in Congress made the dec
! Dration, that if the Constitution prohibited
| the federal legislature to interfere with some
i of the institutions of ‘die south, (he friends of
|emancipation could attain their object by
i means of the treaty making power. This
ihreat has not attracted sufficient attention,
i By the constitution of the United Elates, the
j President has power, by and with the advice
! and consent of the Senate, to make treaties,
1 provided two thirds of the senators present
(concur. The same instrument, declares, that
i all treaties made or which shall be made, wi
lder the authority of the United States, shall
, be the supreme law of the land, and the judges
:in every state shall be bound thereby,any tiling
! In the constitution or laws of any State to tho
j contrary notwithstanding. When Ai r. Adams
made his threat there is no doubt that lie had
lin his eye these clauses of the constitution.—
! This threat may one day or another be carried
I into effect; for wo cannot foretell into whose
| hands the Executive Department and a ma
jority of two thirds of the Senate may hereaf
ter fall. Under the circumstances just stated,
w e cannot approve the appointment of Mr-
Everett.
From the Savannah Georgian, July 23.
Alu. Nesbit. —lias proved himself a true
Georgian, while his patriotic bearing - has not
quenched the Christian spirit which controls
him, as a professor of sacred truths.
Air. Wise was not content to speak of wail
ing Georgia into obedience if she undertook
to resist the authority of treaties, (a wise
threat) but, it seems by the following letter,
from a Whig paper, he forgot the respect due
to the House and himself, and suffered his
passion to overcome his discretion,
Perhaps Mr. Nesbit’s size, or Ins connexion
with the church caused Mr. Wise to enact in
such bold relief the bully. We have recent
ly wished to have a good opinion of the hot
headed Virginian, but his “ volcanic galled
bitterness, and fire, fury and ashes” are as
destructive of such a wish, as tiie burning
lava of Vesuvius is of human expectations.—
Could we find space we would give a sketch;
of their debate, but are prevented this mor
ning.
(Corrsspondeace of the Alexandria Gazuftc.)
Wasmikbiox, July 22 1341.
In the House of Representatives to day
another of the scenes that bring so much dis
credit. upon lire National Legislature, was a
gain enacted. It seems that Mr. Wise, in rv
speech, delivered a few days since on a ques
tion involving the subject of the Tariff, made*
some remarks which in the opinion of the del
egation from Georgia, reflected with severity
on that State. To day,.Mr. Nesbit undertook
to reply to the gentleman from Virginia. In
the course of his remarks, Air. N. alluded lo>
the present position of Air. Wise, and ani
madverted in mild, but emphatic language,
upon his recent course in the House. There
was a steady calmness—a dignified forbear
ance in every word that Air. Nesbit uttered
that, under the peculiar aggravation of the at
tack made upon his State, would largely claim
upon the respectful attention of tiie House.
Perhaps, not half the members in the whole
body thought Mr. Wise could or would sey a.
single word in reply. Not so however. ‘1 he
moment Air. Nesbit had concluded, Air. Wise
most deliberately went to Ihe desk adjoinin'*’
that of the gentleman from Georgia, and there
under an impetuosity of passion, to which
even AI". Wise, amid all the storms he has
encountered—when assailed by the most
scurrilous opponent —under every incident of
his Congressional career—was before a stran
ger. It. is enough to say that the gentleman*
from Georgia was, on this occasion, the best*
abused man I ever saw. lie bore it mildly,
and patiently. Even when the finger of Mr
Wise was pointed quivering with rage, in his
very face, if any thing could be discerned in
his countenance, it was that of pity. The attack
was concluded as it had commenced—severe
—insulting—uncalled for. Mr. N.’s rejoinder
was still mild—disclaiming all bad feeling to
wards Mr. W ise—but expressing the deep
compassion which ho felt for his opponent.—
Mr. Nesbit is an Elder in the church : were it
otherwise, a disgrace would have befallen our
National Legislature that could never be
wiped oil!
1 need not say to you that none can have
a greater respect for tiie gallant member from
Virginia than 1 feel—than 1 have ever felt for
him. Your own columns can testify to the
deep regard I have ever entertained for Mr.
Wise, His noble defence of Whig principles
—his tireless investigation of peculations and
frauds—his whole career as a public man,
have been the subjects of more than one let
ter from your Washington correspondent; but
he has forgotten at least, for nearly one hour
to day, of his former greatness. The coun
try would regret, deplore, any circumstances
that would diminish their confidence in so
noble a defender. May such a thing hereaf
ter be among “ the things that were.”
Yours, truly,
From the Enquirer of Jan. 12, 1811.
Wrap the Devil round the stump.—
Pkovere.- -“The following sage idea is broach
ed by that miracle of v, isdom, the Alexandria
Gaze; o ;
“ l’liere appear te be manj’ - members of the
House of Representatives, who are desirous
of renewing “the charter of the Bank of }*■“•
United Elates, but who doubt the constitution--
al power of Congress to grant any charter,
except in the District of Columbia. Mr. Ma
con observed the other day, in the i louse, that
no man could be more sensible than himself
| of the injury that would result to the nationals
j credit, and the ruin of individuals; that no?
man could more fully than himself be sensi
ble of the expediency of renewing the char
ter; but he also was fully convinced of its
uncons*itutiona'ity. Such are also the opin
ions of many other members. Now to do
away such scruples, let the Bank be estab
lished in the District of Columbia, the sean
of Government, where undoubtedly it ought
to be. The Mother Bank, from this place, care
1 establish branches in the principal cities, in
proportion to ilie commercial importance of
such places, to be decided by the imports and
exports of such places. A National Bank
ought to be under the immediate inspection
and control of the Government.”
Chattahoochee R. R. & Banking Cos. of Ga.
Columbus, July 17, 1841.
IN pursuance of a recommendation of the Stock
holders present at the Banking House on the lOih
j July, instant, (he Directors, on the 15:h in-tant, ap
pointed Van Leonard, John Bethune and Wm. P.
| Yonge, Trustees, f>r the benefit of the creditors and
Stockholders of said lustiiution ; and have this dav
delivered into the hands of said Trustees the assets
and liabilities of said institution. By order:
July 21 24 *2t L. GAMBRILL, Cashier.
TRUST SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing da'e, 17 h
July, inst. we will sell at private sale. Pi Bank
ing House and Lot, with ail improved nis then-oil,
situate o.u the corner of Randolph and (odet-.orpo
stree's. The lot contains 66 fret >n Kauie .hand
1 117 feet 10 inches on Oglethorpe street, and . id 11-
ceive in payment for the same, the Hi is ol im t hat,
tahoochee Rail Road and Banking Company of Geor
gia. The titles are indisputable
JOHN BF.THITNE,
WM. P. YONGE.
Oolnsotwej July i” <