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From ttie Boston Morning Posl.
SPEECH OF HON. LEVI WOOOBURY,
At the Democratic Meeting in Faneuil Hall,
Tuesday, October 19, 1641.
My Fellow-Citizens :—1 am not used to
scenes of this kind. My life lias been spent
r ither in courts of law, in Senate - , and the se
cluded labors of the Cabinet. But why should
1 hesitate or fear to face mv friends—warm
hearted and kind friends—asking my presence
at so favored a spot, in a great crisis and a
great cause, when 1 never feared to face even
enemies in any place or manner the most in- ]
quisitorial. (Loud cheers.) What is the j
reason for this ! Nothing in the humble in
dividual before you, but every thing in the
cause. It is the character of the cause in
which we are all embarked—the progress of
human improvement and popular rights—
which sustains and animates us, and is, indeed,
the last hope of oppressed humanity in every
quarter of the giobe.
It it be asked why sucli a charm and mag
nitude should be attached to it, 1 answer—
because, though intermingled at times with
trims ent and local questions, this cause enters
deep and wide into all the important move
ments in society. It is the same which, under
Different names, forms, and aspects, has been
convulsing the social system since the origin
ol our race. Its principles have often been
developed, not always, to bo sure, but often,
m the struggles between the lew and the
many in every age— -between the ambitious
and ilie lowly—-avarice and honest industry—
office and private life—rank and the masses— j
exclusive privileges aid monopolies against |
equal rights, liberty, and fro • trade—strength j
against impendence—combination and coali-1
lton against individual weakness—and, in fine, 1
aristocracy of all kinks, whether ol birth, mu- j
ney, or power, against the unpretending l)e-!
mucracy oi numbers. K.eapfipiis without j
doubt will always exist. Yet tf.sguise, and j
gloss over, or pervert tacts and principles, as |
inis been done in all countries, some of the j
interests involved in such contf.ets have beer. 1
alike in their essence, and, amidst all sects and i
schisms, h ive contended for supremacy, like ;
the fabled deities ol Darkness and Light, in
some systems ol philosophy, struggling co'n
siautiy for the government of ti.e universe.
But thanks to (1 and, we, or must of us who
are assembled iu this place, consecrated to
struggles lor liberty in by-gone days, stand ar
rayed on the liberal side—in fine, on the glo
rious side of ike greatest good (a the. greatest
number. And if our efforts m tiie contest now
waging among and around us are proportioned
t o tiie excellence of our cause, we shall behold
the greatest number espousing it, not only in
our s.ster Republics— under the second sober
thought of this victorious autumn, but iu Mas
sacliusetts herself-—whose Democratic sous,
under al! reversal's, have in tins noble cause
proved themselves unterrlfted and renowned.
(-Cheers.)
It is vain to attempt to separate State par
ties and State consents from the influence of
great general principles, or from the solicitude j
and co-operation ot others engaged m their i
support. Those principles are interwoven!
with everything, inseparably as light and hear,
li is equally van to seek to disunite them, a;ui ;
be isolated lroin the politics of the General]
Government —that Government which con
trols ilie most vital interests of the whole,
and, in its operations and character, is the
chief exponent of all to the rest of the civil
ized vvorid. l o talk ot such solitary grandeur
is to mistake weakness for strength, and to
mse the sympathies which make us one and
all aid one and all in every important strug
gle. Separation or disunion from the others,
m a State that has been am mg the foremost,
by flood and field no less than in the public
councils, on questions affecting tiie whole con
tinent, would aDo be treason to the memory
of the illustrious dead, whose memorials
around us would w aken almost tiie stones of
your streets to exertion. lndee.l, much more,
in one view, exists to animate you than roused
vour fathers in a like formidable contest, under
names and principles only in some respects
different—but closely similar in tendency.—
The same harbor, but now crowned with
masts and commerce, spreads its waves before
vou which witnessed their intrepid patriotism
in the general case—in the cause of the whole
continent —to destroy all means of collecting
a tax on tea, which they deemed unlawful as
well as odious. (Loud applause.) The same
immortal bights, but fuller with population,
surround vour city, where they poured out
their blood like water to defend tbe genera!
cause—the rights of all the colonies—against
usurped power and perfidious legislationacross
the Atlantic. The same Cradle of Liberty —
though guarded with much greater wealth and
numbers, as well as improved laws and freer
institutions—can airain rock with exhortations
against general as well as local misrule and
against an army of venal office-holders quar
tered upon the people, in the language of the
Declaration of Independence, to eat up their
substance ; or, in the iervid eloquence of your
own Hancock, to dragoon them into submis
sion. (Many cheers.)
Nor are you men, any less than they, formed
selfishly, to hold back in a national crisis;
with less of mind, soul, or heart to face peril;
or with less at stake of wives, children, friends
and homes, or, in fine, of “lives, tortunes, and
sacred honors!” No: Democracy is a unit;
and Democrats will, with fraternal confidence
and with martyr zeal, unite their efforts till
they can unite their rejoicings in one common
triumph through the Union.
But, beyond and above all which actuated
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
VOLUME I.]
your fathers to take an interest in their elec
tions, and discussions as to what concerned
the whole, you have a wider and greater whole
to co-operate with—at home twenty-six States
instead of thirteen colonies ; seventeen rnill
i ion? instead of only three innhons of people ;
| and abroad, new coadjutors ; a more enlight
; ened age ; syste . sand principles, if not new,
| yet resuscitated with new energy, and agita
’ ting all society and the foundation of many of
I its best interests in both hemispheres. They !
| struggled chiefly against particular despots,:
I tyrants, or aristocrats ; you contend against j
j despotism itself, tyranny itself, and aristocracy j
I itselt, in ail shapes, plans, and designs. This,
I in some degree, has produced anew era in
j which both Ainer.cas have been revolution
ized and Europe reformed. The progress ot
I civilization every where, as well as in the U.
States, has become involved in the crisis.—
Your war is not only against bad inon, but bad
systems, bad legislation, bad usages, bad edu
cation, bad opinions; not—as some have mis
represented—aga list constitutional laws, hon
est contracts, really vested rights, sound mor
als, order, property, or religion ; but, in fine,
against abuses and errors as to all of them.
In this warfare, unfortunately, our own cit
izens became early divided, and have since
presented two leading parties. The contest
is, therefore, going on nominally between their
respective men and their immediate measures,
but really between the great principles, ten
dencies, and results which each favors in their
general inode of thinking and action.
From the first we had the misfortune to
j possess statesmen among us who aspired more
to independence than Republicanism. Rebels,
! if you please, against George the Third, but
j not rebels against monarchy. Converts, if
j you please, to revolution, but not to Democra
cy. They remained the worshippers of old
| systems, and wedded to ancient forms, and
distrusted the capacity of man for self-gov-
I eminent. It is not to be concealed that some
I were still monarchists—doubtless honest
monarchists, but still monarchists. Somearis
| tocrats, and honest, but still aristocrats. Nome
disciples in all tilings of Alexander Hamilton,
not only hi his U. IS. Bank and funding sys
: tern, but in his high toned notions of govern
ment and society, content with w hat existed,
rather than seeking more, with what was es- j
tablished, rather than urging improvement, |
with what was literary, fashionable, or savor-!
ingot good society, rather than aiming to in-|
struct better and elevate higher the masses, |
advocates ol more power to the Executive and ,
stronger government, instead of the governed ;
being more intelligent and privileged—in fine, j
Federalists in principle, lionest Federalists!
often, but still Federalists. They were not j
the apostate, bastard, corrupt recreants wh > I
have frequently, for tiie loaves and fishes of
office, mere plunder ad pelf, joined and con j
trolled, and disgraced Federalism of late years.
(Great chermg.) No! They were sincere
followers of the old school, and highly respeC
table in private as well as in public life for !
talents and virtue, however misled and dan-j
gerous in their political opinions in a Repub-i
lican Government.
The Democratic party, on the other hand,
have felt bound from the outset, and still do,
j to oppose such unjust theories, and such a
j stationary policy, as well as measures so une
| qual. In short, they consider them hostile to
J our form of government and the true spirit
| of our constitutions, no less than the most vi
j tal interests of the citizens at large, ami also
| as behind the progress of the age—as false to
! the rights oi man—as opposed to the spread of
civilization—and, more than this, as illiberal
and anti-Christian in all their tendencies.—
(Cheers.) Such, then, is our general cause;
such theirs. Such is that of our liberal co
laborers throughout the world, against the
antagonist party under every Protean shape
which power and deception can devise.
Formidable even here as our opponents are--.
I by talents and wealth—their greatest success
| elsewhere renders this peculiarly the asylum
j and the citadel of free principles for all coun
I tries. How strongly then does it. behoove us
| at all times, occasion's, and points, to be armed
| in its defence, and ifii’ch more mi the approach
•of our elections. If the elections do not in
each case involve all of i lie points of difference
j and settle for any great length of time many
i of the momentous questions which agitate
j society, they always operate on some of them.
! However local or temporary some of their ini
: mediate objects, yet the leading men infuse
i into them forever much of evil or good, both
by example and precept, as well as opinion.
The great cause to which I have alluded is j
retarded or advanced, to the injury or benefit |
of untol 1 millions, by every victory or defeat j
of its friends at the polls, on a scale however !
limited. The elections, also, though not ex
actly the warfare itseil, furnish the great oc- j
casion for ascertaining its results. The war
fare is indeed here to-night—it is every where, ’
and during tbe whole year. It is in the count- 1
ing room—the street—the work shop—the ;
litfld—on the vessel’s deck—but tbe elections ,
are the places and the times for the final reck-!
oiling. They are the great dav of account, if j
they are not the battle fields; and if b.iliots .
are there used instead of bayonets, they give j
us the numbers on each side, and the killed, :
and wounded, and missing lroin the mental j
disputatious ami contests which have prece
ded. (Much cheering.) Thev show what
has been effected by useful hints here—bv
exposing misrepresentation there—by intrepid
appeals to duty in one place—intelligent books i
and independent presses in another—by mis- ]
rule developed, or the detection of confidence
betrayed every where. Before they take place
we contend with open doors, open beat ts, and
ojien principles while our enemies have
fought iu ambush, and still rely on power more
than right, ad are already appalled at the pros
pect. Notwithstanding tins, it becomes us
all, in season and out of season, to keep our
, lamps trimmed and burning. And though in j
a righteous cause, always trusting in Provi
deuce, yet at the same time aivvavs taking’
special care to keep our powder dry for the ;
tight. Use no measures hut arguments —no
influence but reason. \\ ith a desperate foe,
never sleep but on your arms. Eternal vigi
lance has more than once been justly called
the price of liberty—an I weli have you illus
trated it in former elections, when, after vears
of hope deferred, you persevered under :iie
most fearful odds, till you triumphed by a sin
gle vote. All you need now is the same reso
lute perseverance and undiminis, id ardor,
vvi'h the same steady, infle :.b!e, trustworthy
spirit, to ensure another triumph for your chief
, candidate in tiie field You do not belong to
the party to stay beaten. Morton is the pilot,
who, I trust, will again weather the storm.
| (Cheers.) Why should he not ! What is
there in the present cris.s ! vvha’ in the agita
ting topics of the day ! what in ali that is dai
ly happening around us, which is calculated
to dishearten! On the contrary, we have
quite as much in ail these to encourage us,
even in these local struggles, as we have in
the great principles of public liberty, and pub
lic virtue, and public improvement which dis
Anguished our friends and their cause over
the whole vvorid.
Some twelve months ago, to be sure, vve
witnessed much to shake tbe confidence of
the friends of equal rights in their security
and further progress. This arose not mere
ly from the temporary succes of our opponents
in the last Presidential election, but from the
i success of such bad msems. co much
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 18, 1841.
worse than usual, and so discreditable to their
authors, and, what was still more to be deplo-’
red, so degrading to the purity and stability of
all free institutions.
The scenes of degradation and demoraliza
tion which preceded that election, were not of
American growth ; they were basely foreign
in character. They must have been import
ed byour opponents from countries where the
lower ranks are ignorant and inexperienced,
1 and accustomed to debauchery, and where
, votes are bought and sold like sheep in the
; shambles. Their influence must be shore h-
I ved, where intelligence and virtue among the
electors are not utterly exterminated. Never
can results thus produced, or results aUenip:-
ed to be perpetuated by means such as those
proposed at the late extra session, triumph
Frig here. Indeed, it is a part of the provi
dence of God every where, that unlawful
means cun no more he used w ith safety or du
umie success, than unlawful ends. Hence
they have, in this instance already proved the
seeds oi overthrow to those who used them.
Tne profligate engineers have been blown
sky high by their own shells. The revulsion
is not only begun, but advanced. The people
are not merely awakening, but awakened.
And overwhelming ruin is writlenon the walls
ot the political palaces of our opponents, in
warning as legible and deep as ever dismayed
tyrants in days of miraculous interposition.
(Appiause.)
Let us devote a few moments to a consid
eration of some of their means and measures,
as a memento tor our children to shun, and as
an excitement for us and all who value virtue
or liberty, to punish such outrages on them
at the polls, in tbe ensuing election, by the
most signal reprobation.
Look first at some of the reckless charges
they trumped against their predecessors. In
the Iront rank was a host of Ogle fabrications ;
and wdiat was worse, alter being proved on
the floor of Congress, by one ot iiis own po
litical friends—even by one of your own ex-
Governors and present collector—to be full
of exaggeration and hypocrisy, thousands, call
ing themselves honorable men, aided in dis
seminating those falsehoods in every section
of the Union. Next came tiie convulsive
horror at the use oi blood hounds, though em
ployed to defeat the ferocious savage, who had
spared neither sex nor infancy, and had for
years covered an exposed frontier with con
flagration and butchery. But what is worse,
tiie vt ry territorial governor who recommend
ed, bought, and used them, was a Whig—ad
dressing Whig conventions—and by a
‘Vh'g Administra’ion, been reappointed to the
office from which the abused Democratic one
removed him. (Many cheers.) Next came
the really laughable charge of usurpation in
tended by a standing army! A standing ar
my, composed of only citizen militia ! Yes,
a citizen militia converted into an army vol
untarily to destroy their own liberties, and
that on a most dangerous plan, it was pretend
ed, but which had its origin in principle under
Washington, and had been particularly recom
mended by Harrison himself. (Applause.)
Shame, shame on such hypocrisy. But per-
haps enough of this scrutiny. (Cries of no,
go Oil. go on.) Next, then, came the charge
of a forty million dent! Reiterated over the
whole union, and yet now admitted not to ex
ceed twelve; and half of that twelve mani
festly caused by themselves. This was d*me
by tiieui in only half a year, and nearly six
teen more was attempted to be created’ for a
National Bank, while their predecessors were
twenty-four halt years iu toruiing - as much
as five or six millions ; and in the mean time
saved and deposited with the States nearly
thirty millions, though their successors have
not deposited a dollar with them, and will not
without the aid of increased taxation. Next
came the complaint against the use of treasu
ry notes, which saved from two to three per
cent, on the average, compared with their
twelve million loan. The notes allowed <\ll
the middling classes to participate, while the
loan benefits only banks and nabob capitalists ;
and the notes, however derided.did not on the
4th of March last, equal six millions, while
our opponents have since authorized loans
equalling more than twenty-five millions, and
resorted to treasury notes also, whenever able,
under former laws. (Loud cheers.)
Next; extravagance of expenditure —being,
tiie last year, but twenty three millions, when
they contemplate twenty-seven or eight this
year: being larger in former years only under
larger expenses in Indian wars and uncalled
tor appropriations lor other purposes made by
Congress, to the extent of thirty or forty mill
ions. The average in Mr. Van Buren’s ad
ministration did not exceed twenty-seven mill
ions instead ol thirty-seven, as pretended of
ten, and his last year reduced to twenty-three
millions, was ‘ending the way to only twenty
in tins year, that being only the amount of
the average ordinary expendituie of the whole
last twelve years, pronounced so extravagant
by those who have exceeded it seven or eight
millions ! (Many cheers.) I ought to pass
over other topics of their groundless charges,
lest too great an encroachment should Le
made on your time. (More, more.)
Look at the losses by Receivers, Collectors,
Szc., so falsely presented and exaggerated.
A list of the whole from the foundation of the
Government, during half a century, has been
circulated and placarded by these honest pol
iticians on every post and corner as the amount
i Fst during only the twelve past years of De
! mocratio luie. Much of it has aiso been at
tributed to the Sab-Treasury system. When,
m truth, tiie losses have not been a single
dollar under tiie Sub-Treasury, and when its
whole expenses yearly do not appear to have
equalled thirty thousand dollars ; when ali the
losses by co.fectors and receivers under Gen.
Jackson were not as much as in various for
mer admin.stratioiis, with a U. S. Bank, or as
; the losses yet unsettled to the Treasury bv
the U. S. Bank alone ; and when fill the losses
, under Mr. \ an Buren—(including Swartivout
1 himself —recommended to offic? at iiis second
term by Whigs—voted for by Whigs—chair
man oi the panic \Y higs, and once nominated
as a candidate lor Vice President by Whigs)
were not ail equal to the losses in the last four
years in more than twenty cases of broken
banks ; nor one-twentieth of the amount lost
by tne public and its stockholders through tiie
lb S. Bank alone. Even now, after all the
tirades against tiie last admin.st:a., n; on ac
count oi Swartwoui’s default, we are told by
the very last Whig papers themselves that
all the v.tupei'ation has ceen groundless, tiie
defalcation trifling, and that well secured.
In fine, without being too tedious, the past
‘ administration were faiseiv charged with ruin
-ruin— general ruin —every year since Gen.
Jackson’ election, as well as since Mr. Van
Buren’s. Ruin, from imputed harshness to
the Indians in Georgia, where civilization and
, Christianity were only then attempted to be
extended—ram, from the veto of the Bank in
16d2, which veto their own President has re
peated in 1641— ruin, from the removal of the
deposites, which tiie law expressly authorized,
atul from an institution that has since failed,
and been pronounced even by some of the
W big partisans a public nuisance.
But enough of charges so groundless and
absurn. Weli calculated to be .-uretomis
! lead for a time, but yet, after detection and
full exposure, calcinated also to recoil and
• overwhelm, as they are now doing, with
i shame, desertion, and defeat, their heedless
“THE UNION OF TIIE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
Look next a moment at the reprobate char
acter of ilie other practices and principles un
der which they sought and procured power.—
1 heir course, as a party, was to promise noth
ing, but abuse every thing. At the same
time fragments of the party in particular pla
ces pro iiised every thing, and in others resis
ted every thing. In one place the fragments
were U. S. Bank, in another anti-Taiiff s —in
one Abolition, in another anti-Abolition—in
one pledging all offices to old incumbents, in
another all to new ones.
But as a party, anda whole party, when asked
for their join, common principles for adminis
tering the Government, they referred you to
nothing but their philosophical and argumen
tative coon skins and hard cider. If you in
quired for their plans of reform, you were an
swered only by log cabins and gold spoons. In
fine, the loftiest among them admitted that
their resolution was to oppose every thing and
propose nothing.
Even at Harrisburg; where the magnates
of their cause assembled, you could obtain
no opinions on the Constitution, the Currency,
the Distribution, much less Abolition, or the
U. S. Bank. All was concealment, non-com
mittalism, inglorious secrecy nothing, in
short, about any great | nnciple or question of
constitutional liberty, or public poiice, but
simply “ Tippecanoe and Tyler too.”
It was “ Tippecanoe and 7 yler too,” morn
ing, noon and night, at taverns, pipe layings,
log cabins, hails of legislation, and, if not in
churches, at least in aristocratic drawing
rooms. It was the league of black spirits and
white, of all hues, opinions and creeds, and
all not for one single great specified object,
except “Tippecanoe and Tyler too;” and
that to be attained through all kinds of mis
representation and delusion, ali kinds of flum
mery and parade, all kinds of sensual and sor
did appeals; indeed, all kinds of political de
bauchery, from treating down to Badgerism
and Gieutworthism: and all kinds of incon
sistency, from running two candidates to es
tablish a Bank of the United States, who had
both uniformly opposed it: and two to enable
them to seize on ail the spoils ot office, who
had uniformly denounced those spoils, and all
removals for opinion’s sake.
Vv’hat could common sense, philosophy or
cool reflection anticipate to happen, ere lo r g,
when the mask was stripped off from such a
chaos and profligacy of principles ! Nothing
less than what experience soon verified.—
Those who sow the wind must expect to reap j
the whirlwind. The end in one sense came j
more quickly than any anticipated, in less :
than one short month.
In less than one short month—ere the ba- j
ked meats of the inauguration, with ail its ]
senseless pageantry and “glorification,” were
cold, they had falsified most of their pledges
against removals, and by importunities and
bickerings not only embittered tbe life, but
hurried to a painful grave the gray hairs of
their Chief Magistrate. It is a singular co
incidence, that the cold-blooded persecutors
for the spoils of office were allowing the tim
bers of the last log cabin in the capital, the i
great emblem of their cause to be pulled j
down and trodden in the dust beside his ash- j
es—when these last were being conveyed
from the city.
What has been the fate also of his col
league—of “ Tyler too ” —before the first half
year of bis Presidency closed 1 Burnt and
shot in effigy over half the Union—denounc
ed in their conventions—blackballed by their
presses, and in fine, proscribed in Congress
itseil’ by all tiie great leaders of the great
Harrisburg piebald coalition.
What sudden retribution ! What changes j
beyond the romance of the wildest Arabian
taie ! What a stupendous coalition sapped
by its own bad principles—overthrown—scat
tered in fragments over tiie earth in only half
a year ! It was almost miraculous madness,
which led them to persevere, as they began,
in such a univeisal disregard for all their so
lemn pledges against removals for mere opin
ion’s sake—p edges given every where and in
every form, and by almost every concpicuous
politician. In this matter their wanlomiess
almost exceeds credibility. Did they suppose
the whole community had adopted a Paul Clif
ford rule of conduct and belief! Did they
suppose that the people at large had neither
memories nor morals! Is breach of faith to
lie a part of the creed of our opponents! Can
they regard hypocrisy as a virtue! violation
of pledges as honorable ? Did they expect
to retain public confidence by breaking it —
and to deserve future trust by a profligate
abuse of all past trust! If they did, it is for
tunate that the false disguise has been strip
ped off so early, and that they now stand un
whigged before the scorn of many of their own
party, and the sneers of tiie world. (Cheers.)
They have been equally unfortunate, if not
perfidious, in several oth t respects. Thus,
on the great and absorbing question of the
currency, they have accomplished little or
nothing, except to get up a malignant family
tend. I'heir magnificent doings have been
chiefly undoings. The deposite act, as to the
pet banks which they had insisted on as indis
pensable to prevent a despotic union of the
purse and the sword, and to control a danger
ous Executive discretion, they have repealed
in hot haste, before any system had become
a law in its stead—thus by blunder or design,
restoring under themselves the very condition
of things they had anathematized under oth
ers ! Not content with this, they committed
die Idee folly .as to the Sub-Treasury, though
so excellent in some of its provisions as to
force on themselves a renewal of them ; and
so wise in all its essentials, that no constitu
tional, safe and permanent substitute is very
likely to be devised for it, except with some
modifications as to the currency, originally re
commended with it in September, 1637. In
deed, die great Whig argument against it,
that a verdict had by the former elections been
rendered against it, has already been nullified,
and the hundred thousand changes of votes
already ascertained since last Autumn, and
indeed since its repeal, lurr.ish the strongest
Whig argument to restore it, and to drive the
advocates of a National Bank into more than
Andalusian shades.
How ludicrous lias been their tinkering
with this subject at tbe late Extra Session,
till they fell together by the tongues —not to
say ears, as in one house of Congress—and
then like termagants broke up with a regular
! row of caucus scolding.
Instead of confining banking to those who
have spare funds to loan, they tried to dabble
in it themselves, though without spare money.
I and compelled to resort to an immense debt
| to be embarked in so unpromising a specula
i tion. Instead of providing capital for com
merce where a sufficiency did not exist, they
sought to swell the amount of what was al
ready over bloated, excessive and unprofitable.
Instead of reducing by their system Executive
influence, they increased it ten fold. Instead
I of letting the Government keep its own mo
: ney as it keeps its own ships, forts, lands and
’ buildings, by its own officers, amenable to it
: and accountable for defalcation under severe
; penalties, they attempted to put it in the povv-
I cr of bank stockholders —at times titled, inim
| ical, and irresponsible foreigners such as
! some Countess of Paper rags, some Duke of
! Shinplastere, or the Barings, or even Louis
j Philippe. Instead of leaving substitutes for
| specie to the States that rnav need them, and
! who can, by only willing it, at any time make
them sound, they have sought to absorb the
whole subject of the currency into the bands
of mere jobbing politicians. Under pretence
of doing small exchanges tor themselves, they
have argued the power to do all exchanges
lor others ; and they have thus attempted to
regulate, cheapen, and equalize the whole
exchanges of the country amounting to sev
eral hundred millions, by legislative corpora
tions, when they might as well regulate and
reduce the tides of the ocean by such corpo
rations. They might as well control prices
of merchandize and produce, and fix new reg
ulations for the movements of even the plan
etary system as alter by legislation the great
laws of trade that pervade and govern the
whole civilized world. (Applause.)
The real difference of exchanges between
two places you know full well, cannot exceed
the cost of carrying specie from one to the
other, or else specie would be carried instead
of buying a bill of Exchange. Now you
know, also, that the cost of carrying gold from
the .'remotest points, St. Louis or Detroit does
not exceed two per cent. Hence it follows
inevitably that all the party slang as to high
exchanges, without a National Bank, is
groundless; and that what trading politicians
please to designate as five, ten, or fifteen per
cent. A difference in exchanges is not a
difference between exchange of specie; but
of specie in one place and bank notes in anoth
er. Such a difference they might find across
one of your own streets between the exchange
of specie for the notes of a broken bank.—
You might as well call the difference between
the exchange of a sound for an unsound one,
in different cities, a difference caused by their
distance from each other, raffier than by their
unsoundness.
Only last winter (to give a practical illus
tration on this point) when exchanges were
quoted by political presses and bankers as
from 3 to live per cent, on N. Orleans, I ex*
changed two hundred thousand dollars of spe
cie in N. Orleans lor the same amount paid
me in N. York, without paying a single dollar
for the difference in exchange. (Applause.)
Nothing can cure such ignorant or specu
lating mterierence, but some little acquaint
ance with the true principles of banking and
of commerce, and some rutstraining grace in
politicians not to make the public the goose to
be exposed to be constantly plucked by a com
bination of speculators, sharks, and blacklegs.
Had neither of bank projects been vetoed,
those miserable schemes would both have
fallen still lower, except for the public cap
ital and credit connected with them. And
Capt. Tyler, as well as the constitution would
both have been headed in vain ; and the pub
lic would, in my opinion, soon have been more
thoroughly undeceived than they even now
are as to the lolly and imposture of both
measures. The people can always have spe
cie or its equivalent when they insist upon it,
and whether they resort to a Moron specific or
hard money alone, as provided by the Consti
tution, the fault is in themselves, in not hav
ing good laws or in not inflexibly requiring
them to be executed, when they are subjected
to the miserable vacillations and depredations
of suspended bank paper. The axe can be
laid at the root of speculation and profit, and
sound money will abound as much as sound
ships, if the demand for them is only made
steady and firm. The stupid idea that coin
enough, if required, does not exist in the
world for a circulating medium of specie
here, when it exceeds in America and Europe
alone fifteen time* all needed here, is worthy
only of superficial liippency that gives birth to
such crudities. The specie flag kept flying
by the General Government in 1837, saved to
us specie enough for three fourths of the
whole amount desireable, and relieved the
country from the abominable twentv-five
years’ suspension, looked up to by Mr. Biddle
as the English model for our intimation—one
or the consequences of which has been devel
oped in the rotten insolvency and ruin of the
United States Bank undeahis boasted auspi-
CGcit
1 would fain pursue this subject further
did time permit, without wearying your pa
tience, and encroaching on ground allotted to
others. A word or two as to some us the other
measures, and I have done. It may suffice to
remark as to most of them, that they were in
close keeping with the contempt of public de
cency and public pledges, as well as the dis
regard of Democratic principles, which have
already been exposed in the others. On this
allegation, we are ready to meet them every
where. On this especially do we choose to
meet them at Philipi—at the Poll. They have
been met in it there already by a once decei
ved and now indignant people, in many of the
States. The hour of meeting and reckoning
here approaches. You have made up your
minds, l trust, unchangeably on several of the
other points in their public career, and I will
now briefly, but plainly, openly, independently,
boldly tell them belore hand, what, in my
opinion, they are ; and what such unfaithful
stewards must expect from your ballot boxes.
First, you will not countenance public perfidy.
No matter whether m false accusations against
former ruiers, or broken promises as to pro
scription—and above all to retrenchment and
reform. Next, you will not tolerate succumb
ing or truckling to foreign powers, and more
especially our ancient oppressors. No hasty
willingness to surrender oppressed offenders
without either trial, indemnity, or even apol
ogy —and on deferring to take possession of
the disputed territory on the next 4th of July,
as promised to the next—the next, and ue
fear, the next onward, till the “last syllable of j
recorded time.” Massachusetts; as well as
Maine, lias a deep interest in tins question.
We want peace, but we do not want dishonor,
and it is not, and must not be in the true A
merican heart or nerve, ever to prove craven,
or unfaithful, to either national rights, or na
tional honor. Next, you will never endure, |
that the public domain be squandered, and its I
place supplied by permanent loans, or aug-!
mented taxes. Tin Government, as a whole, i
has been plundered of its principalities, large !
as halt the income of Europe.
Remember, that there is no surplus, and :
that every dollar of the public territory, given j
away, has to be supplied by more than a doi- j
lar’s tax —and that Massacbnsetts, for in
stance, in getting $140,000 by the distribution j
law, has to repay, under an increased tariff,;
quite SIBO,OOO to restore the principal, and :
tbe expense, as well as loss, of collection and ;
transfer. Remember, that the poor and mid- j
diing classes are obliged to pay of this §IBO,- j
000, at least twenty or thirty per cent, more j
under a tarilf, than they would have to pay if!
the money was wanted by Massachusetts,and
collected by herself under her own system of
taxation, which properly falls heaviest on cap
ital, and less oa labor, than does the tariff!—
Remember, too, that tiiese losses are inflicted
on us so as in effect only to aid British bond
holders abroad, and wealthy political jobbers
at home. (Great cheers.) Next, you will
support no wasteful addition to the public ex
penditure—which at only the Extra Session,
our opponents have augmented nearly six j
millions, by such unprecedented schemes, i
among others, as granting civil pensions, as- j
suming post office expenses, and assuming j
the support of lunatic paupers. Nor will you I
tolerate any star chamber inquiries with se
cret and inquisitorial powers, to hunt down
political opponents, and provide for starving
office holders.
Tell them, too, you want no Biddle Bank,
coiling a hugs ssi. sernent in leviathan folds
[r DUMBER 41.
around every antagonist interest or institu
tion, and strangling its \ nctims at the rod of
party caprice, or party dici ation, on either side
ot the Atlantic. Tell theta to keep off their
profane hands, from destroying the veto power
in the Constitution, which they threaten.—
It is the Peoples’ tribunitian prerogative,
speaking again through their Executive. And
it the popular vote is to rule, independent of
the forms of the Constitution, as they argue
against the use of the veto power, then and
ail oi them and their schemes are already
checkmated and ovrruled. If halt’ of either
Louse resigned, who are now in a minority at
home, the gasconading grandeur of the admin
istration last March, or even last June, would
become a mere worthless hulk.
Nor will you tolerate any useless increase
of taxation, or National Debt. The latter
you never believed to be a national blessing,
but a curse in time of peace, and the former is
utterly indefensible, whether it equal only the ,
old tory tax of three pence a pound on tea, i
which goaded your lathers into revolution, or j
whether it keep up on most of the g'reat ne- j
cessaries of life, double the odious tithes, j
from the oppression of which they once tied
to this iron hound coast and to a savage wil
derness.
It has been reiterated as a matter of taunt
that e%en I, on whose motion tea and coflee
have been exempted from taxation, was once
of a different opinion. This is of a piece
with many other calumnies and misrepresen
tations of the day. To be sure, 1 once said,
that if the imports continued small as in 1838,
and if the public expenses were kept high or
not reduced, it would be necessary either to
violate the compromise, limiting all duties to
twenty per cent., or impose duties on coffee
and tea. But i said at the same time, anu
have a t liousand times repealed it, that not j
only would the imports be materially larger, i
but the public expenses should be reduced, ■
and then that several articles might be ex- j
empted, including coffee and tea—and accord- |
ingiy 1 moved to have them exempted, and, !
thanks to Providence, they are tree. (Cheers.) ‘
But still they compel the people, by a need- i
less Tariff! to pay three millions more within |
tlis Union, than they would be obliged to pay
without the boasted Distribution bill of the
last Session. Thus are we ground down
with a tax on our clothes, and our leather ; I
our salt and molasses ; our sugar and iron— j
indeed, much of all, besides tea and coffee,
which we either sec or taste, wear or use, ‘
except the drugs and poisoas to kill us.
if we live or die, ride or walk, marry or be
single, remain poor or rich, still, in some shape
or other, from the cradle to the grave, taxa
tion under the present Tariff, like cankered
care, stalks beside or around us, as insepara
bly as our shadows. On the contrary, we !
want industry and enterprise to be free—-Iree ;
trade and sailors’ rignts,” all the world over.
We want the just reward every where, and
in every tiling of honest labor. We are not
foes to manufactures, any more than to agri
culture or commerce. But we say, let all
have equal rights—let all have a fair'neld and
a clear deck. Is not tilling the soil or plough
ing the ocean as much American industry”as
moving a spinning jenny ? Are not alllhe
toils and mechanical arts connected with
farming and trade useful and commendable,
and to be encouraged, as much as weaving or
spoofing 1 We want no hot-bed protection
in either, to disturb capital from its natural
channels, or to make the rich richer, and the
poor poorer. On the contrary, give us equal
liberty in ail. Last, but not “least, you never
will countenance any marked hostility to the
laboring classes, in any form—much less by
annulling the salutary ten hour system, or
capriciously lowering wages. We” are all,
it is hoped, practical as well as theoretical
Democrats. We go for substance more than
names.
We care not for claims to Democracy,
whether under an October sun, or an October
moon, set up by those who have long reviled
Jefferson and Madison, the fathers of out De
mocratic faith. Let us have deeds rather than
words. If such pretenders are Democrats,
those fathers were not, and we are not. Let
us not trust the Declaration of Independence
and the Constitution, as well as the resolu
tions ot ’9B, to be construed and enforced for
us by those who advocated the Alien and Se
dition laws—reproached Mr. Madison as de
serving a halter—denounced Jefferson as un
der French influence, and supported in 1832,
’39, and particularly in ’4l, United States
Banks, as weil as gag rules and gag laws.
Thank God, all this kind of masquerade hum
bug is coming to the light. The bubble has
been pricked—burst The promises and
p.edges before the election have been openly
violated. ‘I ell them to change creeds, or not
to change names. The Democratic Church
is liberal, but she wants converts, not spies.
The relief which was to come from our oppo
nents proves, in the end, to he oppression.
The economy expected, turns out to be ex
travagance. The time for their retrenchment
is never the present time, but always to
morrow, and to-morrow, and to morrow. The
reduction promised in expenses is augmenta
tion—by millions. The better times which
were to refresh and enrich all classes, have
proved the worst; except the gradual cure
which increased industry and thrift will alone
in time produce, and which intermeddling
legislation often retards. The true bone and
muscle of the land, whether merchants, me-,
chanics, or farmers, seamen or laborers ; 1
whether hereto-ore under the Whig or Dem
ocratic flag—are tired ol this wretched sys
tem of change; pretension, and hypocrisy.* I
concede, cheertully, that members nominally
in the ranks cf our opponents are men of pri
vate worth, and are kept from our ranks only
by prejudice, indifference, or delusion, on po
litical topiics. Their reason and conscience
often approve our general principles, while
their habits, and associations, and timiditv
disarm them. I war not with such, nor im
pugn their motives ; I only invoke them to ex
ercise courage as well as enquiry ; alter their
views when found utenable, as virtuous citi
zens arid real p itriots should, and then per
form them duiy like the sons ot noble sires,
who scented tyranny in the breeze, and many
of whom died martyrs in the holy cause of
liberty. The whole country around them is
becoming watchful and indignant. Every
quarter is loud with scorn at the impositions i
which have been practiced; burning with the
cry of shame on such moral outrages ; ardent
to avenge on their betrayers unfaithfulness,
insults, and injuries. The ball has recoiled.
We are, to use the oid language of our oppo
nents, in the midst of a revolution. And let
me congratulate you that never shone out
brighter omens or in a brighter sky than now
appear to invite Massachusetts to join the :
bright galaxy of Republican States. * (Much
cheering.)
This is not declamation or round assertion
tor the occasion ; for more than 100,000 votes ;
from ouropnonents’ ranks have already joined
ours, or re.used longer to act with theirs.
States, too, large as well as small, have spoken
loudly ; and invite you earnestly by their glo
rious example.
Scarcely bad th® present Administration
finished the carousals and gaudy pageantry of
the inauguratiin, when the cloven foot of their
course became so apparent that New Hamp
shire opened the Spring Elections with an
increase or her 6,000 against them to eight.
Permit gie., cite ‘•><- f -~- .. ....
merouß on earth and ocean, in the sunny
South and mighty West, to express for tha*.
first noble rebuke of Whig misrule, my thank -
fulness. No less do 1 express it in her behalf
for the kindness evinced this night towards
her and hers, by you and the eloqi eat speaker
who preceded me, [Mr. Barstow.] She, I can
assure you, showed the same granite firmness
in the Revolution as now, proved herself to
be equally granite in the last war, however
overborne for a season, grani’e in the strug
gles of the last ten years, and granite will you
find her for ever.
Next came Indiana, though their favorite
State, rushing against them like a cataract.
Next, faithful Alabama, whose high praise
is to be the New Hampshire of the South.
Next, Tennessee, changing at once from
them over seven thousand votes, and thus
gladdening the venerable hero’s last days,
who looks from his Hermitage with a still
anxious eye for his country’s welfare.—
(Cheers.)
Next, Vermont came, like an avalanche
from her Green Mountains. Next, Maine—
now the bright particular star in the East—
sweeping ail the tribes of Vv lfggery before
her like the tides in her vast bavs. Next,
Maryland, with almost an entire revolution,
under tbe very eaves of the palace at Wash
ington. Next, Georgia—speaking as the winds
come when forests are Tended. Next, Penn
sylvania, once mere to be the keystone of the
I arch. Next is Ohio, corning as the waves
| come when navies are stranded. And New
! 0 °rk will be most trumpet-tongued. And
J snail not Massachusetts rise also in her might,
I and take her oid lofty position among the
| stars which shine in the Democratic galaxy 1
Forbid her absence, ye sterling souls, whose
energies, and labors, have done so much, and
who are so well equa. to the task of doing so
much more. Forbid it,'‘above ait, that spirit
that redeming spirit, which alone has improved
our race in every age and crisis, and which
led Luther iu the cause of duty and reform,
to say he would onward in their cause, though
obstructed in his faith even by devils them
selves, as thick as the tiles on tne roofs of tbe
houses.—“ Now then is the day, and now the
hour,” to plant \ourfoct once more on the
neck of the Federal tyrant—and if once more,
it will be,God willing, henceforth and forever.
| THE NAMES OK THE SEVERAL STATES
LX THE UNION.
_ Maine—A name given by Sir Ferdinando
i Gorges to his patent of land, comprised with
! in tne Plscataqua and Sagudahoek, in compli
| rnenl to Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles I,
i who possessed, as her pri\ale estate in France,
| the province ol'Meyne.
New Hampshire.—August 10, 1622, a
. patent for part of the present state of New
| Hampshire, under the name of Laconia, was
made out ior Captain John Mason and Sir F.
j Gorges, but was styled New Hampshire by
| Capt. Mason, lie having been Governor of
j Portsmouth, in Hampshire, England,
i Vermont, until 1761, was claimed both by
New Hampshire and New York, when the
king in council decided in favor of the claims
of the latter. Its usual designation, till the
declaration of independence, was the New
Hampshire Grants; lmt January 16,1777,
they declared their district an independent
state, by the name of New Connecticut, or
Vermont— Verd Mont, green mountain, being
the name given by Champlain to the range of
mountains running through this state, discov
ered by him in 1603.
Massachusetts was so named from a tribe
of Indians which inhabited w hat is now Boston
bay, called Massachusetts, one of the five New
England tribes.
Rhode Island derives its name from an
island of the same name in Narragansett Bay,
called by the Indians Aquetneck, settled in
1638 ; and in 1644 named by the settlers the
‘ Isle of Rhodes,’ after the celebrated ‘ Rhodes’
in the Grecian Archipelago.
Connecticut, fiom the Indian name of the
river which runs through its centre, Quon
necticut; which iu their language signifies
Long River.
New 1 ork, formerly named by the Dutch,
its first settlers, New Netherlands, received
its present appellation in 1664, when Charles
j II granted it with other lands to his brother,
J Duke of York and Albany, and was therefore
j called New York, from York in England, part
of the Dukedom of its then proprietor.
New Jersey was part of the tract conveyed
| to the Duke of York and Albany, and by him
| granted to Lord Berkley, and Sir George Car-
I teret having come from the Isle of Jersey near
■ England.
i ennlylvania, from the conjunction of
the Latin word Hylva, forest, and Penn, the
name of its original proprietor, to whom it
was granted bv Charles if. on the 4th Maicli,
1681.
Delaware, settled by the Sweedes and
Finns in 1627, and named by them Nova Sue
cia (New Sweden) on the adoption of an in
dependent government in 1776, called Dela
ware from tne Bay of that name ; thus named
as being the place where died Lord Delaware;
the Governor of Virginia in 1618.
Maryland, a name given by King Charles
I. to the tract of land included in the Patent
of Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, granted
June 20i.1i, 1632, in honor of his Queen Hen
rietta Maria, daughter of Henry, King of
France.
Virginia, so called in 1534, after Elizabeth;
the virgin Queen of England.
Carolina, North and South, derived from
the Latin of (Carolus) 1X.., Xing of France;
by whom the lan.l was granted to Admiral
Coligny for a protestant settlement.
Georgia, named by the trustees in 1732
after George 11.
Alabama, from the Alihamas , the name of
a tribe of Indians once inhabiting the territory.
Mississippi, from the river of that name :
the Indian name of which was Mescliaceba
—rneschu great, and ceba river, corrupted by
the French into its present name. The Span
iards called it Rio grand u.i uor It —the great
river of the north.
Louisiana, the name given by M. de la Sale
in 1782, to that country, in honor of Louis
XIV . King of France, in whose name lie took
possession of it.
Tennessee, from the river which runs
through it, meaning in the Chickasaw lan
guage, Crooked Spoon. Previous to 1760 it
was a part of North Carolina.
Kentucky, also named from the Kentucky*
river, erected into a State, Dec. 6, 1790.
Ohio, Missouri, Arkansas, are named
from rivers bearing those Indian names.
Illinois, so called from the Illinois river,
which, in the Indian tongue, signifies the riv
er of men.
Michigan, thus named in 1605, from the
lake on its wesiern border.
Indiana, from the ward Indian, it being
one ul their famous hunting grounds.
Six or the States are named after royal
personages, li ne alter Queens and three af
ter Kings. Four were called in honor oi some
nobiernan ; three a Her European places; two
after the names of Indian tribe?, and se.eu
after the Indian name if rivers.
From the Democratic Review.
THE FIRaT MEETING UF JEFFERSON
AND BURR.
The following anecdote was re nted bv Mr.
Jefferson to the writer, while on a visit to
Monticello, in the year 1322. It was told iu
illustration of an opinion advanced by the igi
mer in relation to physiogmy, that although it
was but folly to attempt a system of judging
character lrom any particular conformation of
features, yet the eye was an unerring index
of the soul, and no training on the part o. is
possessor could prevent it from d.scLsing h,'&
true moral nature to a skillful observer. 1 will
endeavor to repeat the exact words of the il
lustrious narrator.
During ray attendance on one cf the earliest
sessions of the Continental Congress a. Pm,-
adslphia, said Mr. J., 1 chanced to rime one rii y
at a put!!: kratc, : ;*• :-rii Xhi.n—