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CflHTtfW- <?“ TUESDAY. FEB. 4. 1851- I
jfiLBGHAPHED
EXPRESSLY FOR THE TIMES,
ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA, j
decline OT COTTON.
* CiL'Jlleston, 7 o’clk. 25m. P. M. )
y . Feb. 3d, 1851. j
The steamer Canada has arrived at Hali
fax with accounts a week later.
Cotton has declined id. to id. in Liver
'poul.
Sales ofthe week 22,000 bales.
Nothing of the Atlantic.
pItOTHEE PHASE OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION
The reader’s attention will b“ attracted i
1 jr the correspondence, in another col
fjnn, between the Executive of Soulh
/fi/arolina and the British Government, on
lie subject of the police regulations of
that State concerning Free negroes ar
riving at her ports in vessels, whether
Foreign or Domestic. The British Gov
ernment alleges that these laws are in
contravention of the treaty stipulations
xistingbetw#>en the Governments ofGreat
Britain and the United States. The sub
ject had been previously brought, diplo
matically and directly, to the notice ofthe
Cabiittd at Washington, while Mr Clayton
was vHrapcr. This gentleman evaded
the qoPnion, contenting himself with stat
ing its difficu'ty, hoping that it would not
be pushed, and finally, rather referring the
British Consul General to the Execu
tive of South Carolina. The Consul (Mr
Mathews) on this hint, opened the corres
pondence with Gov Means, to which we
now refer. The correspondence involves
a number of important and nice points,
£ which are destined to.re-open the abysses
7 ofthe slavery agitation, which it is vainly I
pretenled * l>heen closed hv the “peace
►-vTiTWSo 'Co ngress. These points
are touched upon by the New York paper
from which we copy the correspondence.
We are glad to see that the AugnstaChron
ft Sentinel and the Rav’h Republican, two
of the “compromise” organs, take decided
ground In support of the laws of S Caro
lina, that are the subjects of British com
plaint. The State of Georgia has similar
laws on her statute book, and we are pleas
ed to see a disposition maniiested from
these quarters to sustain them. It would
bo strange indeed, if all men of all parties,
at the south, were not prepared to uphold
these necessary regulations for'the pro
tection of the southern people from the
wiles of abolition incendiaries, and the
corrupting intercourse between foreign
free blacks and southern slaves. How it
will end, no man can foresee. That the
interference should be met with determin
ed firmness hy, the southern States, all
must admit. We deem it fortunate for the
south, that England has opened the n> go
tiatinn with a State, whose government
•ad people are in no mood to take timid
counsels; or make fatal concessions to
the enemies of southern Institutions. As
tor the conflict between necessary State
Jaws, and the treaties of :he Federal Gov
ernment, the latter must be modified. S.
Carolina and Georgia cannot give up the
right and power to protect the property of
their citizens from the dangers of aboli
emissaries, introduced into their
pkrts, under color of a Federal Treaty.
aOEidea/Syces itself on in
this conn ulMa t*e w cor
respondence, under the cure chon of the
British Government, is so timed, as to
raise in the mind more than a suspicion,
that this manifesto of British abolitionism,
has its connection and found its nutriment
in the “peace measures of the last ses
sion ot Congress. Great Britain had seen
the sou;h driven to the wall in the slave
ry settlements at Washington; and re
ceiving in re'urn for her vast concessions
to the demands of American abolitionism,
• condescending promise of Congress that
the north would be faithful to a clause in
the constitution, as old as that instrument
itaelf. The British Press have a true ap
preciation of the character and effects of
this “settlement.” They regard it and
•peak of it, universally, as a terrible blow
at the Institution of slavery; while they
share in the sympathies of the north on the
subject of leaving intact the Fugitive
clause ofthe constitution. Great Britain
thought it a good time, no doubt, to put in
one ot' her philanthropic blows. Result as
it would, no harm could cornu to Grea
Britain from the effort. If it should exacer
bate the disunion feeling of the country,
the north washer rival for southern tiade, \
•nd her commerce, navigation and manu
factures would reap the truits. If she suc
ceeded in intimidating South Carolina,
and compelling the repeal of the obnox
ious regulations, British pride would be
solaced, and the kingdom that owns ten
white slaves to one black one in the United
States, would gain a point in her crusade
of negro proselytism.
And, then, what better time could be se
lected tor the movement 1 The soulh had
been defeated in a contest with the
w north, and before the tribunal of a com
mon Congress, to defend her rights ot
property under the constitution, and her
equality as sovereign States with those
States that did not happen to own slaves.
The south was supposed to be weak and
distracted alter coming out of so disastrous
a fight and the “union” feeling was here
to help the British movement The fire
brand was thrown at a good time for Eng
uoveranieruo
Utlje <§giift£g@
VOLUME XI. j
i this subject. The Carolina papers have
! nev£t alluded to it. There may oe more
j in it, than has yet met the publie eye.
EXTREMES MEET.
One of the favorite topics on which the
| submission organs of the south e xhaus
j their witand eloquence, is the coincidence
j of purpose, on the part of the ultraists north
j and south. They say, behold ! the ex
treme abolitionists at the north, crying
j out for a disruption of all political ties
with the slaveholding south ; and the ul
tras, south, proclaiming separation from
I the abolition north. And the very logical
j deduction is drawn, that there is a coali
tion between the two extreme parts to
bring about a dissolution of the Union.—
But these gentlemen leave a mighty gap in
the argument. t
Why do the friends of the south demand a
political separation! It is because the sub
missionists oflhe south have made atcom
pliance with that demand, a political and
social necessity ofthe first magnitude.—
And they have made it so, by a surrender
of the constitution to violation, and by
permitting the rights of the south to be at
the mercy of a hostile, sectional majority
in Congress. It was not the Fire-Eaters,
(who stood for th- cinstitution) but the
compromisers who refused to defend the
constitution, that have laid the knife on
the heart ofthe Union. For the constitu
tion nadthe Union, are convertible teims.
One cannot exist without the other.—they
are Siames twins, and to kill one,|is to de
stroy the other. We charge that the sub
mission men of the south, under a delu
sive Union infatuation, have stood quietlv
by, and seen a sectional majority put the
constitution to death, severing one after
the other, its strong vital ligaments ; and
without an effort to defend it; and now,
when the consequences present them
selv*e, in a general southern discontent
and distrust, weakening the ties of affec
tion and confidence, which before found
strength in the guaranties of a plain and
sufficient organic law —now, we say, these
men who have permitted the seeds of dis
solution to be sown, and who, had they
been true to duty and stood firmly by the
Southern Rights men, could have prevented
it —turn round and charge those who
fought over the body of the murdered con
stitution and covered it with their shields,
with being the authors and abetters of dis
union. No sirs ! You have destroyed this
confederacy, and posterity, in its impar
tial judgment, will hold you responsible
for it. The compromises of the last win
ter, dug its grave ; it was your representa
tives in Congress, who consented to the
act; you helped to build the mausoleum
over it, to crown it with garlands, and dig
nify the sacrifice as an oblation to the
Union. Mistaken or Guilty, men! We
care not which : yours is the deed— you
have raised the whirlwind, we had nothing
to do with sowing the wind ; you have let
go the sheet anchor of safety, and ice are
but doing our duty as men to provide for
the safety of all on board, when the ship
strikes and goes to pieces on the rock, on
which your weakness and folly have turn
ed it adrift.
Give us back what you have taken from
us; restore us our lost anchor; rekindL;
the confidence and affection which your
acts have destroyed; give us back our
equality, our rights, our freedom in the
Union, and you may undo the fearful work
of your fatuity. But you can never do it,
by hynming the most doleful and pious
ditties to the “glorious union.” “YVe ask
for bread, and you offer us a stone. ” Sub
missionist ! the Union’s ghost “shakes its
gory locks” at you! Tltou art the man !
THE NAMES. ;
After much coaxing and sore tribulation,
the names to the “Mutual lusurance Com
pany” have at length been given to the
public. They numbet forty four, all told,
or about one seventh of the whole number
ofthe members of Congress. On the list
are only Jive Democrats, including Sena
tor Gwinn, of California; and the Demo
crats, area majority in Congress and con
trol a majority ofthe States ofthe Union.
These five are from the south. New Eng
land furnishes one signer & he voted for the
Fugitive Bill and has since failed of a re.
election. New York furnishes 8 names
all whigs. Pet nsylvania only one. There
are eleven signers in all from Free States,
and the free States have |l6O members. —
Judge Wellborn from this district, does not
appear on the roll. Our readers may judge
from these items wha; sort of a demon
stration it is. The roll is as follows;
S A Elliot, Mass. H Cobb, Ga.
J Brooks, NY. AH Stephens, do.
D A Bokee, do. R Toombs, do.
J P Phoenix, do. \V C Dawson, do.
R L Rose, do. A F Owen, do.
G R Andrews, do HYV Hilliard, Ala.
J R Thurman, do J Clemens, do.
AM SchermerhorndoHenryJSlay, Ky-
Wm Duer, do. H Marshall, do,
Jus Cooper, Penn. J L Johnson, do.
Win M Gwinn, Cal. Daniel Breck, do.
T G Pratt, Md. J B Thompson, do.
R J Bowie, do. C S Mon-Bead, do,
J B Kerr, do. F E McLean, do.
A Evans, do. M P Gentry, Tenn.
J Morton, Y'a. C H YY r illiams, do.
T S Hayrnond, do. J M Anderson, do.
YV P Maugum, N C. A G Watkins, do.
A H Shepperd, do. E C Cabell, Fla.
E Deberry, do. H S Foote, Miss.
D Outlaw", do. H A Bullard. La.
J P Caldwell, do. T J Rusk, Texas,
Telegraphs —There are 22,000 miles of
telegraph in operation in the United States
12,000 on the Morse/ principle, and about
10,000 on the House and Bain principles.
Printer’s Festfval.— We make our ac
knowledgements to Messrs Beach, Brother
ofthe New York Sun, for the compliment
of an invitation to attend a Dinner ghen
by them to Col Hob, the distinguished
builder of fast Printing Presses. The Din
ner was to have taken place at the Astor
House on the 28th ult. The Augusta Con
stitutionalist says, the complimentary din
ner is a well deservedf tribute, alike hon
orable tqAhe distinguished guest and the
liberal minded proprietors of this Press.
This press is one of the world’s wonders in
mechanism, and Col Hoe has established
for himself an enduring fame by his use
ful labors. The press is the great civilizer
ofthe world— the handmaid of peace, in
telligence and freedom. To this country,
at least, if not the whole world. Col Hoe
has proved himself a benefactor, by mul
tiplying tho capacities of machinery for
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, vw.i TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1861.
•applying rapidly, reading matter to the
human mind.
The dinner was to be preceded by a
private exhibition to the invited guests of
the Steam Press in operation at the %b
office. \ A
[From the X. Y.l’oiniwrcinl A dvertiaer, Jan Vjr”
A NEW PHASE OF AH OLD SUBJECT. \
lx will scarcely be forgotten that some
month's sir.ee a correspondence took place
between our Secretary of State and tin?
British Cabinet respecting the imprison
ment of free colored persons, subjects of
Great Britain, in the ports of South Car
olina. The then Secretary of State, Mr.
Clayton, represented iff the British Gov
ernment the peculiar oifficnlties which
surrounded the question, such as had in
deed been pointed out in a previous
correspondet\ the sain-* subject be
tween the tvf* Sivernmt nls; and suggest
ed to the Erttfhsjf Cabinet whether it was
desirable orq- x to push the matter,
in view of the il r< \it and almost insurmount
able impedinge*)ts to its satisfactory settle
ment. It was specificallv mentioned to
the B itish Minister that in matters affect
ing its local police ar.d state government
each state was sovereign, and that the Gen
eral “Government could not rightfully’ in
terfere with the legislation ol South Caro
lina, unless such legislation contravened
the constitutional obligations and restric
tion* by which South Carolina, in common
with her sister states, was solemnly bound.
The British Government forbore press
ing the matter further upon our Cabinet,
and from some explanations recently made
in the British Parliament, the opinion
generally prevailed that, for some time at
least, the question, as between the two go
vernments, would be allowed to sleep.—
Yesterday, however, the Evening Post’s
correspondence from Columbia, S. C., re
vealed anew phase of the subject. ‘The
British Cabinet acting evidently upon the
hint derived from its correspondence with
the American Minister, has directed her
Britanic Majesty’s consul general for the
Carolinas, to address South Carolina as a
sovereign State, and to bring the question
directly before its Governor. We regard
the correspondence thus opened with anx
iety, and treat it with importance, for two
reasons. First, because it shows thaLjht
government of Great Britain has sou
necessary so speedilj’ to re-open f
tion. YVe say found it necessary,
there is every reason to believe that me
British Cabinet had no desire, in the pre
sent and growing friendly feelings between
the two powers, to press this matter to an
issue. Many circumstances combine to
strengthen this beliel, which was justified
ty the language held by tbe Ministry,
when questioned upon the subject in the
House of Commons.
We infer, therefore, that in renewing
application, the British Cabinet has acted
under the pressure of popular sentiment in
England, which every one knows amounts
to a strong and universal and slavery leel.
ing, It is far from improbable, also that a
wounded national pride is mingled with
this feeling, for it is well known that the
English people love to boast that the man
tle ol British protection is thrown around
the humblest subject of the realm, wherev
er he may be. We make the same boast
with respect to our own Government, and
it is praiseworthy, and not be carried out
t into oflensiveness or arrogance. It is a
mutual right to be mutually respected.—
We think it safe to assume, therefore, that
there is a combined feeling at the back of
this renewed application—ihat the unwill
ingness of the people ol England to sub
mit to the imprisonment ot a British sub
ject, without even accusation ol crime and
at his own or his employer’s expense has
been added to the strong anti-slavery feel
ing, and that the instructions given to Mr.
Consul General Matthew have been issued
under the steady pressure of this combin
ed sentiment, it is not difficult to sup.
pose that the recent discusions and legisla
tion of our own Congress upon slavery
have excited the attention of the people of
England to this branch of the subject.
Believing that these agencies have
been at work to induce the British Govern
ment to renew its protest and its claim, we
are constrained to regard the correspond
ence which we publish below with some
anxiety. It seems most likely that the cor
respondence will not be abandoned with
out some result—that it will be prosecuted
to one issue or another. Whether we
have a rightly divined the true reason why
the application has been renewed, or wht<*
ther we have not, it still seems to tis mor
ally certain, history instructing us, that
the application will be pertinaciously pres
sed, and the exemption from imprison
ment finally insisted upon. We suppose
fiat the justice ofthe South Carolina law,
in view of treaties existing between tbe
United States aqd England, was virtually
conceded ,in the correspondent of the
two governments, already referied to. Its
violation of the treaty, if we remember
rightly, was not denied—it was rather apo
logized for, as in reality unimportant com
pared with the grave results that might
flow from persistence in remedying the
evil. •’ j
And this leads us to a second point of
equal importance and difficulty. By this
C'-rrespondence may be raised, and proba
bly will, the complicated question of how
far stales right, can be pleaded as a bar
to fulfilment of international treaties. —
Great Britain claims that the imprison
ment of her subjects in the ports of Soulh
Carolina is an infringement of relations
guarantied by solemn treaty with the Fed
eral Government of the Uni red States.—
The allegation it met by the plea that
South Carolina is a sovereign state, hav.
ing the power to regulate her own int<*fn
al policy, and that the law of which Great
Britain complains is a mere regulation, of
police, enacted for her own safety, m vir
tue if her inherent rights as a soveiulgap.
independent Stale—The English Govern
ment replies that the Federal Government
made the treaty? that it must be assumed
to have had the power to enter into the
contract, and now to have the strength to
enforce its terms if violated on either side.
The same reply is returned, and appar
ently, for the sake of good feeling on
both sides, the question is allowed to rest.
But having been referred to South Car
olina us a sovereign state, and in that rap
acity the author of the alleged grievance
of: wlseli slire complains. Great Britain
turns to South Carolina, resolved to prose
cute her claim through {whatever chan
nel the friendly Government of the Unit
ed Stales may direct. Now it is plain
that, whether Great Britain be right or
wrongasto the subject matter of ber re
monstrance, the course she has adopted
will tend to test severely the relations of
the separate to the confederated states, and
vice versa, and will, should South Caroli
na persist in enforcing the law complain
ed of, bring up before the world’s judge,
ment tbe real question of the Federal Gov
ernment’s responsibility a* between its
component parts-—tho correspondence be
tween the British consul and Governor
*TH K ° F s AMD THE SOVEREIGNTY OK THE STATES.”
j Means becomes vastly interesting and im
j poriant.
First, with implied approval, almost at
the actual request, of the Federal govern
! merit,Great Britain opens direct, official
■ -communication with an individual state of
!iiis Union. This is no slight matter.-
IV e cannot but regard it as a false step on
(je part, of the late Secretary of State that,
is the organ of the Federal Government,
ie made an} - such admission as would in
he remotest degree justify the belief that
md individual^ state could enact and sus
ain a law at variance with a national
v, or could be appealed to by foreign
lower to lemedv such an evil, did it real
y exist. If Great Britain’s remonstrance
\€is not just, or equitable, or justified bv a
breach of treaty, the reply of our govern
uSmt ought to have been to that effect,
but decisive.
If otherwise, it was lorthe Federal Gay.
eminent. sis the treaty-making power, to
nave met the responsibility without hesi
tation, 10 have herself copied with the dif
ficulty, of whalevt r magnitude ;to have
said frankly to Great Britain, “You afe*
right; South Carolina is wrong ; arid we
wiilsee that the treaty which we make is
strictly and faithfully fulfilled.”
This would have shut out Great Britain
fraiin Correspondence, from treating in any
wiiy. with South Carolina. But what now
sikall hinder the British consul here, if so
itstructed, from, addressing Governor
Ejjjijnl oil the subject ofthe alien passenger
tax, or some kindred topic, provided that
the. Government has first corresponded
with the Federal Government upon the
inlilter, and even without such proviso?
Tarn it may lead to difficulty in another
wi \ Arguing still upon the assupmUon
thi iheEnghsh Government is complaining
of n actual violation of treaty, and is re
sol ed to resist at all hazards, the further
im risoumeut of its subjects at Charleston
> r .'sewhere, some such sequence as this
nit be anticipated. Collision or reprisals
wi follow. Against whom shall this hos
tili r be directed? Os course, [Great Bri
laii having been virtually referred to that
Sta ■of the rejspi listUle party. ) against
Sot i Carolina. Coping with that State
aloi , she must triumph. But would, or
cou , the Federal Government s.and
aloi continue neutial? Assuredly not;
it w uld be as surely involved as if it bad
orig tally retained the whole’ll alter in its
own hands, with this advantage—that it
had reviously pleaded inability to compel
obec ;nce from South Catolina.
ny other thoughts arise in connec
tion vilh.this whole subject, but we can
not mrsue them now, and couclude by
subjoining the correspondence.
r Protest of Consul Matthew.
Columbia, Dec. 14, 1850.
Tip undersigned, her Britanic Majesty’s
cons (1 for the States of North and South
Garobna, has the honor to intimate to your
Exctßency that he is instructed to invite
the legislature of South Carolina, now as
sembl'd, to the existing law of the Stale,
a class of her Britanic Majes
ty’s entering, on a garuntee of a
national treaty, the ports of South Caro
-1 inlay in trading vessels, or in “distress,”
are •jiien from the protection of the Brit
ish and imprisoned in the common
jails Jitil the movement of their ship’s
depa Ire.
T indirect mode adopted by H. B. M.’s
Govt’ ( lment in this communication, will,
the i llersigned hopes, be accepted as a
furtfc M proof of consideration and good
will l tferd the State of South Carolina.
At of the constitutional change im
pend jjupon his arrival, he has purposely
await Jppur Excellency’s official inaugu
ration *Vo office.
The bu'teof South Carolina, the under
signed apprehends, has derived advantages
of tiiometrt from the present liberal com
mercial intercourse with Great Britain,.as
it is evidently, the price at which her sta
ple commodities of rice and cotton can be
sold , that limits tlieir production and im
portation from various other countries,
nor will it escape the recollection of your
Excellency and of the Legislature, that
the punctilious adherence of the British
Government to the unintended, but strict,
application of the wording of the mutual
treaty, ernbled a talented Carolinian gen
tleman to* obtain for the South, under it, a
further benefit.
To the distinct clause of that treaty, and
to the declaration in the constitution of the
United > cu tes, “that the constitution and
the the United States, which shall
he made in pursuance thereof, and all the
treaties nude or which shall be made un
der thw authorities of the United States,
shall be the supreme law of the land,” the
undersigned begs to call your Excellency’s
attention,apprehending that its infraction
by the act in question will appi ar indubita
ble.
The substitution ot any more “protect
ive” basis of commercial intercourse for
the presentlreaty would, he feels persuad
ed, be at vanancewith the wishes of H.
B, M.’s Government, but it is jqst and in
dispriisablei, its continuance, mat a per
i.arecprourtv m its advaotages should he
iy depend omheir imports for corn, flour
cattle, salt, provisions, and lumber, ami, to
their small tfl i* rous vessels ('necessarily
manned 4y rfuxed and colored creoles) as
the puns of 4|nb and South Carolina, res
pectively, ar&mre suitable, and at all sea-
Incur
u,c. so Cb .... ~MI tegiuaro.--. ‘sh-*:
extend to to signers the same restrict ion a
they MO post- if natives, the spot, where
enl .feed, of a similar class and
(Calling, and no more.
I’he “tjder jgued indulges in the hopes
that undei tin m circumstances, the L.egis
iatuie of Sou; will see,jit to ab
rogate orame >®kuch portion of the law as
applies tht ‘Sabjects of foreign tpllied
powers, and *Ol thus strengthen the ex
isting bonds of Commerce, of friendship,
and of mutual pod faith, with a kindred
nation. M;
HGsoroe B. Matthew.
Tp hi* Excel ‘f|y,
Th| Govern if pnd Com-in*Chief of S.
Carolina, dki &c.
w.
Reply oh Governor Means.
ftexEcuTiv* Office, >
Columbia, ~ Dec. 17, 1850, $
The undergigifed, Governor of the Com
mon wealth of Stoth Carolina, has the hon
or to ackaowlcttijpg the receipt of the com
municatmn of Her Britmic Majesty’s Con.
sul, in relation to the law now existing, by
which a class of H, B. M’s. subjects are
imprisoned upon landing in Charleston,
and the undersigaad takes this occasion to
BSiure H. B. M’s consul of the friendly
feeling entertaine^^Nhi^Qo g<>rnrnftn t by
the Stale over which he to
preside, and that no disposition
do any thing that might tend to disturb
the amicable relations now existing be
tween the two Governments.
The law alluded to, the Legislature of
South Carolina deemed necessary to en
aclj from considerations of safety to the in
stitutions ofthe State, and not with a view
of imposing any unnecessary restraint up
on the seamen claiming the protection of
the flag of any friendly power.
The communication of H. B. M s con
sul will be transmitted to the Legislature
at the earliest possible convenience of the
undersigned, and no doubt will meet with
a respectful consideration.
[Signed] J. H. Means.
To H. B M’s Consul,
George B. Mathew, Esq.
Second letter from Consul Mathew.
Columbia, Dec. 18, 1850.
The underigned, Her Britannic Majes
ty’s Consul, for the States of North snd
South Carolina, has the honor to acknow
ledge the receipt of your Excellency’s
“note” of the 16th instant, conveying to
him the gratify ing assurance of the friend
ly feelings entertained to his Government
by the State ovtr which your Excellency
presides; and intimating, also, your Excel
lency’s intention to transmit the con. muni
cation ofthe undersigned atyour Excel
lency’s earliest convenience, to the Legis
lature of South Carolina.
The undersigned would merely desire,
in continuance of his “note” of the 14th
inst., to request the consideration of your
Excellency and of the Legislature of the
opinion of the late Attorney General YV 7 irt,
elaborately written under the command of
the Hon. J. Q,. Adams, President of the
United States and printed in “Elliot’s Di
plorn, Code, (Appendix volume ii, pae
676,) concluding in the following forcible
language:—
“I am of opinion that the section of the
law under consideration is void, for being
against the constitution, treaties and laws’
of the United Stales, and incompatible
with the rights of all nations in amity with
the United Stales.”
This opinion, your Excellency will, the
undersigned conceives, hold to be well
founded on the supreme power of treaties,
as ruled by all writers on international law
and briefly but decisively laid down by
YY heaton, in h:s “Elements off nternation.
al Law,” who states, [page 122, chap, i,
part 2,) under the head of the “Rights of
Self Preservation and Independence,” of
nations.
“The only exceptions to the application
ot these general rules arise out of compact
such as treaties of alliance, guarantee, or
mediation, to which the state itself, whose
concerns are in question, has become a
party.”
The undersigned feels fully assured that
Her Majesty’s Government may confident
ly rely on the justice and good faith ofthe
Legislature of South Carolina to arrest
from tbe present moment the operation of
an act which he apprehends will on ex
amination, be found liable (by the individ
ual irritation it must cause) to create the
results it was designed to preclude.
[Signed] George B. Mathew.
The Governor of tne State of S. Carolina,
Jteply of Governor Means.
Executive Department, )
Columbia, 19th Dec., 1850.
The undersigned, Governor over the
Commonwealth of South Carolina, has the
honor to acknowledge the receipt of the
note of the 17th, from H. B. M’s consul,
and informs him that it will be transmitted
to the Legislature forthwith.
The undersigned takes this occasion to
renew his assurance of his own friendly
feelings, and those of the Stale over which
he has the honor to preside, toward H. B,
M’s Government, and also his individual
respect for H. B. M’s Consul.
[Signed] H. Means.
H. B. M’s Consul
George B. Mathew, Esq.
’ It is a remarkable fact that in twen
ty f ve , out of the 31 States, there are now
Democratic Governors. The 6 States
which have YVhig Governors, are Ver
mont, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsyl
vania, Florida and Kentucky.
It is stated that Miss Zajello, the
Hungarian heio ne, has been appointed to
a clerkship in one of the bureaux in YVash
ingtou.
Death of Major Butler. Major
Pierce Butler, brother of Col. YVm.'O
Butler, late candidate for the office of Vice
President of the United States, a distin
guished lawyer, and for a numberof years
a member of the Legislature of Kentucky,
died on the 15th inst. at Louisville. A
meeting of the members of the bar of that
ciiy was convened on the occasion, and re
solutions of regret and condolence passed.
The citizens of Natchez have ap
pointed a committee to lure the Nightin
gale to that place. Throw sail on Bar
num’s tail—that’s the way to catch her.
E3P” Speaking of the American census,
the London Times says, that from w hat
has already appear* and, the returns will “ex
hibit an instance of material and indus
trial developeinent unparalleled in the
annals of nations;” and concludes an arti
cle on the subject, by the direct assert jon
that ten years hence, the population\f
America will exceed that of the British
isles.
’ President Bonaparte’s friends are
Said to be negotiating a inarriag- for him
with the Infanta Amelia, of Spain. The
young lady is sweet seventeen, pretty, ac
complished and rich.
Baring issued a circular on
the Ist inst., announcing that they have
admitted a partner Mr Russel Sturgis, of
Boston, United States, former ly of Canton.
Montelanibert, the famous
Catholic of France, is a candidate for the
office of Grand Master of the Masonic Or
der of the Republic, and is supported by
the united Catholic interest.
Professor Proud fit, of Rutgers College,
is engaged in writing a history of the Hu
guenots who settled in New York and
New Jersey.
Small Debts. —No man says the Bos
ton Transcript, whe is able to pay, ought
ever to say to a poor man “call agaio,”
when payment of a few dollars would
make his creditors and family comfortable.
This is sound morals. Delay in pay
ment obliges the creditor to lose time in
running after the money which is equival
ent to so much yaloe deducted from the
debt. Where the debt is ol small amount,
two or three errands after it woqld cost to
the creditor more than its whole value,
COLUMBUS, GA., FBIDAY, FEB. 7, 1851.
SOUTH CAROLINA
from all the signs of the
times, e 0 f j§ ol jjh Carolina
have firmly | rta dc up their
minds to secede from n fj,; s
purpose is strongly manifested in them*,,
liberation and coolness which have mark
ed the proceedings of her Legislature, the
responses of the candidates for Delegates
to her State convention, and the unani
mous tone ofher public press, so far as
we have seen. We state the fact tor the
information and guidance of our own peo
ple. Situated as we are—a citizen of
Georgia—of a State that, in our judgment
has succumbed to oppressions, that she
had the power of averting; suoinitted to
wrongs that she might successfully and
bravely have combatted—it is not our
privilege to venture to advise our gallant
neig l '’ rs as to their course of action in
this great crisis. We cannot advise them
to do singly, what in our judgment Geor
gia owed it to her honor and renown, be’
rights and her safety, to have joined (<e.r
in doing. YVe cannot recommend them
to encounter, alone, dangers and respon
sibilities, obloquy and malignity in the
presence of which our own Slate has
quailed. Asa citizen of South Carolina,
our voice would be tree of utterance and
our vote unfettered. In such a case we
would vote for that course which we dare
not now advise. And our conduct would
be governed, not by a foregone desire to
dissolve the union ; but by the conviction,
that its principles are already dissolved
that disintegration was only a question of
time ; and that it was better for a southern
State to go out while she was strong, than
to wait until her vigor had been sapped,
her patriotism corrupted and her powers
s/'-'Hlowed up in the despotism rapidly
cch. iralizipg at Washington. We hold
tTat the old compact with the north, made
by tbe tramers of the present constitution
is broken, dilapidated and destroyed, and
not worth the parchment on which it is
written. The advantages of a “more per
fect union” formed by it, have enured all
to one party. If the north will not adhere
to the old bargain, why should the south ]
Is it not wiser to seperate, and then, if
need be, go into convention, as equals,
and see if anew union can be framed, just
and honorable to all. If not, “agree to
disagree” and each section look to its own
welfare andgovernment. We repeat what
we have said a thousand times, that this
Congress has destroyed the Government,
by its failure, courageously to meet the
abolition onslaught on the constitution, in
the spirit of the constitution. The States
men of t ; ie present Congress—and none
more so uian those of the south—have
proved themselves unequal to the great
crisis, during which the destinies ofthe Go
vernment were committed to their hands.
Their ambition, their treachery, or their
timidity are before God and impartial
posterity, responsible for the wreck of this
once glorious union. Iftheyhad had the
courage of Pitt and Burke when the storm
ofthe French Revolution bursting across
the channel, threatened to upheave the
foundations of British credit, society and
Government, and had breasted it, as they
did. If, instead of temporizing with the
negro-mania, which had fixed its fangs on
the vitals of the constitutional equality of
the States ; they had met it, determined to
sav. the constitution or die in the attempt,
it is now plainly to be seen they would
have succeeded. And the present Con
gress would have been immortalized as
the saviours ofthe Union, instead of hand
ed down to future ages as its finmolutors
But unhappily, Demagogues stood where
Statesmen were needed. Ambition cor
rupted patriotism ; tear paralyzed public
virtue, and Free Soil won a fatal victory
over justice, equality and the south. And
it gave it a foretaste of other victories,
without which it will be forever unappeas
able, until they are wrung from the hands
of a weak and time-serving Congress like
the present. When the fountain is cor
rupted, what hope of drinking life and
health from the rills that flow from it 4 The
fountain of the Union has been poisoned
at YVashington and it is insulting folly to
call on the people to drink ot it as of yore.
“ Peace measures” cannot cure such an
evil. “Acquiescence” cannot mend it, nor
can it be eovered up in the folds of. or
soothed by the patriotic anthems that have
celebiated the Star Spangled Banner.—
God grant that it were otherwise! But
facts are tacts. Let the blood of disunion
then, fail on those who have wrought it, by
quailing in the hour of trial and duty, and
not in denouncing as “ Traitors” those
who are seeking toscreen their heads from
consequences which they labored, patrioti
cally and constitutionally to avert. South
Carolina never uttered a disunion menace
until her rights in the Union were first as
sailed ; and she has not resolved to consum
mate secession until every appeal to justice,
fraternity and patriotism had been exhausted.
Defeat of the Tariff Project
The amendment in relation to the tariff,
introduced in Congress by Mr. Strong, of
Pa., was put to sleep on Wednesday, in
the House of Representatives, by a deci.
sion of the chair, confirmed by a majority
of fifteen, on an appeal to the House. Sev
eral other amendments, with a similar ob
ject in view, were tigered and disposed of
in the same manner.
The Washington letter writers speak of
the extraordinary exertions of the friends
of tin tariff, and generally agree in the op
inion that no effort to change the present
tariff law will be successful at the session.
The correspondent of tbe Baltimore Clip
per, speaking of the arguments of an able
advocate of the protection policy, now in
course of publication in one of tbe Wash
ington papers says—‘fAias! his arguments
fatten deafears, and passaway as the wind.
Free Tiade among the sovereignties or na
tions composing this Union, seems to have
taken such a deep hold upon the public
mind, throughout great Britain and the
United States, that the chances are far J
_reater in favrr of the final ab> lition of a l
impost tax upop the trade of ike two coun
tries, than they are towards returning to
the protective system.'N—Acu'j.
j NUMBERS.
h L_
Tiik Southwestern Rail Road,
Macon Journal & Messenger of the 29th
ult. says:—-“We enjoyed our First lide ifo
the South-Western Road on Saturday
ing last. About twenty gentlemen left
the Depot on an Iron Train at 3 o'clock.—
It ran seven miles down the tract, dischar.
‘bree cnr-louds of iron, and returned
to hours nud a quarter. —
The ‘“ork of is rapidly
progressing, and wilt bo the
h chaconnee early in next week. r"f>-~
superstructure upon nearly tht entire r ute
is now done, and our neighb vs at Foil
Valiev and Oglethorpe may expect a visit
from the steam-horse in a lew weeks.”
Mississippi.— The Montgomery Adverti
ser says that the progress of Status Rights
in Mississippi, is truly cheering. Its friends
there are doing battle with a zeal, energy
and ability worthy of the great principles
involved; and judging from the tone of
their ablest press, the cause is going on
“prospering and to prosper.”
Gov. Quitman. —The National Free Tra
der o! •25th ult,, says: All rumors in rela
tion to the arrest of Gov. Quitman are in
correct. The Marshal has not as yet been
in Jackson. This matter involves very
serious state considerations. Gov Quit
man has counselled with the most eminent
men in the State, and made his determina
tion, but no one is authorized to state
what he will do. We have no doubt that
the writ of arrest will be issued, and then
all conjecture will beat an end. This we
have from one who knows.
The Rail Road. —The Washington Ga
zette says:—We understand the corps of
engineers, after a thorough examination
and survey, have decided upon the line
already run, it being wholly impractica
ble to overcome the obstacles by a detour
in any direction.
Gen Cass Don’t DECUNE.-r-The Cincin
nati Enquirer has seen a letter from Gen.
Cass, “in \yhich he expresses surprise
that his letter to Mr Stevenson should lie
construed to mean any thing more than
his refusing, if elected, to be a candidate
fora second term.”
There must he some mistake about this,
for Gen Cass’ language in his letter to Mr
Stevenson was very explicit. He said :
‘I beg leave to say that no circumstances
can possibly arise which would induce me
again to permit my name to be brought
forward in connection with the chief mag
istracy of our country. My inclination
and my sense of duty equally dictate this
course.”
MORE COLD COMFORT-
We pub iislied the other day the “cut
direct” given by the Richmond Whig,
the leading federal organ of Virginia to the
“Union Party.” We now copy a little
“more of the same son” from the Rich
mond Enquirer, the Democratic organ :
“We hear much said in favor of the dis
memberment of the present parties and the
formation of an ‘•Union party.” We pro
test against such a plan. In the first place
the very (set of organizing an “Union par
ty” presupposes thql it is necessary, in
older to put down a dangerous ‘'Disunion
party.” We deny Inal there is any such
party, of any great extent, m the country,
and we shall not, by aiding m the forma
tion of an “union party,” recognize the
fact oi the existence of an extensive Dis
union patty. Again, it is a natural inci
dent to our institutions for one party to ex
cite opposition and to raise up an antago
nistic party. The .surest means, then, el
producing a “Disunion party” is to organ
ize an “Union party” per sc. .Moreover,
we believe with the Flag, that the Demo
cratic party is the genuine party of the
Union and the Constitution, and that, up
on the success of that parly and its conser
vative principles, intimately depends the
continuance of'the Union. Toe theory ol
the Whig or federal party tends to foster
and build up a slroi g Central government,
to give it means and temnlation to thrust
its hands into the affairs of the States, and
to stretch its powers over subjects which
are properly without its range. Tiu-ir
wild and latitudinous construction of the
Constitution, gives to the Federal head,
powers, never (Iremin and of by its found
ers, and which are inevitably calculat'd
to excite alarm und dissatisfaction on the
part of the States interfered with. The
South is m the minority, and, ol course,
ali the usurpations of the federal gov
ernment are turned to her injury and op.
pressiori. Hence have arisen discontent
and a tendency to disunion.
On the other hand, the Democrat.c the
ory rejects ail superfluous and intermed
dling legislation—and confines the Gener
al Government to the few and simple du
ties specified in the Constitution—leaving
every thing else to the State Govern
ments. Let the Democratic principles be
fairly carried out, the lights of the minor
ity will be protected, the Federal and
State Governments will move on salelj
and smoothly in their proper orbits, the
Union will be saved and peace once more
Cover the land. For these reasons, we
regard the Democratic party as Union
enough for all purposes, and we shall re
sist any interpolations in its creed, any
fusion of its principles into any other or
ganization.”
Ii the north won’t go into it; and the
south won’t; nor the whig party, nor the
democratic parly ; we should like to know
where Messrs. Cobb ;.nd Holsey and Ste
phens and Tooinbsare to get their rank
an I file? Perhaps, our staid Colempumry
of the Milledgeviile Recorder can tell; as
he has been very busy of late, in galvin
izing the dead body with hopeful editori
als.
THE SAVANNAH GEORGIAN.
R. B. Hilton, Esq., late editor of the
“Floridian and Journal,” Tallahassee has
become a partner and associate editor of
this paper. In addition to handsome edi
torial abilities, clearly displayed in the
Floridian, Mr Hilton brings to the
gian” Democratic and Southern Rights
principles of the true stamp. We con
gratulate our cotemporary and the cause
of Southern Rights in Georgia, on the ac
quisition of this new pnd valuable coadju
tor. Mr Hilton makes his bow as follows:
“ Whatever of a personal nature the un
dersigned has to say in becoming one of
the Editors and proprietors of the Georgian, |
shall be said in a tew words. As regards
party politics a >d the political questions I
which have demanded his attention since
he entered upon life, hjs action has been
with the Democratic party ; believing ita j
principles to be in accordance with the I
State Rights doctrines pf the* fathers and
,OB pLMNAITO I ' Ie ’
svn.Y afd PKomrrLr kxccuts* at**.* •**•*
OF
IC&e Columbus Ctntfif.
Pamphlets, j Haed Bills,
Business Cards. | Way Bills,
Visiting de j CiFeafars,
Ball Tickets, j Blank Nous
andeverythiogaWe inthia line fbesinnet,C® XA
and with Dispatch.
BLANKS OK ALL KINDS PHINTBBth
ORDER.
•founders of the Republican faith. An re
gards the more Important question!* which
have been before the public mind during
the fast year, he is and has been, identi
fied, in I eelingand purpose,with theSouth
fjl igh ts as con t ra-d ist ii igti ish cd from the
‘On party.’ Duringthe late con test be
p them mthisState, ail his sympathies
c with the former—ardently hoping,
iout its expectiqg success, and deeply
reg Ming its defeat. Becoming asaovistr
ed whh that party as one of its public ad
vocavjjifihe will sustain its cause with ftty
the eufirgv anu ability that nature or edtw
cation has given hint: am! with ail the
zeal that can spring from an honest, deep
~'* i *,gt : ed v abTlirig and well assured convic
tjv.. wisdom and patriotism. He will
uo this, ROWver, not as the enemy, but as
the triermoi under the belief
that the Qvhw )ui only be maintained by
maintaining vyhayjo the South is ofinfin
itely roorevaiue-A** rnsjfy, the rights grow
.ing out of her interest* W African SUoery.
He awaits further pvidenNx iial , hesK . righ . g
can'not be preserved t..fc* foe existing
confederacy before consenting t*> become
the advocate of it* dissolution ‘Vhen that
evidence is given, • ami the deletion
shall lie forced upon him that the a j.
.ternatives f. r :he South are emnncipair,p
aud disunion, he wilt not hesitate which t„
choose. A Southerner by birth, residence
and interest, the cause of the South will
ever be with him paramount tCNall others,
R. B. HILTON,
For III* Times.
Mr Editor:—l received the following
lines from the friend trom whom I pur
chased the subject of them. I will not say
they are sublime; I will not pronounce
them unexceptionable in artistic finish.*-*
I will say, that they present human nature
in a very interesting phasw to me, and are
not wanting in some broad and sensible hits
at /wrse-nature. Altogether, I am confi
dent they are not far below the standard
ot Wordsworth, and i( they hailed trem
Rydal Mount \vould o.xcile the suspicion
that the author of “ The Pet Lamb” and
“ Peter Bell” is still a|iye. At ail events,
I venture to ask a place in yopr Poet’s
corner for them, and take the liberty of
warning the critic, who shall undertake to
sneer at them that subsequent repentance
is a poor apology for a. want of wit — that
the pyramid which true genius erects may
safely defy the pjek axes and pop-guns
with which it may he assailed— that a
“ bard ,” a genuine 1 rd. may “•Soar to ele
gize an Ass”—thqt j’rutk is the foundation
of all just sentiment and feat poetry as
certainly as it is the foundation of all nor
ble actions and characters, and all endur
ing monuments of human greatness. {
warn him further that simplicity is at once
an attribute of Truth, aud the prime con
dition of Order; that it is more noble to
love a faithful horse than to hate an ene
my, and that he who ridicules the claims
of the brute creation uppn our attention
and sympathy exhibits neither sentiment,
sense nor religion. ZENO.
BARLOW,
Let oilier.* ring the lover’* lay,
Or of the Hero’s course—
Or to the Fair their tribute pay,
I sing my old gray horse ;
Old Bailow—true and well tried gray !
fro ridden the.- many a jog,
And driven thee on the firm highway.
And inure through uiiqiv a hog.
I’ve tried title to the foovel plow,
Full many u summer through.
And witness to thy credit now.
That thou wast always true,
In days of yore when thou wa*t young.
And showed lliy coltish tricks.
In hnrsedot #poit< thy blend# among.
In nee and romp#, and kirks.
I’ve checked the* in thy fiiky ways.
And saddled thee to rule,
Or hnrnessed thee to coach or chaiaa,
And driven thee will) pride.
I’ve tried thee in the sportive chns. - .
When rang “the mellow horn”
Aud found thee ready—for the race,
On any hunting ruorn.
At any thing— at work qr sport.
No matter when or where;
For work or play was Barlow’s forte.
And he was always—•• there.”
But Barlow ! Why that searching alar# ;
That seems to doulu mv ,rsi# t
1 holdtukk! Trqe. I must Jrclgr#,
But not for vicious ways.
1 sold thee not for <Ji-ont*nt, ,
■ Because I loved Ihre \v*J
1 solo ri-ce ,>vnh tin- gonad intantf
To iirvfrrov i ,^ v luturtT M-
I sold tlioc to a *„ ,ier kind.
Who knows Ihee Wclrtf-^ji ?**?•
And one—l tiusl as thou
Will give thee time to play.
And Barlow ! now a kind adieu!
I wish thee much good fara;
May corn and oats fin bounty too)
And rest-—!>e hence thy share.
G. W. C.
Many nr<- of the opit io , sayslh Raiti,
mme Argus; that the most certain way to
eradicate this disease of Northern fattali
cistn, nml to destroy the beast called North
ern abolitionism, is lor Congress io repeal
that law w hich makes the slave trade with
Africa piracy. When the abolitionist* can
agani enjoy the privilege ol stealing ne
groes from Africa, and selling them in the
Southern Slates, it is thought that they
wjll then become the strongest advocates
both of slavery and the fugitive slave law.
They are such devoteil'philniithroptsl* hat
they think it highly wrong to permit tha
poor negroes to be lairo, to live, and tod:*
in their native land, without any jfttowi
edge of their Creator and hi* Holy law*,
anil therefore, desire to steal il-eut awoy
and sell them in civilized land*, where
the\ may enjoy the benefits of civilization
and Christianity. There is no doubt that
the restoration to them of this privilege.
Will effectually relieve them of their abo-
htion notions, and induce them to enforce”*
tiie provisions of thejugitiyjs slave law.
Fugitive Slave Arrested.—A fugj*
live slave was brought br|br>- Commiffioo
er M* A Ulster on yesterday* on I refpatidad <
to his owners, He was one of the party
that left with the negroes that Mr. Taylor
arrested here in August last, tie WM per
fectlv satisfied to go buck: •nd staled before
the Commissioner tlsai he did i.ol know be
was running away wiirii lie left—that hie
associates invited him to rj w edding up f‘*
country, but he accompanied them tq
Pennsylvania. He said ie was satisfied
with his experience m I’uiMjrlwni*, and
would have gone back i loht, if he had
know’ll the way. and cou'd have returned
conveniently.—f llarritburg Infant.
The “Knocki.nos” Ex rose d.—Col.
Hail, of Bridgeport, who has taken *ne
pains to invest)) ?;*te the *-pirtoal fetmek
out sounds similar to those road# by the
ernnlo