Newspaper Page Text
arrearages tro ouct u
A * Tisfe. * souare for the first in*
at u>'k Dollar r c L a * - .
qaentwntinuaSce.
[g—Hf. Richmond (Va.) Enquirer re,
pj-g, t „ our argument to show that that pa
•crwas inconsistent in its southernism,
%jjj c laming the “Southern Press” and
the “Times” for their ultraism; with the
arcrniw that it too is ready tor secession
tjmgWoper time comes. Weil, who
oc the time,l It is a matter of
K^nion —but ti the principle, we agree.
Then, with what face does it denounce us j
as an extremist, for seeking to apply its
pw recognized principle 1 The key of
or position, is the conviction that antu
*l*mery is an incurable distemper of the north
ern mini. If we believed it co*ld be erad
icated—ls we had not proof pil*d mou n .
tain high, for the past quartet of aantury,
that it was a fanaticism deaf alike to the
voices of humanity, of reason, of justice
and the constitution—if we believed that
the north had the honest desire, combined
with the power to crush the monster that
ia seeking to destroy the south, is wicked
ly destroying a noble constitution and the
best hopes of man’s liberty throughout the
earth—we should yet hope for the union
and be content to leave its salvation in
the hands of the north. But we have not
faith in these things as big as a grain of
mustard seed. The evidences of our
senses are all against them. Abolitionism
has conquered the north and almost con
quered the south. Nothitjgcan prevent the
complete conquest of the south, but timely,
manly, united resistance, and resistance a
I'outmnee. We believe that the south is
tataliy apathetic in the midst of appalling
and threatening dangers. We believe the
peril demands that every southern State
should now be armed to the teeth, hang
(Hit its banner on the outer wall and pro
claim to abolition Philanthropy in Europe
•44 well as America, that the Institutions
and property of the south willue defended
PJ>ttantliropv has
nPwume of extermina
tion against us—Governments the most
powerful on the earth : churches of all de
nominations, but two; the press and the
forum are enlisted, in hot cry, under its
banner. Our own Federal Government
has joined the league—and what are we
doing! A powerful press in our midst,
cries “peace and union”—our represen
tatives and senators hack in the tight,
blanch in the storm, and compromise, where
they should “die in the last ditch;” and
the true men who sound the note of real
danger and tell the people the honest truth
are overwhelmed with vituperation and
obloquy. And do not our enemies see
these fatal signs of division and weakness
among us! Have the Argus eyes of a furious
religious fanaticism ever been known to
sleep when a feeble point for attack has
presented itself! Our dangers are fearful
ly augmented by our own false security,
wickedly induced and fostered by ambi
tious public men and a party-blind or
veual press. The attempt to raise a Na
fimntil Union party at the south, is at once
the evidence and the acme of southern in
fatuation. We are making a great outcry
over the dangers of the union, when perils
• hundred told more appalling, are knock
ing at our own door-stones.- For what
is the Union to us, in comparison with our
our lives, and the rights of su-
HRbucy of the white Race ! When the
a Jamaica ora St Domin
there be in callfitg*the peopreot the north
brtJhers, what consolation in reading Wash
ington’s farewell address, or what music
in the rustle of the stars and stripes!
And is this danger real or fictitious!
Who believes that it exists only in the dis
tempered brains of the “fire-eaters!”
Would to God, it had no other existence.
Cut the Union men themselves admit it.
With one voice they declare that the Un
ion hangs bv a thread, and that the execu
tion or non-execution ofthe fugitive law,
is the expertmmlum cruris, by which its
destiny is to be tried. While we reject
the puerility of hanging this great and
deep-seated sectional question on so slen
der a hook; we accept the union confes
sion which it implies that in announcing
these perils, we utter but the “language ot
soberness and truth.”
To prove that we are wrong in our po
sition, that disunion is necessary, our
Richmond contemporary quotes for us
certain strong disunion sentiments from
the Northern Abolition Presses. We thank
the Enquirer for arguments to fortify our
position. If the north, with all its late im
mense gains in the sectional dispute with
tiw south, is yet so little satisfied that it
•irons divorce from the “Vampyre slave
power” indispensable, does it not prove
that the demands of the north re incom
patible with southern safety and honor in
the Union! It is precisely that of
feeling at the north, shadowed forth ift the
Enquirer’s extracts, that has long sinv*
convinced us that no truce can be made
with the abolition spirit, short of a total
surrender of the slave Institution. Now
the Enquirer will say, that these are the
sentiments of northern “ultras” alone;
we say it ts the coatrolling sentiment at the
•aith. Ifhe is right, we demand the proof,
*jrrui*ned bv the northern ballot box.
rale oat the evidences of union tneet
nga of merchants engaged in southern
trade, and of the uortbem press in the pay
of these merchants. We ask for the proof
to the political action of the north. H r e
. P *.rr*e,
other hand, are right, then the union
can only be made tolerable to the no
by the extraction of slavery in its sum “¥r?
members. Time will show’ which of s *§
right .
- We hare discovered with no little
gret and urprise that some or m . _
papers of this State, dcstgtiaie „
*rn Rights party, as * *** ]££,.
Sow e object to these man- ?f3£
** ierrd . C iong'since avowed
- .-s?ei%es tte called a faction of
l-yuioii and we
will no ioeger <ii
partv bv speaking
of South Carolina as a
Stanford.
* Ther* b naipet* su,d piodes
ry About this that we admire. So u -eems
(f§lj£
►VOLUME XL T
that the whoje phalanx of the Democratic
press of Georgia with two exceptions, and
the great mass of the Democratic rank and
file have seceded from Democracy —that de
mocracy being represented by the Cassville
Standard and the Athens Banner, and the
half score of leaders who threw down Dem
ocratic principles to range themselves un
der the more hopeful banner of union sub
mission. Now this is a discovery to us—
tor we were green enough, to think it was
the little clique represented by one “Ban
ner” and one “Standard” that had been
“ taken with a leaving.” We thought we
distinctly saw them last fall, up with their
banners and i‘ march away” from the
Democratic camp. But, it seems that it
was the Democratic camp that marched
away from them. The “Standard” has
yet to learn that there was never incor
porated in the Democratic creed, the prin
ciple of Submission to Federal encroach
ments on the reserved rights of the States.
When gentlemen of Congress or of the
Press, interpolate that doctrine into their
creed, they at once undemocratize them
selves. It is the “Pons Asinorum,” upon
which Democrats have before to-day, olten
passed over to Federalism. Mr Cobb and
his clique planted their feet npon this
bridge, but not with the sagacity of the ele
phant, who always tries the strength of a
bridge bafore he trusts his great weight on
it. Cobb and Cos. have already found their
bridge a ticklish concern, and far from
bearing their “heft” is like the Remington
over the Mohawk river, going down by its
own weight.
Names are not things, Mr Standard. A
party is known by its principles, as a tree
is by its fruits.
But it seems that some of the “Stand
ard’s” new allies agree with us that that
paper “used to was” a Democratic paper,
but is so nolonger. The Washington Ga
zette, thfr-aegan jof Mr £oombs, for exam
pie, commences aifarticle puffing its new
reciuit with these words:
“The “Cassville Standard”'.and the
Fire-Eaters. —This journal formerly Demo
cratic now Union in its political position,
has had a tough time of itto parry the blows
of its quondam friends who seem terribly
incensed by its rejection of the faith laid
down for its adoption.”
Governor Quitman.— This distinguish
ed Statesman, soldier and Southern Pat
riot, has been at length arrested and is now
in New Orleans, awaiting a trial on what
we cannot but regard as a malicious in
formation on the part of the Federal Gov
ernment. He has been dragged from his
official position as Governor of a Sover
eign State, without a shadow of excuse, as
his trial could have been postponed with
out detriment to the cause of justice until
his official tenn had expired. The people
of the south will not forget this victim of
Federal persecution.
Gov Quitman has resigned his office of
Governor, and the duties at the Executive
devolve on the lion J. L. Guion, President
of the Senate.
Mr Guion, we are assured by the New
Orleans Delta, occupies precisely the same
position, Whig though he be, as Gen Quit
man on the subject of Southern Rights and
Northern Encroachments.
A Political Patcher. —The Richmond
Whig says: “ Foote (meaning Senator
Foote) reminds us of the old Virginia cus
tom of making up new coats for little chil
dren nut of their papa’s old worn out ones;
4jy the new party project which he now
favors, called the “Union party,” is made
up of the old Federal and ‘Compromise’
wing of the Democratic party. In select
ing, however, a ifew party dress he should
not entirely lose sight of the qualities of
Mrs Primrose’s wedding garment—decen
cy and durability.”
The Effect. —In the month ot January,
1850, nineteen vessels cleared from Balti
more for the Southern Ports. In the same
month for this year, the number cleared
was 41. This is a great increase, and ex
hibits the southern feeling and a growing
indisposition lo send to the north for sup
plies of goods. It is capital physic—keep
it up.
“ For these reasons, we are in favor of
building up a Union party—first to sup
press disunion at the South, and second,
to put dawn abolition at the Noith.”— Sat.
Republican.
That’s an honest confession. The horse
was placed before the cart, by accident,
no doubt. But it was rightly done. We
always knew that the first object of the
Fillmore Subs, was to put down the South
ern Rights party; and afterwards to man
age the abolitioqists. We think they had
better begin with the abolitionists. At all
events, ditide the work, Gentlemen—for,
we opine if you succeed in putting one of
them down, you will have exhibited more
strength than we give you credit for. An
other reason for beginning with the north.
Put down Abolition and then the Southern
| Rights party will need no putting down.
! It will put itself down so far as that branch
\*f northern Fanaticism is concerned. But
th* subs have a patent way of putting down
Abortion—to-wit: by submitting to its ag
gresses.
Gov. Qt*x M Aif. —Since writing the paragr*;>q
in aanther co* u „ nj announcing the arraat and rets*
ignation of Go\n u itßian, we hare received. lii*
letter es addreaaed to the people of
Mixiaaippi- We la\jt before our reader*. There
ia a matter of deepaifeijficanee in ihie proceeding.
Without e*preg dt- indignation which this
high handed raeaanre of\, r p re Soil Aaminia
tobe reverted to in the of the
south with the Demon of >'aßaticieoV .
; G ( Pennsylvania refused, by a vote ,f 16
1 10 17, to (take up the bill for repealing te
R* that State, adopted in 1£47, nullify
clause in the constitution providing
restoration of fugitive slaves. The
law makes it a crime punishable by fine
and imprisonment in the Penitentiary, for
anv officer or citizen to aid in the arrest
or tlelivery of a fugitive slave.
This is a specimen of the very conserva
tive sentinent which we are told by the
comprombe press, exists at the north. It
is a tact,iowevar, worthy the attention of
the Southern people, that every vo]te in fa
oor of tW repeal of the obnoxious Law, was
a demoent , and every vote against the re
peal wj# m>g.—lynchburp Republican^
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1851.
A Warning Voice. —The Hon James K.
Paulding, one of the wisest and purest
men of this country, concludes one of his
recent communications to the Southern
Press, under the signature of “A Northern
man and a friend to the Union ’ with this
solemn and emphatic warning:
“l have lived almost fourscore years ; I
have passed through every grade of life,
from that of a poor boy, self-educated and
self-dependent, to a station among the
highest of the land, which I attained with
out the sacrifice of my principles or my
independence. During the whole of this
long pilgrimage, I have been from habit
and inclination conversant with books,
and have thus added to the experience of
a long life, the lessons of the past; and
from this experience, and those lessons, I
am inevitably brought to the conviction
that the people of the South have now
nothing to depend on for their future safe
ty but united action in self-defence. By
this they will preserve themselves and (he
Union. All other hopes are idle ; all oth
er expedients but daggers turned against
their own bosoms. They must assert their
own rights, and protect themselves, for
thev have no other protectors. The brand
of fanaticism is applied to the homes of
the people, and must be quenched now or
never. Time was —time is —but time will
soon be no more.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
John Randolph has been quoted as an
ardent unionist by the submission papers
south. The same might have been said of
JohnC. Calhoun before the union chang
ed its federative character into a machine
for sectional domination. The Lynchburg
Republican has been favored with the fol
lowing letter to show that Mr Randolph
was in favor of southern action to resist
northern aggression.
Washington, Feb 5, 1826.
Dear Sir: *****
“I feel gratified and flattered at being
* consulted by you and our worthy Dele
• gate Mr Gaines, but I can only aid with
the opinion that your resolutions can’t be
‘ too firm, against the modern encroach
ments on the rights of the people in their
> individual capacity, as well as on the
‘State authorities.
“A general non consumption agreement a
-4 gainst articles North of Mason and Dixon's
4 line, would do more than any thing else
4 to correct the evil as far as the Tariff is
4 concerned. I have nut bought the value
4 ot one shilling from that quarter since
4 the passage of that law. I except one
4 only article, which can be got no where else,
4 and is of vital necessity lo me, viz :
“ Swain’s Panacea.” To this resolution
4 1 think I shall stick.’ My best remem
brance to Mr W. R. Johnson and Mr
Gaines, and when you see him to T. Mil
ler.”
Yours respectfully, and
With much regard,
J. R., of Roanoke.
To Danil A. Wilson, Esq.
Late accounts from Yucatan state that
another battle lias been toughtwith the In
dians, and they also contradict the pre
vious report of that State having declared
her independence ofMexico.
The Hon. W. H. Crowningshield, Secre
tary of the Navy under President Madi
son, fell dead in the streets of Boston, on
the 4th inst. The deceased was 86 years
of age.
Races were in full blast a 1
Charleston last week.
GEN. QUITMAN’S RESIGNATION.
TO THE PEOPLE OF MISSISSIPPI.
In November, 1849,1 was elected by
your Iree suffrages, Governorof this Stale.
My term of office commenced with my in
auguration on the 10th of January, 1850.
By the provisions of the Constitution, it
will expire on the 10th January, 1852.
In the middle of my term of office, and in
the active discharge of its duties, I am to
day arrested by the United States Marshal
o ( the Southern District of iUissiseippi, by
virtue of process, originating out of charg
es exhibited against me in the District
Court of the United States for the Eastern
District of Louisiana, for an alleged viola
tion of the neutrality law of 1818, by be
ginning, setting on foot and furnishing the
means forn military expedition against the
Island of Cuba.
Under these charges, the Marshal is di
rected to arrest me, and remove my person
lo the city of New Oi leans, there to be
tried for these alledged offences.
Unconscious of having, in any respect,
violated the laws of the country : ready at
ail times to meet any charge that might
be exhibited against ar.e, I have only been
anxious, in this extraordinary emergency,
to follow the path of duty. Asa citizen,
it was plain and clear, I must yield to the
law, however, oppressive or unjust in my
case : but as Chief Magistrate of a sover
eign State, 1 had also in charge her digni.
ty, her honor, and her sovereignty, which
l could not permit to be violated in my
person. Resistance by the organized force
of the State, while the Federal Adminis
tration is in the hands of men who appear
to seek some occasion to test the strength
-••kaiGovernment, would result in violeut
contests, much toAie dreaded in the pres
aTit critical condition of the country-
The whole south, patient as she is und
er encroachment, might look with some
jealousy upon the employment of military
force to remove a southern Governor from
the jurisdiction of his Slate, when it had
been withheld from her citizens seeking
to reclaim a fugitive slave in Massachu
setts.
On the oth r hand, the arrest and forci
ble removal from the State, of her Chief
Executive Magistrate, for an indefinite pe
riod of time, would not only be a degrada
tion of her sovereignty, but must occasion
incalculable injury and disaster to the in.
terestsof the State, by the entire suspension
of the Executive functions of her govern
ment, The Constitution has not contem
plated such an event as the forcible abduc
tion of the Governor. It has not provided
for the performance of his duties by anoth
er officer, expect in the case of a vacancy.
is a Governor, though he be a prisoner to
a foreign power. Although he may be
absent, and incapable of performing his
duties, h,e is still Governor, and no other
person can execute his office.
It foflofvs, therelore, that in snch case,
the State would practically suffer some of
the evils of anarchy. T he pardoning pow
er would be lost. Queers could not be
•xxnmisaioned or qualified; the Great Seal
If the State could not oe used; vacancies
id office could not be filled; fugitives from
jusjee could not be reclaimed or surren
deref; the public wprks, the operations
of ibi feniteutiary, and all repairs, of pub
lic bindings must stop for want pi legal
requisitons to defray the expenses thereof.
The sgle. of State lands, and the location
of recent pants must fie suspended.
The Coqrention of the people, called
at tfie last session of the Legislature, could
not for want of writs of election.
In case of thedeath or resignation pf the
administrative officers of tfie Slate gpverq-
“THE CaiOH OF THE STATKS AND THK lOVIKKienT? OF TH* STATUS.”
merit, these important offices, including
the treasury, would be left without the su
perintendence or care of any authorised
person. In fine, the whole Government
of the State would be in confusion and
great inconvenience, and perhaps irrepar
able injury flow from such a state of things.
For all these evils there is but one remedy.
That remedy is my resignation.
I therefore, fellow citizens, now resign
the high trust confided lo my hands,
with no feeling of persoual regret, except
that 1 could not serve better; with no feel
ing of shame, for I am innocent of the caus
es whicn have induced the necessity of this
step. On the contrary, although person
ally 1 fear no investigation and shun no
scrutiny, I have spared no efforts consist
ent with self-respect to avert this result.
So soon as I learned that attempts would
he made, under an act of Congress of the
last century, to remove me from this State
1 formally offered to the proper authorities
of the United Suites, any pledge or securi
ty to appear in New Orleans, and meet the
charges against me, so soon as my term
of office should expire: and 1 remonstrat
ed against the indignity thus about to be
offered, not to myself, but lo the State, in
dragging away from his duties, her Chief
Magistrate.
My proposition was not accepted, and
iny remonstrance not heeded.
It is not for me to complain. You are
the aggri ved party. My course in this
matter nu ets the approval of some of the
most patriotic citizens near me. I sincere
ly hope, as it was dictated alone by my
sense of duly to the State, it may meet the
approbation of my fellow citizen:..
in thus parting from my generous con.
slitnen’.s, it would be propor lo give tllem
an account of my stewardship during the
short but interesting period that I hare
acted as their public servant, but the offi
cial connection between us has been so
summarily and unexpectedly severed, that
1 must defer the grateful task to a future
day.
I have but to add that during my short
but exciting period of service, 1 have in all
things striven to be faithful and true to the.
rights, the interests, and the honor of the
State. For this, I have been abused and
calumniated by the enemies ol the south
Treachery and*faithlessness would have
secured favor arid praise from the same
sources.
Fellow-citizens, I now take my leave ol
you with gratitude for the generous sup
port you have extended to me, and with
cheering confidence that your honor and
your inter* sts may be safely confided to
hands of tie: faithful and able sou ot Mis
sissippi, who, as President of the Senate,
succeeds to my place.
’ J. A. QUITMAN.
Executive Chamber, Jackson, )
Monday Evening,Feb3 1851-5
The Chinese have a terrible mode of
death in their criminal code—that is to kill
the culprit by depriving him of sleep.—
Lately a scientific, gentleman made a com
munication to the Asiatic Society of Lon
don on the subject. A Chinese merchant
accused and convicted of having killed his
wife, was sentenced to die by the total de.
privation or s'ecp. The execution took
place at Amoy, in the month of June last.
The condemned was placed in prison un
der the surveillance of three guardians,
who relieved each other at every alternate
hour, and who prevented him from taking
any sleep, night or day. He lived thus
for nineteen jdays, without having slept
for a single minute. At the commence
inent ot the eighth day, his sufferings were
so cruel, that he begged, as a great favor,
that they would kill him by strangulation.
Important Decision. —lntelligence was
received from Washington, yesterday, that
the Supreme Court of the United Stales
has given a decision in the case of Thomp
son & Forman versus the Collector of this
port, which was against the United States
in every particular*
Judge Woodbury* delivered the opinion
of the Court, which was unanimous, con
firming the opinion of the lower Court.
This uecision vitally, effects the whole
appraisment system, and Congress must
provide a remedy.
It will be remembered that the original
decision was that duties should be assess
ed upon goods, wares ana merchandise,
upon the cost or value when and where
procured abroad arid not upon the value
at the time and place of shipment to th e
country, which decision is now sustained
by the full Court. —[Boston Post.
Bem. —lt is said that Bern, the well
know'n Polish General, died at Aleppo in
the first part of December. He remained
in the Mohammedan faith to the last, and
was buried with military honors. With
Bem faith was a matter of small account;
his business was action, and tha*. ofthe most
in’ense and tumultuous sort. His only re
ligion was to avenge his country upon the
Russian despotism,and destroy the tyran
ny of the Czars. Personally he was one
ofthe bravest and most generous of beings,
a man of most fertile resources and origin
al mind, next to Napoleon an-t Wellington,
the great commanders of modern times.—
He was small in stature, but of an active
and untiring temperament. His will once
fixed, nothing short of impossibility could
turn it, and that impossibility he was the
last admit. He was born at Tarnow, in
Gallicia, in 1795,and “as accordingly fif
ty-five years old at his death.
The M4RRIAGE Relation, —The cele
brated English writer Addison, has left
on record Abe following sentence :
“Two persons who have chosen each
other out of all the species, witii a desig.i
to be each other’s mutual comfort and en
tertainment, have in. that action bound
themselves to be good-humored, affable,
forgiving, patient, and joyful, with respect
‘to each other’s frailties and imperfections,
to the end of their lives.”
The longer I live, the more certain I am
that the great difference between men, and
the great and insignificant, is puergy—in
vincible determination—an honestpurpose
once fixed, and then death or victory. The
quality will do any thing in the world;
and no talents, no circumstances, no op
portunity, will make a two legged crea
ture a man without it.—f Goethe.
Quarter Dollars. —An impression, we
understand, prevails quite extensively
among the people, that Congress has pass
ed a law, reducing the value of the old
Quarter Dollars, to 20 cents, and this im
pression has been acted upofi ip not a few
instances, to the injury of parties holding
diem. It is a mistake. Congress has not
passed such a law. There was a bill to
that eljfepL introduced last session, but it
did not become a law.— Re
corder.
Trenton, Jan. 31.
New ‘Jersey U. S. Senator.—The
Democrats in joint aession adjourned until
the 14th of February, without acting on
any nomination.
Doctor’s Visits. —lt is not only for the
sick man, but the sick man’s friends, that
the doctor comes. His presence is often
as good for them as for the patient, and
they long for him yet more eagerly. How
we have all watched aftjgr him? What an
emotion the thrill of his carriage wheels
in the street, and at length at the door, has
made us feel! how we haw* upon his words
and what a comfort we get from n smile or
two, if he can vouchsafe that sunshine to
lighten our darkness! Who has’nt seen the
mother prying into his face, to know if
there is hope for the sick infant that cannot
speak, and that lies yonder, its little Irame
burning with fever? Ah, how she looks
into his eyes ! What thanks il there is
light there ; what grief and pain if he casts
them down, and dares not say “hope!”—
Or it is the house-father that is striken.—
The terrified wife looks on while -the phy
sician feels his patient’s wrist, smothering
her agonies, as the children have been cal
led upon to stay their play and their talk!
Over their patient in the fever, the wife
expectant, the children unconscious, the
doctor stands as if he were fate, the dis
penser of life and deith ; he must let the
patient off this time; the woman prays so
for his respite.lNo one can fancy how awful
the responsibility must be toa conscientious
man; how cruel the feeling tint lie
has given the wrong remedy, or that it
might have been possible to do belter; how
harrassing the sympathy ith survivors,
if his case be unlorlunate—how great de
light of victory.
Southey’s Advice to Readers.—' The
poet Southey, in one of his letters, says:
The advice I would give any one who is
disposed really to read for the sake of
knowledge, is that he should have two or
three books in couse of reading at the
same time. He will read a great deal more
in that time, and with much greater profit.
All travels are worth reading, as subsidia
ry to reading, and in fact, essential parts
of it; old orfriew, it matters not —something
is to be learned from all. And the custom
of making brief notes of references to eve
rything of interest or importance would
be exceedingly useful.
WILMINGTON AND MANCHESTER RAILROAD.
The annual meeting of the Stockholders
ofthe Wilmington and Manchester Rail
road took place at Marion C. H., on ‘.he
29th and 30th ult. As there was not pres
ent a representation of two thirds of the
stock, which is molt constitutional
quorum required for issuing bonds, that
measure was only recommended. It was
resolved that an adjourned meeting be held
on the first Wednesday after the second
Monday m March, at the same place, to
authorize the issuing of $600,000 worth
of bonds to complete the Road.
It was ordered that so soon us the sub
scription of the town of Wilmington, of
SIOO,OOO is received, that sum be invested
in the purchase of 3,000 tons iron, to be
put on ihe end of the Road, commencing
at Wilmington.
The whole o( the Road is under contract
for grading, and about one half completed.
Gen Harlee was unanimously re-elected
President, and the following gentlemen
Directors’for the ensuinsr year:
Wilmington —N N Nixon, J A Taylor,
Henry Nutt, T D Walker.
Columbus Count}) —C A Smith.
Marion District —J Eli Gregg.
Darlington District —E W Charles, G
J W McCall.
Sumter District —J J Moore, W A
Muldrow.
At an informal meeting of the Board of
Directors after the adjournment of tne
Stockholders,the President and Engineers
were requested to proceed to New York
and make the necessary inquiry in relation
to a sale of the bonds, and report to the
-next meeting of Stockholders.
[From he Nashville American ]
The Missouri Election —Why a Whig was Elected.
The St Louis Times says, that the result
(the election of Henry S Geyor to the
U S Senate.) “was not unexpected,” and
rejoices over the defeat of the great A pos
- in terms which show how keen must
be the gratification of the Missouri democ
racy over the fall of Benton, His friends
were determined to elect him, or no one.
A proposition was made to lay aside both
Benton And Green and unite upon whom
soever a majority of the party should des
ignate. This was rejected by Benton’s
friends, who were determined to “ rule or
ruin.” With them, principles were noth
ing—Benton everything. A . majority of
them confessed his unsoundness upon the
slavery question, and his erratic course up
on various great issues, and yet clung to
him with an obstinacy which was truly
singular. Although a popular majority of
our party had voted against fSenton’s ap
peal, he had a larger number of represen
tatives'in the Legislature than his oppo
nents. They had only 37 yotes in joint
session. They were fixed in the determi
nation not to sacrifice one jot or tittle
of the principles for which they had con
tended, and the correctness of which were
acknowledged by a majority even of Ben
ton’s friends. They first nominated James
S Green, a citizen of distinguished ability
and unquestioned integrity. After voting
for him steadily, until all hppe of his elec
tion was extinguished, they repeatedly of
fered to re-unite with the Bentonites upon
the very principles which they themselves
endorsed as correct; but this was refused.
At length MrGeyer, the nominee of the
whiff party, avowed his adhesion to their
principles. We now give the statement
of the Times, as follows:
He.distinctly “ unwhigged himself” by
recognizing our principles of constitution
al construction—by recognizing the right
of the Legislature to instruct Senators, arid
thp duty of the latter to obey or resign—
an/J by denyiug the constitutional right ol
Congress to legislate qpou the subject ol
slavery in the States and Territories or in
the District of Columbjq. It was upon
these issue; that they hifjj separated from
Mr Benton—it was upon them they had
triumphed in the election# ,of August last,
and it whs to maintain theip intact and in
yiolate that they had been sjpctcd by the
people.
The Timje; further states tjmt Benton
had dared to insult them by openly pro
claiming the fugitive slave bill to be “in
judicious and inefficacious,” at a period
when all the southern Stales had solemnly
declared that the fJnion itself should de-
C:nd upon a faithful execution of that
r.
Thus stood matters after days of ballot
ing, and finally Mr Geyer, nominally a
whig, was chosen, and the door closed up
on Benton forever. How much the whig
party has gained may be learned from the
succeeding statement of the Times. We
have gained the defeat of Benton, to say
the very least, and they had better watch
that victory does not change to ashes on
their lips,
Says the Tipues:
“jtn this great conflict of parties, we can
not but think the only #olid triumph has
bjetn achieved by the Pemocracy. Tfie
Whigs have aided hi tb flection of an in
dividual who cannot Ge sajd with tru.tfi to
agree with them upon any question of vital
interest to the country. True, he has been
associated with the Whig party in times
past, and may yet be considered a nominal
member of it, but he utterly discards Mr.
Webster’s constitutional views, and those
of the late Chief JusMce of the United
Staled—heartily endorses the principles of
Madison and Jefferson, as expounded in the
Virginia and Kentucky preamble and reso.
lutions of 1799 and 1800,and recognizes in
it? true sense the constitutional right of
legislative instruction. These are Demo
cratic principles—nd as such he has ac
cepted them. How they may suit the
whigs, time will develope. Certainly
there is nothing intheir past history which
justifies the inference that such principles
will be acceptable to them. The follow
ers of Benton have lost everything. Their
only bond of cohesion was Benton. As
the election of his successor has forever
prostrated him, they have no rallying point
left. Without distinctive principles, and
without organization, they will flounder
and fume for a while, and then attach
tnemseives to the whig or democratic par
ties, according to their affinities.
“But the crowninff advantage to result
to the people of this State consists in the
effect this election is destined to have up
on the personal fortunes ot Benton, and
their future position in relation to the peo
ple of the other States of ti e confederacy.
Upon Benton it has placed a final seal of
condemnation. He must now look lo his
northern abolition allies, and to them alone
for succor, We are rid of him forever,
nnd his Tew free-soil followers will sink in
to the insignificance which their princi
ples and their defect of common capacity
merits. Ostracised by the democracy of
the nation—repudiated by the people ot
his own State—contemned even by fanat
ics who have seduced him—despised by
all honorable men. Bunion must drag out
the remnant of an ill-spent life in obscuri
ty, his heart rankling with every jealousy
and all unchar;tableness. So mote it be.
Such be the fate of all traitors! But our
noble younff State will now resume her
natural position in the confederacy. In
stead of being the object of suspicion to the
south, arid of contempt to the north, she
will resume her wonted dignity, assert and
maintain her constitutional rights, and
command as wt II as deserve the respect
and confidence of her sister Slates.”
The great Missourian—one the pride
and boast of his party —can now bid a long
farewell to all his greatness! “The third
lay” has brought the “killing frost,” and
now, weary and old with service which
would have crowned him with honor but
for his apostacy nnd “high-blown pride,”
—"He falls like Lucifer,
Never to hope acain.”
SALE OF. STOCKS]
T. J. Walsh & Cos. sold yesterday at
auction Stocks of several of our Banking
and Railroad Companies, as follows:
Ten shares Central Railroaded Bank
ing Company at 3 per cent—and sshares
at 4 per cent, premium.
Two shares Planters’ Bank at 12 per
cent, premium.
Two shares State Bank at 5 per cent,
premium.
Such appreciations show the healthystatij
of our Institutions and recommend them
to the notice of Capitalists. Last )'ear
sales of the Central Railroad were made
at 91 cents —the present sale is an ad
vance of 12 and 13 percent one year.
There was ‘ikewise a saleof 20 shares
of the Burke County Railroad at $22,50
for S3O paid in.
This Road is progressing with rapidity,
and 7 per cent, interest is secured upon
all payment until the completion of the
road, when it cannot fail to be profitable.
—[_Sav Georgian.
It is related of General Jackson, that in
the difficulty with France, the French
Ambassador at Washington, hoping to
frighten him, asked, when he demanded
- his passports. “What shall l tetl the King
of the French,” Monsieur President?’ ’ Tell
your Master the King, that Andrew Jack
son says he must either pay or fight!”
There was no misunderstandingsqch di
plomacy, and the money was soon alter
forlncotning.
Mrs. Partington, hearing the cry Extra
Herald! “Arrival of Jenny Lind” ex
claimed: Ah me! then the Swedish ityar
tingab ha3 come! How electible it piust
be to listen to the hominy of her incantiiig
voice. Oh, the dear charmin bird of par
adox! how I should like to hear her, they
do tell she concedes all the musical execu
tioners in themelodramy for the reyocal
powers!” and thendell to reading thp al
manac.
There are seven daily papers issued in
San Francisco, and about twenty altogeMi
:r in California. m
Disastrous Tempest in Russia. —Let-
ters from Sjf. Petersburg, of the 25th De
cember, say .that, on ‘.he 3rd of October, a
terrible temgesl broke outat Kirgis, where
’the horde of Korin geueraliy establishes
its Catnps, and 108 persons were killed, as
also were 201!},600 sheep, 1292 horses, 490
camels, and 360 oxen- During eight days
the soil was covered with snow to the
depfh ofyards. —[ GalignanV a Mesae/i
----ger.
Time is Money. —When we change a
dollar, the dimes and half dimes escape as
things of small account; when we break a
day by idleness in the moaning, the rest
of thp hours lose their importance in our
eyes. As time recedes, eternity ad
vance;. How solemn the thought, how
prudeqt the advice—improve tirpe, and
prepays for eternity 1
The Commissioners 1 Court of Lau
derdale county, in this State, has subscri
bed $30,000 to the Charlestpp apd Mem
phis pul road, provided the popd be locat
ed op she north side of the Feppessee rivey
in thqf county. Madison county has sub
scribed SIOO,OOO unconditionally, to the
same enterprise, and the people of Mar
shall county, Miss., have voted nearly
unanimously to contribute the same amoun
, —lifobile Tribune.
Steamer Atlantic. —The revenue
schooner Daring Capt Darby, saijefi from
Halifax on the 22d, bound on a cfgise to
Sablejsland, and subsequently on p cruise
in search for the United States mail steam
er Atlantic. ‘TbeChronicle truly remarks,’
“That this act of courtesy and hpipanity
on the part of the Provincial Goyerppient
will, we doubt not, be appreciated by our
friends across the Elay.” ?
The Theatkjs offering to assist the
Church.— The New Orleans papers pub
lish a letter from Dan Ifice, a famous act
or and to a committee of Dr.
Clapp’s Church tendering them a “beue
which was destroyed ip tbs’ hf o fire, .pad
was not insured. The question of defin
ing or receiving this boon is one for the
casuists—anfi a Very pice debate it woqjd
| NUMBER©.
Colombo*, Go., Friday Morning, Feb. 14, 1851.
Fikk*.—The resilience of Mr George Winter,
south of the Court Hotne square, look fire on the
roof on Wednesday morning, and was only saved
from destruction by the active exeitions pf the
firemen and citiens. The roof was partially con
sumed.
In the afternoon of the same day. the unfor
tunate plank kiln, or drying hou-e, belonging to
the Variety Works, caught lire again. Its contents
were destroyed and the house nearly demolished to
get at the fire.
THE COLUMBUS ENQUIRER'S TARIFF PRIN
CIPLES.
Last week the Enquirer uttered this sen
timent:
“The doctrine of free trade, as it is, pop
ularly called, is one of the most ruinous
humbugs that ever emanated from the brain
of a visionary political economist.”
We commented on it, and this week the
Enquirer hauls in its Protective horns so
far as to say :
“We are no more the advocates of a
high tariff than we are of the mmsensicafl
doctrine of free trade. We believe that
the revenue of the government should he
mainly raised by duties on imports, and
that these duties should he so imposed as
to aid, and not destroy, the great interests
of the country in every part and portion
of it.”
But the argumentation (if the exploded
fallacies of the Protectionists, revamped
for this occasion can be dignified by such
a description) of the Enquirer, by which it
arrives at this position of “hetweenity,”
with “humbug free trade” on onq, side,
and “high Tariff” on the other, smacks
strongly of the most stringent doe
trines ofthe Protection school. We pro
pose to examine some of our neighbor's
positions, if we can get him to hold one of
them long enough to make a reconnais
ance ofthe ground it stands on. We in
tend to fight this monster “ protection,”
wherever it shows its head, and the * En
quirer” may as well give over at once,
deprecating pur remarks on the political
poisons it is seeking to sow broad cast in
the south, by characterizing the n as “An- I
other ofthe same sort.” While a subscri
ber hangs to us to enable us to buy pen
and paper, we shall use both against the
infamous proposition, to bind southern la
bor a captive to the gilded car of northern
manufacturing cupidity ; and we shall do
it without the fear of Fillmore-ism before
our eyes, and with a perfect indifference
as to its effects on the re-election ot the
present Free Soil administration. Mr
Fillmore and his secretary Corwin, we
are aware, have taken the policy of in
creased duties on board their political ark;
and mayhap, it is the sworn duty of all his
vassals to sound the trumpet and exalt the
virtues of taxing American labor for the
protection of American labor. But we do
not belong to Mr Fillmore, and we shall
take the liberty of putting in a good many
more blows of “the same sort,” against
the administration policy of rifling south
ern pockets for the benefit of our affep
tionate northern brethren engaged in map
ufacturing.
So long as it remains the policy of this
Government to raise the revenues neces
sary for its expenditures, by a system of
duties on imports, nobody will dispute the
jejune proposition of our neighbor, that
these “duties should be so imposed as to
aid and not destroy the great interests of
the country in every part and portion of
it.” But that does not happen to be the
administration policy, nor is it the effect of
Protection, which, despite our neighbor's
tender-tootedness, it advocates. No tariff
that was ever invented or practiced, “ aids
the great interests of the country in every
part and portion of it.” A Tariff, whether
Revenue of Protective, is in its nature par
tial in its operation for benefits; but gen
eral and witfe-spread in its operation for
burdens. The census now being taken
exhibits an 4-merican population ofover 22
millions of souls. Os these less than a mil
lion are engaged in spinning cotton, or
one out aftwenty-two of the whole people.
Well, the Tariflites come forward with a
proposition to tax the consumption of 21
millions of people for the benefit of one
million, and they call that protecting Amer
ican Industry —or in the Entjpirer’s lan
guage “aiding the great interests of the
country in evtry part and portion of it.”
Now what aid does the southern “ part or
portion” of this country derive from Tqriff
taxation! Even our small but growing in
terest of cotton spinners do not ask for,
nor do they need protection. They are
confined to making the coarse cotton fab
rics, and their natural advantages are
such, that they can and do make a fetter
and cheaper article than the Lowell mills.
The consequence has been, that the qortli
ern mills are changing to delaines and
finer cotton goods, and leaving the Ijpavy
fabrics to their successful southern rivals.
\Vhen this operation, now going qp, is
complete, southern capital in this indqsfry
will grow strong and cpmmandthe mqfjret
without competition. Would not it pea
pretty thing tor the Yqpkee spinners fp go
tq Congress with the cqmpiaint, thatcheap
ef labor at the south, ppiximity sq the Ppt
tqn fields, and to the market whepe the
fabric was sold, gave the southern mills
such an advantage that unless Congress
did something for them, they could no
the competition 1 Yet this is precise
ly the compjajpt and the demand made by
the Proteptionists,—-nqt in reference to
southern hut —to Fofeign mjH*-—They
say, England can supply the people
of the United States jyith gqods, a third
cheaper than we can. Ifax English goods
a third, and then the pppple will to
ppy a third it jghertu us, and then we can
ippke money. The south does not need
Pfptpction fqy her small factory interest.
When she cannot get along with it, with
out calling tft the strong arm of the Gov
ernment totfx every man, jyompn apd
child in the patjon, or}e third of the value
of eyery #hjyt and cajjco gown woyp, why,
we spy let she factory interest perjsh rather
thap enact such an enormity.
‘fhe Enquirer expresses a decided prefr
erepce for the system of duties on im
ports, as a source of revenue to direct
taxation, We wont argue that question
noy, for thajt is not the question up—no
body proposes a resqrt to direct taxation—
although figures iyould easily show that
the chpuge would lighten the burdens of
the mUiafls qf dollars. The ques
tion js, yhall Mr Fillmore aad Mr Corwin’s
alUffS 1 KIU M liltXf
e^TVtasc raoMfTtv sWcy*#® *****
OF
©* fcolumints
Pamphlet*, I
Ruiie* Cqrd*, I Way BtUy,
Vision* 4* j Ctresisrs,
Bail Ticket*, | Blaak Mqtf *
and every thipg elae in t hi* tM ofb* *4
and with Dispatch.
ffKANKS OK ALL $1X1)8 PRIXTBD T|
ORDER,
v.ie\vs be adopted, and shall the premat
duties be increased, in order to meet tbei r
immense estimates for the support of theif
administration, of #50,000,860 a year 1 We
say no. We say, the tariff of 1846, the
fruits ofthe labors of R. J. Walker, and
thq policy of Mr Polk’s
although professedly a menu* tariff, iq
already sufficiently burdensome to the
real labor of the country and particularly
to thp south. if northern manufac
turing capital cannot live on we say
as wg-said of that of the south, lei it perii\
rather than pay more ftibute, fpr its sup*
port. Let us see what sys burthens are.
For the year 1850, the quantify of cot
ton spun in the United States wgs 507,000
balqs; or in round numbers 240,000,00(1
of lbs. The cost ot the raw material wa*.
abnqt $27,000,000. It is estimated it Eng
land, that the value of cotton wrought iatq
fabrips is about five or six to on© of th'e
cost ofthe raw material. In this eountry,
labor being deqrer, and the price being
enhapeed by a protection of 30 per cent x
the difference in the relative value ofthe
fabricated and raw article is much
the former being worth seven or efgh(
times the cost of the latter. Apcordigg ft
this, and by a tqble from high authority
now before us, (he 240 millions of pounds
qf cotton, costing originally 2} millions of
dollars, is wofjh when manufactured (iq
round numbepr) $230,000,0Q(V Now the
whole ol this amount of Arqerican made
goods, except about 4J piillipns, is sokf
and consumed ip the United §|ate*. With
these data, let qq now enquire what the
Tariff on cotton goods alone, costs Ure peo
ple of this coqntry. If it be true as a*;
sorted by the manufacturers, that they
would break, under a lower duty, and thaf
a higher one is necessary ti. them; it tot*
lows, in course, that but for file protecting
against foreign coiqpctitioq afforded by
this duty, that this same amount of cottog
goods which they have to sell could be
bought somewhere else (that is from for*,
eign coiqpetitioq markets) at a price less,
the duty. Now, w* ,et ? we findoutwhat por
tion of tins total vqlue of s23o,oo(y]pp is
made up at'duty, we ascertain to, $ cent,
what protection on cotton fabrics costs thu
people of this country. This is done by q
simple rule of three. As the ainourg of
one dollar at 30, pef cent, (that is 130, ct*)
is tq qne dollar, qq Is 230, millions (the
amount of the value pf the gqods, inclod-,
ing the duty,) to (fie valqe qrifijoqt tho
duty, ‘phis will give the va|p,e op pyice of
the goods if there were ns dqty. Hour
deduct this from the above amount of
$230,000,000 which is the value, tyhen en
hanced by the duty, and we haye (he part
ofthe value or price which <Any
man can take tp s pencil and discover that
the result is about fifty three millions
SIXTY op(R THOUSAND DOLLARS. And this
is the amount of tribute thqt the
ofthe country, pay the potton spinners
under thp present Tariff—(t-r we could
have got the same amoqqt pf Tereigq
goods 53, milljons of dollars cheaper thaq
our Government forces qs sq pay for do
mestic goods. But this is qof enough tq
suit the notions pf Mr Fillmore & tips “En
quirer.” And this is whatisca|ipd/otfering
Americanindutfry. A few huqdred capital
ists spin shirtq and pqljcoes, (yhilp 22 mil*
Hops of people weqt fhciq. The latter am
taxed that the foriqcr mqy sptq qt a profit.
Mr. Alibutt Lawrence ha* spun to the tone of tho
most Princely fortune in America- He ie now
minister at the Court of the St. Jjaiqei, and he
write* home that the country i* overtrading will)
Europe— getting in debt to England—and that tha
remedy fa more duties —and the Columbo* gnqai-j
rer, a p i per on theaoil, and aupporled by the ro*q
of the noil, who are moat especially pinched by tha
Abbott Lawrence*, pronounce* it a “very aaneSMo
letter.” Well; yye supppsn the Enquirer eannof
help it. It i “it* mi.iion.” It p a Fillmore and
Corwin organ — Fillmore dt Cos. eay “Tariff” and
the Enquirer echoes “Tariff — *o be it.”
But cotton fabric* are only one in the loqg fig
of duiiitble article*. We have Mtyn how opt of
#27,000,000, worth of raw cotton, (gey levy q tri
bute of #s3,ooo,ooo—but tip* in only qqe item of
tho account. To Mr. Abbott Lawrence it ia the
item ; h.-cijipw hi* industry demanding protection,
in that “sensible letter” of hit, fa in cotton •pin
ning. But there are the woo{ifm and iron manufac
ture*, there are sugar duties and salt duties and
duties on almost everything e|e that could I
bought chea|ier abroad without the dupe*,
take iron, p have a cane in pojqLfight qt af t
door. We announced the oilier iigj that q shjf
had arrived at the with a'lqqd of Iron far tho
Muscogee Road. There werp IfJQO too* of it, end
it cost laid down ip Apalachicola including freight
about S3O the ton, or almut #48,000. But here thp
Tar iff meet* it and imposes q dutv of 30 pff cant,
(nearly a third) on the co-t, nd the result is thaf
our Company, mainly compqsed of citisen
of Columbus which has been ntruggling for years to
construct this necessary improvement, is obliged to
pay #14,400 lax to tire Government for the privia
lige of landing, $45,000 worth of an article that
comes in cum(retit ion witqtfje Irop manufaetorfaq
of Pennsylvania! Now the stockholder? qt this pojn *
panv can feel the burdrns qf (be Tariff, sa-ereiy
enough—hut where is the benefit cf this tax to any
body in Columbus! If direct taxes tycrs reported
to. tit's qmpuni on a single artjpfa qf iroq(eitough to
Ity down 30 mile* ot road,) would be far more than
the -hare of Coluoibu*. But this fa hot a flea bit**
—every |rot ami kettle, every rqke and boo, every
casting, every shirt and gowfj qapd ia tho city fa
taxed in the *?ti|q way. And yet w* bear is otter
ed by an administration paper th*t“Frpo Trado ia
a ruinous humbug,” Mr. Lsyrrence write* “sensible
letters,” Adam Smith spa* an old fool, and the
“Times” is something worse, for it fa after destroy
ing the prosperity of the cquntry for the purpose of
revqlptionizigg the Government!
Sntt Gr.iiuor. J. Biiloch. —Tbo JSsvmi
nah Geerjjaij of the lflth inat • “Tib* pifi
of fhia ca*e jiich we have already mentjnfj.eJ u
Iwing jn proven*. liga reauhed in eppyiepon. A
verdict of gßi)!jr y/t}* rffidered qp Saturday lap
about one o’cjock, the ji/rf ‘* V W ,J ** n ®“*
Frjdjy eyenjng. ‘f|) j* How t*o to wr
en yr jqi| jriWQmt * ‘■* peniiemiary, at thp
disprpfjqn of the - n< * W
been Wp Ipffjj tha a potion | arrest of
jpdgtn njado hy the I'ruwuert# pmumL