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OrfMbM- sJ WWawdsy Morning, Feb. 19,1851
EXPRE&iLY for the times.
UfiI¥WT^AFHIGA.
d#clhtb m cotton.
•Me ATLANTIC SAFE.
- # 9 o’jclk. 10 nt. P. M )
February 17, 1851. j
The steamer Africa arrived, brings the
Atlantic’s passengers. The Atlantic is
now in Cork. When nine days out, she
broke her shaft and experienced terrible
weather; her works, paddles and ma
cbinerv much damaged. It will take two
months to repair her.
At Liverpool on the Ist inst. American
cottons were down an Id. Dull market.
Consols 96|.
Drawing and Painting. —The attention
of Parents, Guardians and the lovers of |
art, i* invited to the advertisement ot
Mr H-jnflecr, in another column.
Panorama of Cuba.— This painting is
described by our cotemporaries of the
Press as a splendid work of art; and as it
pourtrays the scenery of one of the most
beautiful countries in the world, our citi-
zen will be giad to learn that it will be
exhibited in this city for four nights, com
mencing- Thursday next. See advertise
ment. The exhibition takes place at the
Temperance Hall.
(QrWeare under obligations to Sena
tor Dawson and Hon. H. L. Haralson ot
Georgia, for valuable public documents.
Faction sometimes works a melancholy
change in some of its a ictims. Look f
example, -at thespectacle presented by
i.AnjmdyWrftf'ffie Columbus (<la.)
ultraism first destroys hislove
I far the Union; next his respect for the
principles of the democratic party; but
—“last stagt- in this eventful history"—it
has affected the dignity and decency with
which his paper was once conducted.
Once he had the bearing and refinement
of a man of “gentle blood,” and now his
manners are as coarse as his passions are
violent. We lameut the metamorphosis;
but we do noteve.i yet despair of his re
formation. Once he was substantially in
favor of the elements of the Georgia plat
form; but when we would have taken him
at hit word, before the Georgia Conven
tion adopted it, be flew off at a tangent,
deniedthe position which he had taken and
returned to “wallow in the mire.” We
have no respect for the excesses of such
a critic. We feel no terror at his lash.
Let him ridiculcorrebukeus asjhe pleases.
We heed not the passing wind. All we
wish him is a return to his reason.— IVasfc
ington Union-.
Having repudiated the venerable “Fa
ther Ritchie” as our political Palinurus,
we beg leave also to decline his services
as our teacher of manners. The foregoing
sample of hisquality as an “arbiter eleganti
mrum\ is not calculated to make us fall in
levs with his school of “dignity and de
cency.” Our conscience acquits us of ev
er having written anything more “coarse.”
We h*** now discovered that one of the
penalties of not a|Teeing with the vener
able editor, is, to be tabooed in the circles
of the polite. While we steered our back
by his compass we were a “marvelous
proper person,” and demeaned ourself
as one of “gentle blood,” but when we
hold fast to the Democratic State Rights
principles, which he helped to
jBP-h us and refuse to trim them, like liim
j||] thejrforce
value, why. wefese caste and;become
L one no better than he should be.”
-Well; de gustibus non. We’are happy
to know that Mr. Ritchie cannot, with a
sweep of his nonchalant pen, ostracise us
irom the good repute of that class of men
whose opinions on the great question of
the day, we alone value and respeet.
In return for Mr. Ritchie,s good ‘wishes,’
we venture to hope when Congress passes
a bill for his relief, that he too may have a
•-return to his reason.”
A. our readers know better than that we
were “ouce in favor of the Georgia plat
form.’ meaning the platform of the sub
mission convention, we shall not take the
trouble to comrauict it.
We edit for the mass, for the great body
r people, and to them, and not to
-irrefers we hold ourselves responsi
ble for the correctness of our views.—CV
umftnff
Exactly what we have long believed :
and |he “ediwg ft* the. mass” is done on
the postulate rfhat the masses are fools and
will far gospel truth whatever their
p.ny organ sees fit to feed their gullibility
As we expected, the Enquirer declines to
anitort argument its sweeping declnra
t. t hj|t “Free Trade was a ruinous hum
buV’& it also declines allresponsibility for
news o( Mr. Fillmore and his
the Treasury. In short from be
iug a very >rash restrictionist, two weeks
age,it has one to be a nothingarian. It is
ia its old pine “on the fence;” therejdeal
iag out at usal, its geneialities and firing
Mustard seed h its * political opponents.
** **.'■-$ As•
We shall wait -r oar neighbor to prove
that **Frre Ynie is a ruinous humbug.”
- rr. X rn; 1 -
; •'I . Mobile, Feb. 1851.
Tb qaest<m c is not, in my
mind, in the contest.
There aBRLr question, involving the
of our Federal system,
the arena, and assumes an I
j
erei£& Stale? true
deciax o fGovernment,
sf, to talk more
rfiHs State sovereignty,
iSttLer the rights of sections— as it
fsSin that these opinions overturn the
thrA* and the Union a- it i-, bo- mies
. constitution i -.ere
ly and thing of the relations
flfie flints®
J
VOLUME XI. I
between the States and the Union, the
same as the counties of a Slate to a State.
Nay, worse than this in practice, inasmuch
as ah aggrieved county in a State would
have better prospects of maintaining
its rights by its contiguity to the head
of its system, that the States would have
in reference to their Union head. Is it
not a lamentable fact, that a continued
system of wrong and oppression by the
north against the south has so worried the
southern mind, and depressed its spirit
and energies, that even a direct attack
upon the basis of our system, which of it
self, in former days would have set the
whole south in a blaze of excitement,
scarcely receives a passing notice in Con
gress, from the press, or from the people.
Since the great men who kept the consoli
dation party, or monarchy party in check,
for the past forty or fifty years, have pass
ed from the stage of action—that party
headed by Clay, Webster, Cass, et. als
have raised the banner of consolidation,
with a President of the United States in
office, ready and willing to execute their
behests! In a word, the constitution has
ceased to be a rule of action for the dif
ferent departments of the federal govern
ment under which we now live, adminis
tered by those who can manage from time
to time to get control of it, by fraud or
force—a union which has a patronage now
in 32 States and five territories not far in
ferior to that under thejsway of the'British
Queen, and a treasury with an annual 50
million to distribute, derived from tlje
people, employed to buy up the promi
nent men of the Stats at pleasure—with
hundreds of millions of acres of public
lands to squander /among the people in
furtherance of its designs upon their liber
ties and that of posterity. With all
these appliances, it the libertiesofthispeo
ple can be long preserved, it will be by the
special providence of God, and not by the
virtues of our modern statesmen and poli
ticians. The youth of our country now
merging into manhood, will naturally be
swayed and fashioned by the prevailing
sentiment of the present times, and will
coldly review the political hist< ry of our
country in the past. The lessons of truth
and wisdom taught by the Jeffersons, Ran
dolphs, Madisons, Luther Martins, Craw
fords, and Calhouns of former days, will
have hut a transient entertainment in their
minds: and those of the Footes, the
Toombs, the Stanleys, the Sewaris, the
Giddings, the Hales, and others of like
character if the present and passing hour,
will become a law of their political faith.
What have we then to hope for in the
future, with all these elements of mischief
staring us in the face! I answer—Nothing
for good—but all for evil! Is there any
escapo! In a word, are we a doomed
people—and is it a perfectly hopeless en
terprise to seek a course of action by
which these evils may be avoided ! 1 con
fess, that at the best, and with a disposi
tion to find a light in the future to guide
and protect us, the prospect is a gloomy
and cloudy one. But it is my deliber
ate and conscientious conviction, after
much reflection on the whole subject,
fraught as it is with almost insupportable
difficulties at every step, that there is only
one plain duty to be performed by the
Southern States which cau enable them to
preserve their liberties and their insfitu
tions. And that is, to sever the political
connexion with the north at the earliest
practicable time ; and then proceed to re
construct a political edifice which with the
experience of the past, we may do, which
would defy the effects of revolutions and
of time. My mind is made up—my opin
ion confirmed in the conclusion, that this
union and slavery cannot long co-exist.
Say what you will, there is an incompati
bilily to be reconciled between the north
and south, in their climate, soil, produc
tions, “morals—mode of thought, and
various other characteristics before we
can safely trust our common interests to
their keeping in the same political copart
nership. But you may ask, notwithstand
ing all this, if the north refuse to recog
nize our rights to secede from the union;
What is your modus operandi ? Suppose
you attempt to sever the connexion, or if
the north with the appliances of the Gov
ernment—the army and navy—say you
shall not depart in peace. Aye, there lies
the rub ; and it is that rub which induced
the words “practicable time” employed
in that part of my letter which treats of the
severance of our political connexion with
the north. For although I-hold our right
to be as clear to secede (for cause to be
judged .cf by ourselves) union, as
it was for the States to come into the un
ion ; yet I believe, unless a great revolu
tion effeoted in ;the public mind before
that trial takes place, that force will be
employed by those having in charge the
despotism at Washington to prevent the
action of the State — therefore it is, that I
advocate preparation ; early; ample ;
complete, miliary organization, before
that final step is taken ! Were it not tor the
unprepared* of southern defence, I
would advocate secession to-mortow; tor
I hold, that if the south had no other
cause of complaint against the north, the
admission of California as a State, with
all the precedents and consequences,
would be quite sufficient in the eyes of the
and posterity to justify a dissolution
office union. What sort of uuion is that
the robber and robbee are compell
ed to live together as equals? How much
i
made the inferior, and compelled to do
| homage to the Robber ! Can native south
| em blood long tolerate such a union !
j I will answer for one. No longer than I
j cad see aclear road out of it. Let Toombs,
| Fodto and Seward love such a “ glorious
f’union.” “tt is their government, not
J mine” and if this be treason, 4 ‘ make the
j most of it.”
Editor’! Correspondence.
New York, Feb. }O. 1851.
Dear Sir: In striking contrast to the
magnificent buildings, that arrest the eye
and call forth the admiration of strangers
on their first entrance into New York,
to which I briefly alluded in a former letter,
are the numerous objects of pity. t^at. pre
sent themselves to your police at almost
every step. { have scea mope distress in
“THK UNION OF THK STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1851.
the shape of absolute destitution, woe be
gone and squalid poverty in the last 10
days than I have seen in as many years in
Georgia; in fact, more than I ever saw,
or ever expect'to see there, should my days
be prolonged “to three score and ten”
years. During the cold weather that has
prevailed here of late,great is the suffering,
which must have beenexperienced by these
poor miserable wretches, who depend up
on the charity of strangers to keep soul
and body together—for the citizens ac
customed as they are, to*have these dis
tressed objects constantly before them,
appear not to attract their attention, and
pass them by unheeded. The thorough
fares of the lower part of the city are lit
erally lined with men, women and chil
dren, some blind, some crippled and
frightfully deformed, others worn and
worsted by disease, all slightly clad in
filthy rags—scarcely ,-ufficient to hide
their shivering limbs. Not much elevated
in the scale of being—above these just de
scribed—are a large class who do not live,
perhaps by begging, who nevertheless are
but little better off. In certain quarters of
the city, the houses are crammed from cel
lar to garret with human beings—in some
cases several families occupying the same
room. Immorality and vice in all its forms,
destitution and filth all huddled in togeth
er. These places are as famous for gen
erating epidemics as Hatteras is storms,
and the mariner is no more watchful when
he approaches the latter, than are the
“fathers” of the city towards the former,
when pestilence is abroad. A larger part
of the mortality of the city during the sum
mer months, is confined to these locali
ties. Ido not know but that I should be
come hardened to these sights in time, but
it does seem to me now , that any one pos
sessed of ordinary sensibility, must feel
pained to see, without the power to re
lieve, even a small portion of the destitu
tion that lives in this city. There are no
doubt some cases, perhaps many, where |
the subjects have brought this poverty j
upon themselves, either through idleness, j
or as the natural result of a dissolute and
vicious life; but I apprehend, that by far
the larger portion, have been reduced to
this situation by misfortune, and if their!
history was made public, many instances, I
no doubt would be revealed, of persever- j
ing and determined efforts against l con
tinued misfortunes, until beggary wastheir
only possession. Besides these there are
thousands of foreigners landed here every
year, entirely destitute. These for the
most part are not only ignorant t-f the
customs of the country, but cannot speak
the language. Poverty and persecution
drive them from their native land, and the
lew out of the thousands yearly landed
at this port—who have any means on their
arrival here, are very soon reduced to a
level with their fellows.
While I am passing about the city and
sea all this distress, the question is con
tinually rising in my mind—where is all
the benevolence which we hear so much
about as pervading the north to such an
extent that it reaches away down south ?
That benevolence which pretends to be
the only friend of the afflicted and op
pressed, and for whose operation, this
continent does not afford sufficient scope.
Is it true (as has been whispered) that our
abolition brethren are not so all-fired be
nevolent as they would have all creation
and a part of the other country believe.—
Is it true their “bowels of compassion’
are so strongly stirred within them that
they sent delegates to the “World’s Con
vention” to devise ways and means to free
the poor down-trodden, stamped under,
skinned alive, and us;d-up generally, ne
groes of the south, and at the same time
turn a deaf earjo the piercing cry for help,
which goes up from the poverty-stricken
masses which surround their dwellings,
and mingles in the chorus of their hypo
critical “Freedom song]” Is all this true!
Yes! This is God’s truth. The very men
aye, and women too, who will give their
money to aid a negro to run away—to fee
counsel for his defence if retaken, or to
shield from the penalties of the law, the
villain who would steal a negro and in
vite him to murder hie master to gain his
freedom—would thrust from their door the
poor beggar, ready jto perish for the want
of food. And this is not the worst feature
in the case ; these things are done under
the garb of religion. To such an extent
have the pulpits of the north been pervert
ed for the last five years from the propa
gation of the principles of the btblc, and
the leligion which it teaches, to the pro
motion of abolitionism, thatthe generation
now on the stage* as well as the one pre
paring to take its place, is thoroughly im
bued with its principles, and look upon
slavery as a curse, to be got rid of at any
cost. In many sections and churches it is
made the standard sentiment. It is very
easy to see how soon whole communities
would become affected when subjected to
this sort of tuition. You may rest assured
that this feeling of hostility tothe institution
of slavery, and a fixed determination to
abolish it does predominate here, I care not
what representations are made to the con
trary or by whom made. The fact does
exist, and I apprehend that a very short
time will developed. I came to this con
clusion from personal observation several
years since, and every subsequent visit
to this section since,” has but confirmed it.
If the south wish to preserve their proper
ty id slaves, they miust look at home.—
You cannot count on the conservatism of
the north. ’Tis all gammon. I hope cer
tain parties undeceived in regard
to this matter, before ’tis too late. I do
not pretend to deny that there are some
national men at the north; butthey are in a
hopeless minority. They are using great
efforts to turn back the tide of fanaticism
that is sweeping over the country. But
to effect this, they have got to undo, what
has taken years of perseveringeffort on the
part of the abolitionists to accomplish,
and what they will sustain at all hazards.
This is my opinion. There is a desperate
struggle in the N. Y Legislature for Sena
tor —the result of which you will probably
receive by telegraph before this reaches
you. Mr Beckman one of the represen
tati yes from this city, and of the “Silver
Gray” classification of politics has taken
the “studs” aqd refuses to vote for Gov.
Fish, who is understood to be Seward’s
man, and as he cannot he elected without
this vote, it leaves Mr Fish in a decidedly
bad pickle.
From the Columbus Times, September 1844.
DE. FBANXLIN, AGAINST STEPHENS, MEBI
WETHEE AND TOOMBS.
Messrs. Editors —When I was a boy
my father used to tell me to read Dr.
Franklin’s works, as he considered him
one of the wisest men that ever lived, in
this or any other country. My father was
an old fashioned sort ol man, and preferred
the opinions of such men as Franklin, to
that of all the ups'art demagogues of the
day, and l have no doubt, if he were alive
that he would still prefer Franklin’s opin
ions of Free Trade and the Constitution,
to those of the three gentlemen at th- head
of this article, though I know he would
be laughed at bv the modern Whigs, who
would tell him that any one of those dis
tinguished gentlemen had forgot more than
Dr. Franklin ever knew. As there may
still be a few left who think Dr. Franklin,
to sav the least, as well acquainted with
the Free-Trade system and the Constitu
tion as the above named oentlemen, please
publish the annexed extracts from his
works, and obi ee
Onk,of yo nn Sun sc mu krs.
DE, FEANKLtN ON FP.EE TEADE.
“Perhaps, in general it would be better
if government meddled no further with
trade, than to prelect it, and let it take its
course—most of the Statutes or acts, edicts,
arretsbnd placards of Parliaments, Princes,
and States, for regulating or restraining of
trade, have, we think, been either politi
cal blunders, or jobs pretence of public
good. When Colbert assembled s me wise
old merchants of France.m and desired their
advice and opinion how hecould best serve
and promote commerce; their answer, after
consultation, was in three words, “Lais
sezi o is faire.” “Let us alone.” It is said
by a very sacred writer of the same nation
that he is well ad vanced in the science of
politics, who knows the full force of that
maxim, ‘ Pas trop gouverner.” “Not to
g< vern too much,” which perhaps would
be of more use when applied to trade, than
in my othein public concern. It were
therefore to be wished that commerce were
as free between all nations of the world,as
it is between the several counties of Eng.
land; so would till by mutual communrcu
tion obtain more enjoyments. Those
counties do not ruin each other by” trade,
neither would the nations. No nation was
ever ruined by trade even seemingly the
m> st disadvantageous. Wherever di sir
able superfluities are imported, industry is
excited, and thereby plenty is, produced ”
Dr. Franklin's remarks on the power of
Congress , under the Confederutio n to
protect Manufactures,
“Many persons skilled in manufactures
imagining that America must be in want
ot them, and that Congress would be dis
posed to encourage them, have proposed
to go over. Such persons on reading the
Articles of Confederation, find that the
Congress have no power committed to
them, or money put into their Jiands, for
such purposes, and that if anv such en
couragement is given, it must be by the
government of some separate State. This,
however, has been rarely done in Ameri
ca; and when it has been done, it has rare
ly succeeded, so as to establish a manufac
ture which the country was not yet so ripe
for, ns to encourage private persons lo set
it up.”^
[from tli# Augusta Constitutionalist.]
DESECRATION OF WASHINGTON’S BIETE-DAY.
A more barefaced and reprehensible
piece of denntgogueisin than the following
letter, has never before been exhibited to
the public gaze since the foundation of the
American Confederacy. It deserves the
sc >rn and contempt of every citizen who
holds in veneration the memory of the
Father ot his Country, and would consider
it foully desecrated when dragged into the
arena ol politics to subserve party purpos
es. It appears in the Savannah Republi
can of the 12th inst., a id is, as the Edi
t >rs state, in an approbatory notice ,au in
vitation lo them to unite in this party cele
bration. Will the public sentiment of the
country tolerate this effort of a party that
dubs t ell “The Constitutional Union Ear
ly,” presumptuous y ‘o appiopria'c to their
own ephemeral political schemingsa name
and a day dear to every good citiz nos this
country —dear to every true votary of lib
erty —dear to every heart that can admire
nobie virtuesand lofty pntrii lism? There
is either Imllovv and disgusting Itypocricy
in the professions of this letter, or it is the
emanation of a narrow-mindedness not less
deplorable—emanating from men, from
some of whom, ai least, we should have
expected better things.
If the aim be solely to bolster uy a polit
ical party, a Gnat National Organization,
as it is termed, but which, in fact, has no
organized existence out of the Stale o(
Georgia, it is hypocritical lo invoke the
venerated name of Wash in gt n for such a
purpose. If it be prompted by a feeling
that there are no citizens of this great re
public worthy to unite with them in offer
ing homage to a common benefactor—to
one who was “first in war, first in peace,
and first in the hearts of his countrymen,”
except those who agree in sentiment with
them in approving these miscalled Peace
Measures, such bigotry and intolerance are
unworthy of the enlightened age in which
we live. They afford a melancholy spec
tacle of the effect of parly raucor and pol
itical ambition, to darken fine* intellects,
and to eradicate magnanimous sentiments.
Is this mode oi celebrating the Lirth-day of
Washington, a peace measure? Are the
intelligent and virtuous citizens of Geor
gia, who are unprepared to say that the
Compromise Measures of the last s-ession
weie happily passed, to he forced thus in
to a separate celebration of Washington’s
It maySvell be doubted whether 41 the il.
‘lostrious slave-holder and planter, who
sleepson the banks of the Potomac” would
have this day been, were his spirit now
gmong us, arrayed on the side of this mon
grel party association, formed by political
schemers and demagogues, calling itself
the Constitutional Union Party? or wheth
er his sympathies, his principles—his love
of right and justice—his hatred of tyranny
and wrong—would not have arrayed hitn
with the great Southern Rights Party of
his own native south. We should never
have desired to provoke a discussion on
such a point. The name and the fame
of Washington beloqg now to no Stale or
section “No clime can claim, no country
can appropriate him. He was the boon
of Providence to the human race.” But
when a handful of men who have from
selfish political motiyes vainly striven to
create themselves into a National Union
Patty, but who cannot muster a corporal’s
guard out of the State of Georgia, attempt
in their desperation to convert a day sacred
to every American—sacred to liberty and
to man, into a political bacchanal, there is
no language tpo strong to stigmatize thq
desecration.
Macon, Ga., Feb. 7, 1841.
Dear Sir —The friends of the Union
in this phee, cjjgtemplate a public celebra
tion of the approaching Anniversary of
Washington’s Birth-day. As the Romans
were accustomed to carry the Statues of
their early Heroes, in their processions, to
remind them of the virtues and purity of
the better days of their Republic, so we
deem it the part of patriotism, in the pres
ent crisis of our public affairs, to keep be
fore our eyes, the examples and teachings
of ihe founders of our Government. We
embrace the occasion as especially oppor
tune tn invoke the spirit and warning voice
of Washington, to frown upon the bold
designs ts-Disunion, so alarmingly avow
ed in every pail of the Confederacy.
Asa committee appointed for the pur
pose, vve invite you to join in the proposed
celebration either by your presence or
your counsel. We desire that your inftu.
ence may be felt, in restraining the spirit
of insubordination and sedition, wherever
in our wide spread country, it seeks to dis
integrate the proud fabric of our Govern
ment. We desire that your voice may go
forth to the people pleading for the obser
vance and abidance of those great Peace
Measures, which so happily passed the
lasi session ol Congress, And above all
that you may unite with us in pushing for
ward that great National Organization
which we look tounderGod’s Providence,
as the l est, i( not the only protection of
our cherished Union, against the danger
ous attacks of faction and fanaticism.
Your obedient servants,
A. H. Chappell, “j
lames A. Nisbet,
James W. Armstrong, I Committee
Samuel Hall, j of
S. T. Chapman, j Invitation.
Rout . S. Lanier,
“ The Soil of the South.” —'The pnb
lication of this work has be en delayed sole
ly on account of the unexpected delay m
receiving the type. They were ordered
in time to enable the publishers to issue
the first number by the 15ih of Januarv,
but from the carelessness of agents to whom
they’were sent at Savannah they have
not been received. The publishers are ex
pectingall the necessary material daily,
and as soon as they are received they will
proceed wuli the pulic lion commencing,
with the January number. This will be
done in order to make the volume complete.
The friends of the work need have no ap
prehensions as toils success; that is already
ensured by the response which has been
made by the public. The patrons of the
paper will no doubt excuse the delay in
view of the circumstances. The publish
ers will be obliged to the press for a no
tice of this explanation.— [ Columbus Sen
tinel.
Cheap Postage —-Coming to the
Point. —The Baltimore Clipper learns
from Washington, that Barnabas Bates the
original ad vocate of cheap postage in the
U. S. has made proposal to Congress in
consequence of their hesitation to pass the
cheap postage bill to transport the mails on
all the existing routes in the U. States, and
give for the privilege tor ten years one
million of dollars. He proposes lo charge
o:< letters only two cents for each half
ounce end fraction ofan ounce prepaid and
deliver them to their address free of any
additional charge in all the towns and cities
containing ten thousand or more inhabi
tants. Newspapers, periodicals hand-bills
and any printed matter, at half the present
rates. To each member of Congress, for
the r franking- privilege, he will furnish
twentyrfive hundred stamps per annum.
Mr. Bales, in behalf of himseifand asso
ciates, offers to give satisfactory security
lor the fulfillment of the conditions of this
contract, which shall go into operation on
the first of J.iuuaiy, 1852. If this offer
be refused, we cannot see how Congress
can any longer hesitate to give the people
the cheap postage they have petitioned for.
We understand that several enterprizing
capitalists of New York and New Jersey
have united with Mr. Bates in this offer,
and are willing and anxious to obtain that
contract.
Columbus, Ga., Friday Morning, Feb. 21, 1851.
Dr. Crane’s lecture on Monday night
was attended by a very large and highly
respectable audience. We were much
delighted with many ofhis practical views
touching the education of children, physi
cal and moral, as well as intellectual. Ilis
denunciations of some of the nuisances of
habit prevalent in the south, accorded pre
cisely with our own long settled opinions.
And who that has observed in our coun
trymen and countrywomen, the bent
bodies, the stooping gait, the sallow faces,
the attenuated limbs, couldfail to be struck
with these evils, when Dr Crane, laid bare
their causes, in the feather beds, close
sleeping rooms, want of athletic out-door
exercise and the barbarous style of bolt
ing (noteating) food which prevails in the
south. The neglect of a groat medicine,
which the doctor did not allude to, is an
other cause of the physical feebleness
which marks the present race of men.
We refer to Cold Water. We speak not
of Temperance—but cold water for bath
ing. We verily believe that we owe what
health we possess, and our present exis
tence, to the habit of daily immersion in
cold water. Confined to our desk, with
much reading and writing, with few op
portunities and little inclination to active
exercise, Cold Water has compensated
for the wear of sedentary occupation, and
stood in lieu of exercise. No man knows
the value of it, who has not tried it. It
invigorates the young, and renovates the
powers of life in the old.
Too little attention is paid to the bodily
education of our children. The body, as
well as the mind and the morals, require
training. The body is the casket of the
mind—it must be sound and healthy, in
order to preserve the brilliancy and vigor
of the jewel within, Every school should
have a gymnasium attached to it: and
physical exercise should be a part ol daily
discipline under the teacher’* eye. Mod
ern times might learn some useful lessons
on this head from the customs of the an
cients. The greatest people of antiquity
were those who were most attentive to
these things. Read Gibbon’s account of
the individual athletic training to which
every a-Mier of the Roman armies was
subjected, and then cease to wonder that
their legions conquered all surrounding
nations. Let no parent hope to see a sen
grow up, with an erect and manly form,
full chest and square shoulders, and mus
cles well developed, and the health, vigor
and happiness consequent on a robust
1 constitution,, who neglecting this tinpor
tant branch of education, gives him over
to the natural lassitude of our south
ern climate, and suffers him to grow up,
the crooked, moping, deformed and gan
gling caricature of the noble figure of a
man. In this consists the great advantage
of military schools. Whoever saw a.slouch
come out of the West Point military
Academy ! Boys and girls, too, should
be encouraged in all active sports, running,
leaping, riding and dancing—any thing
to develope the bone and muscle which
God has given for use, and which without
it, stiffen and shrivel into premature de
cay.
The lecturer who enforces these useful
practical lessons on a people so heedless
of them, as the American dollar-hunting
people, are, is a public benefactor. And
in this light we regard Dr Crane, without
reference to the truth of his science of
phrenology or his ability to delineate I
character by the bumps and cavities on
the human cranium.
Gen. Tom Thumb, the Prince of little
dom is cn his way to Columbus, and will
exhibit his tiny proportions to all admirers
on Monday next. His levees will of course
be well attended.
ISLAND OF CUBA.
We have been permitted, says the New
Orleans Delta, to publish the following ex
tract of a letter, addressed by an English
merchant of Havana to a friend in this
city. The writer in another portion of his
letter, observes that “the contest between
Spain and Cuba, once commenced, can
neither bo long or doubtful.”
“ As to the political condition of the
island, let me assure you that all your
hopes of reform are fallacious. The bur
thens ot taxation, instead ot being lighten
ed, have been increased, as you already
know, and will, it is said, be made heavier
still by the imposition of new taxes. The
Bando de Buen Gobierno is also to be
amended ; but from the out givings of the
official organ, these amendments will con
sist of additional and more stringent re
strictions upon the people. This is very
apparent from the editorial of the Diario
de la Marina upon this subject, in which
the writer descants at length upon the ne
cessity that all the acts of the subject
should be known to the Government.—
There was enough of this espionage of
private life bet ore—there is to be more of
it! This is the spirit in which the work of
reformation has commenced and will con
tinue ! In truth, such is the inveterate habit
of abuses, and the corruption of the offi
cials, that all expeditions of a change are,
in my opinion, visionary in the extreme.
The inhabitants of this island know this
well,and are only awaiting a proper op-
Eortunity to throw off the hated yoke.—
iscontent among them is universal; it is
extensive even among tire troops. Depend
upon it, those who cry peace! either de
ceive themselves or wish to deceive oth
ers.”
The Steamer Atlantic. —The news cf
the this noble steamship has dif
fused a general feeling of joy. It was gen
erally feared that she had shared the fate
of the steamship President, which sailed
from New York and met a late, the nature
of which will never be known on earth.—
It appears that the Atlantic had been nine
days out when she encountered terrible
weather, and wasdisabled inher machine
ry. She put back and reached Cork on
the 22d ult. making an average of one
hundred and fifty miles per day, under
sail. The Africa brought her mails and a
portion of her passengers.
THE PUBLIC LANDS.
Those of our readers who wish to know
something about the schemes before Con
gress, lor the squandering of the public
domain of the Government, are referred
to a letter from Mr Meade, of Virginia,
in another column. Nothing so strongly
marks the degeneracy of the present race
of our public men, and their want of inde
pendence, as the almost universal yield
ing to the clamor which is besetting Con
gress for free farms. It seems to be a
settled fact, that the lands are to be thrown
away or given away in some shape, and
the only questmn with statesmen, like Mr
Meade, who oppose the policy, is, how
can it be done with the least evil and in
justice to the rights of the people and
States having an interest in them. For
our part, we have ceased to expect either
wisdom or justice from the men who have
got possession of the Government. Its
power, its patronage, its treasury and its
lands are all so used as to effect the pur
poses of selfish ambition, personal ag
grandizement and sectional domination.
This “glorious union ’ of ours issa lly out
of joint.
The Southern Quarterly Review.—
The January number of this able periodi
cal is on our table. The table of contents
is as follows: History ot the Polk Admin
istration ; Mental Hygiene; The genius
and Writings of Thackeray; The Rights of
the Slave States; Battle of Buena Vista;
Is Southern civilization worth Preserving!
(This article is worth a year’s subscription
to the work.) Writings of Professor Fran
cis|; Elementary sketches of Moral Philoso
phy ; Tallulah, and other Poems (a brief
and complimentary review of the jioems of
our H. R. Jackson ,of this
State;) Critical. Notices.
We cannot too strongly recommend this
Review to the patronage of the Southern
literary public. It is published at #5 a
year by Walker be Richards, Charleston
S. Carolina.
Rail Road Junctions. —The Macon
Journal and Messenger of Wednesday
says: “The contract between the city au
thorities and the Railroad companies, for
the junction of all the Roads, within our
corporate limits, has been signed, sealed,
and delivered.”
THE LADIES OF COLUMBUS.
In copying the subjoined paragraph
from the “ Sentinel” of yesterday, we
comply with the request to give publicity
to the notice it contains. It furnishes an
other evidence of the ever active enter
prise of our fair “better halves.” The
gallantry of the men of Columns is thus
challenged to make good, a movement con
ceived in the noblest, spirit of usefulness;
“The Ladies to the Rescue !—The la
dies of Columbus, the never failing re
source for help in all that the gentlemen
undertake, are aroused in behalf of the
Muscogee Railroad, and have set ou loot
a project-for raising the wherewith for the
purchase of a magnificent passenger car.
The idea ia, prepare a collation, at
which every body that has a dollar may
find something firjt rate to eat, o^aotte-
| NUMBER 10
thing equally first rate to buy. The de
tails are not yet arranged, and we have
been requested to give notice that a pre
liminary meeting will be held at the Tem
perance Hall, to morrow, (Friday,! at 11
o’clock, A. M., which all the ladies inter
ested in the subject are invited to attend,
for the purpose of devising the mode and
measure of action.”
(Ej* In consequence of Ihe resignation of Gov
Quitman, says the Mobile Register, the Hon John
I Gui- n. President of the State Senate, has assu
med the office of Governor of Mississippi, and en
tered upon its duties. His term however as sena
tor expires in November next, and unless the Ben
ate is in tho meantime called together to elect a
President, the Executive office will devolve upon
the Hon John J Mcßae, the Speaker of the H >u*e
of Representatives. This would cert- it. ly be a sin
gular state of affairs, as Mississippi would thus have
three different Governors in one year.
QCj*The True Delta, one of the most violent of
a*! Gen Quitman’s opponents on the question of
Southern Rights, yet has the justice to remark:
*• G v Quitman says he is innocent of crime ; if so,
a grave responsibility will rest on the shoulders of
those who have advised these prosecutions.”
From the Richmond Enquirer.
MR. MEADE’S LETTER.
We take great pleasure in republishing
the following letter, marked by good taste
and fine feeling,addressed by Mr. Meade
to the editor of the S uth Side Democrat.
We are olad that Mr. Meade has set him.
self right on the question, and we cannot
doubt that his constituents will cordially
support his re-election. The circumstan
ces which called forth the letter, are thus
explained by the South Side Democrat.
“We have not hesitated to express our
unqualified condemnation of the scheme
for distributing the public lands among
the individual States lor educational or in
ternal improvement purposes. Such a
policy is in direct contravention of the
fundamental principles of the Democratic
party. It is not an equitable or constitu
tional mode of administering the common
property of the sovereign States; nor do we
think the General Government possesses
the authority to undertake directly or indi
rectly, internal improvement schemes in
the respective Skates. Wherefore, we
have never wavered in our hostility to the
various land distribution schemes which
ihe whig party are striving to fasten upon
the country But some of our political
friends have demanded more of us—they
have required us formally to dissent from j
the conduct of our faithful representative j
in respect t > the public lauds, and have !
taken umbrage because we have declined j
to adopt n course not called for by the oc
c tsxn, and which could by no possibility |
result to the advantage of the Democratic i
party, We would not have hesitated one j
moment to withdraw our support from Mr. :
Meade, had we suspected his fidelity to j
the Democratic party, or deem* and him ca- i
pable of deserting one principle of its cher
ished creed. The course of Mr. Meade
in regard to the public lands may have
given some shadow of pretext for the opin
ion that he was an advocate of land distri
bution. It was possible, that ignorance
ot the motives by which lie was guided,
may have permitted some of his friends to
fall into this delusion. But we never
doubted the soundness of Mr. Meade’s up-’!
iiiions upon any political question, anil
were persuaded thatnothing but an oppor
tunity to explain bis course was needed,
in order to ns complete vindication.— •
■dence, we apprised Mr. Meade, by letter,
of the construction put upon hiscoiirseby
some of his political friends, and of their
consequent dissatisfaction. In reply, yve j
received the following cominutiiction, !
which completely confirms our opinions j
md silences every possible objection. We I
invoke from every Democrat in the dis- j
trictan impartial perusal of this letter.— 1
It must be entirely satisfactory. It de
monstrates that a representative who stood
by the rights of the South in its conflict
with abolitionism, with such unflinching
fidelity, has not vet forfeited the confidence
of that party, who will never abandon him
so long as he shows himself altogether a
Democrat.”
LETTER FROM R. K. MEADE, ESQ.
Washington, Feb 1, 1851.
To 11. A. Pryor:— -I received yester
day your very kind letter ofthe 29th u!t.,
apprising me of some riissatifactii ij in my
ditiict respecting my course here in refer
ence tothe public lands. Unless my consti- j
tuentsare predisposed to condemn my ac- ;
lions here, have with their motives, been j
greatly misconceived. I have ever been, i
an#am still opposed to any other disposi
tion ofthe public lar.ds, than to .put their
proceeds into the treasury, to be disburs
ed as other monies, in paying the debts j
and expenses of the Government, for
which allure bound. Titus every State
and every citizen thereof, would derive
an equal benefit from them. -To prevent ,
any other disposition of them has been my
chief aim. and failing that, to secure to my
constituents in some other way their just
share in the common property.
While I should resist to the last every
attempt to take the lands or any portion ol
them from the treasure, yet if 1 were re
duced to the alternative of giving them to
one section, or dividing them among all, I
should certainly prefer the latter, and thus
endeavor to Secure ('in a very exception,
able mode, the object for which
the lar.ds were ceded or purchased, to wit:
the equal good of all. Am l wrong in this?
You now, sir, have the key to my whole
course here on this subject. If that has
been injudicious, in that have I erred—in
nothing else. In my object and motive,
my constituents will not Jail to concur with
me.
A system of local appropriations and par
tial donations, sectional in their character,
has been progressing here for some time,
gaining strength with each year* And
now the public domain, as a source of re
venue, is in danger of total annihilation.
Must I witness this in siience?
My own State gave to the General Gov- j
eminent, as a common fund, übout 200
millions of at least 100 mil
lions of dollars. It has nearly sold for
that already, and not one half has been
disposed of, Louisiana and Florida were
purchased at $20,000,000, which was paid
chiefly by the old States. About SSS,CKM),-
OOGmorebave been expended in purchas
ing, surveying and other expenses—mak
ing in all about $75,000,000, of which
Virginia and the other Atlantic States had
to pay their due share, which cannot be
estimated at le3S than $60,000,000
Add tp this .their quota, say
one-half of the cost of the
Mexican war, by which
new territory was acquir
ed, estimating the war at
one hundred millions dol
lars 50,000,000
It is estimated that 200,000,-
‘QOO must yet be paid for
surveys, Indian titles,&c.,
for the unsurveyed portion
of our territory. Set down
cne-feurth, of this to the
cdd> Stafes 50,000,000
Making a total cos! to the old
£ 4 (Is [if f jp fl[ jtg £2
PLAIN AND
vePeswrav hhembmi “•“*"■**"*
EATLVAIfn VSOJU-TI.T EXKCVTXO A*®** OSWtSt
OF
let! t ©olumtms ITCma.
Pamphlets, j Hand
Buaineas Cards, Wsy Bills,
Visiting? de Cirenlars,
Ball Tickets, Blank Notes
andeverythingelaeintkisline ofkssiasss, 6HSE
and with Dispatch.
BLANKS OF ALL KINDS PRINTED T 9
ORDER.
States 9100,000,000
Virginia’s proportion of the
cosf is not less than an
eighth 20,000,000
Add the value of lands given
by her 100,‘000,000
And you have as her portion
of the expense *120,00040a
There has been received in
to the treasury from public
lands (most of it being
from the territory ceded
by Virginia,) 9135,000,000
Supposing Virginia to havo
received her quota, or au
eighth, say 17,000,000
And substract this amount
from her share of the cost 120,000,000
There remains to her credit 9103,000,000
ii costs the Government to defend this
territory, not less than eight millions of
dollars per.annum, (for, but for thisterrito*’
ry, we should have little use for any army,,
ns one fourth of our present force would
serve our purposes.,) which is an annual
nix on Virginia of at least hall a million of
dollars, or a sixteenth of the whole, and
in the same ratio on the other old states,
i The receipts from public lands do not
! now exceed two millions, s“ that their pro
tection costs us now si* millions per annum
more than the income from them; Virginia’s
portion of expense being 375,000 dollars
per annum. To this is to lie added also the
; cost ol surveying the lands nr.d other ex
penses, which are estimated at 22 cent®
per acre. .
The domain which rennins to bn soldi,
is estimated at about 1284 million of acres
which at only2scrnts nett, would amount,
to 230 million it dollars; Virginia, a Kith,
ot which would be about 20 mtlliunr. (
have before said thuttlie cost of surveying
those Imds and bringing then, into market
is estimated at 200 millions.
share of this expense ivooldbe 124 million,
sothalany system by which thepubhc lands
were taken from the treasury, would cost
Virginia alone 124 millions i” money be-,
sides the ji.ss of the lands themselves amt
the annual expense of an army to defend,
the sel'lers on them.
Mr. Fetch, senator from Michigan, I mm.
whom I derive much of my statistics, iu.
an able speech >n opposition to a b’II ced
ing the public lands to the Slates in which
they lie, used the foil- wing language;.
It might be well also to tike another
v'ewjof thissul j.-ct, tn refer, n e to the ex
pense -f the gratuitous cession of the pub
lic domain—Lei us see by another esti-.
mate what it would Cost the Government/
to bestow tracts of IGUacresol land tn ev.--
ery settler. The average cost to the Gov
ernment per acre, as before staled is 22
cents, ([taking for each grant of 160 acres
<832 $), unremuiieruled expense to thy
giantorqandas it is proposed to distribute
the entire public domain in this manner
let us parry our estimate a little further, slid
ascertain how much it would require to
proceed with settlements at this rale.
It wouldjjcost to give aumy the unsold por
tion of
Wisconsin, 26,327,079 acres, 95,502,060
lowa, 27,153,265 “ 5,973,716
Michigan, 24,804,853 “ 5,470,029
Missouri, 29,119,173 •• 0,427,558
Minnesota, now ju.-t opening for settle
ment and where|scaicely an acre has been
sold, 53’ 120,000 acres - . *11.630,400
These ure sufficient as examples, mere
ly to present an exhibition of the effect of
the principle.”
There is not a representative in Con
gress from the Atlantic States, who does
not feel that the interest of those States it|
the pqblic lands is in extreme dangety
The numerous kids now before Congress*
would, if passed, grant away at least 404
millions of acres. The question is how to
arrest it. I deemed that h counter de
inonstimien from the old Slates was the
bust met hod and hence I introduced some*
weeks ago, resolutions of enquiry, looking
to the policy of taking the lands themselves
from the Control ot Congress. 1 believed
that a serious threat of this sort from the
old States, which, with the Western states
that hnye now but a small quantity of pub
lic lands of value, such as Alabama, Ten
nessee, Kentucky and Ohio, hare still the
power in their hands, would bring back
our brethren of the West to their allegi
ance to the nun-distrihuiing policy. Tim
distribution merely of the proceeds ofsales
would be altogether idle, for the power to
make partial donations would still remain*
and by improper combinations would be
often exercised.
The West has already received up
wards of 43m ill ions of ucres, 22 millions
of which, were granted by the last Con*,
gress. The North wants a tariff, the Wes|
the lands. If the temptation proves too,
strong for human nature and its frailties,,
the South of course becomes the victim*--.
We all remember how narrowly we esca>.
ped a protective tariff’ lust session. The
experiment was tried agaiu a fevy days
ago, and failed by 15 voles, a lev/ South
ern Whigs (thanks to North Carolina)
coming to our assistance,
There are now before Con gi ess 2 bills
, witli powerful advocates, which threaten
a total annihilation of our interest in the
public lands, and a third, which would
subvert our most cherished ideas of the
limitations ol the powers of Congres*.
One of these bills proposes’ to cede to
the trganized States, all the public lands
lying within their limits, amounting to
about 284,000,000 of ay res.
Another proposes to give every actual
settler 160 acres. As the settler is the ul
timate consumer or purchaser, there would
of course be very few sales in future, as
few would buy of another when laud could
be had for nothing. Not one in a thousand
of my constituents would avail himself of
this privilege, it would be enjoyed al
most exclusively by the landless in the
West, and by toe hundreds of thousands
ol emigrants who yearly flock to our
shores,
The :1J bill provides that in place of tho
ifie 16th section in every township, now
granted to public schools, inhabitant; a that
township shall be entitled to 2 sections, and
may select those Jseciioiisfinquarter sections
if they choose) from any part ol the public
lands’in the State in which they live. ,Yott
ate aware that a township contains 40 sec
tions of 6i acres each; this bill then con-*,
fers upon the pub.ic schools of tb West
one 18th quantity ol all the public lands
now owned by the United Stale. T,hgJ|
amount as I before stated, 1® fiieh-*
millions of acres; oe-lBih would
tha’n 70,000,000 of acres in quant..*:.*,-
as a consequence of the right t*-
the grant is equivalent tout lm *
value, or tu 253,060M00 iim.i
tity. My peiSonM #
vaiion of the lands n .some^.
States which l have visit|;HKien; , , V-’ £^r
that a selected fourth of *
worth more than all R| rt/ . “
of a township is U sect v
being more than a fifi,;. thr
| given by this & £
lie land, to be w , , w,„*r t ‘#e-J
or 2D6 millions M-J
confer upon the