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and prerogative*. The declaration by the con- j
tract, that the Union shall be perpetual, only j
means th: t it shall be so under the higher and !
supreme law, which permits the parties to con-!
suit their safety, happiness and interests. But j
with regard to the rights of the other parties.— !
What can they do? • As sovereigns, they can ;
demand satisfaction; can go to war; they can’
annihilate the. party resisting—they may satisfy
vengeance, but they may not compel that party ,
to send Senators and Representative* to Con
gress, or electors of a President to an Electoral
College. It the party make all the atonement
and reparation in its power, this is ali that can
be. lawfully demanded—and where the public ,
law is satisfied, the party wronged can make its
appeal under that same law to all the sovereigns j
of the civilized world, who would then be the I
arbiters between the party doing wrong, and i
the party suffering wrong. I have said they may !
go to war, but certainly not by auv power of the j
Constitution. The Constitution authorizes the
Federal Government to declare war—but not {
against a Stata. The articles of the confedera-!
tion expressly recognised the absolute soier
eignty and independence of the States, and the
Congress like the present Congress had the !
power to declare war. It was not believed to
be a power to declare war against a State.—
The confederation was dissolved to make wav
for the new government, not that the new gov
ernment should have the power to coerce a State, j
but because as no government could possess
that power, it should possess the power which i
the confederation had not, to coerce individuals. ;
This power it amply possesses, for all author- j
ized purposes, and more than this it cannot claim.
In the exercise, of this powet it can proceed to i
any extremity \\ hicli the Constitution authorizes
—but it in proceeding toth .textreinitv it encoun
ters the sovereign powerotaState.it must stop
because it is a mere government w bout sever- j
eignty, acting against a sovereign power. It
is true, th <t if the action and counter action,
proceed from the two governments merely, and I
not from the sovereign power, the Federal Gov- ;
emmont has the advantage, resulting from the !
stipulations of the compact, which its own
courts in all cases merely judicial may enforce;
but if the State acting by convention of the j
whole people, sit ill throw itself upon its
sovereignty, the other party may not proceed *
without an act of war. It is net admitted that the j
Congress has power to declare war against State. ,
Other States may combine to declare it: but :
they do so as sovereigns, to enforce stipulations
oi the contract if they please, or for any other
purposes they please. If they declare war and
subjugate a State, they may divido it and make
it parts of two adjaeont States with the consent
of those Stitcs—Out these are the rights of war j
and conquest. They have no right to deal with
individuals captured or vanquished, otherwise !
than as prisoners of war. But it said that the :
powers conferred by the Constitution shall be 1
the supreme law, .anything in the laws or Con-1
stitution of a St it • to the contrary notwithst.nd- !
mg—thus making the authority of the Consti- :
tution of the United St ites superior to that of i
the States—and th sis all true—but who ordain
ed th it superiority !—Why, th' 4 sovereign which j
ordained both Constitutions. Might not the ]
aam a sovereign hive given that superiority to :
the State, over the United States Constitution? j
Certainly. They are both alike the creatures I
of that sovereign, who could mould and fashion i
them ut its will, without limitation or restraint, !
other than by the laws of God and nature. The. j
Government of the United States passes a law, j
is in conformity with the Constitution, it is i
arrested m its execution by the sovereign power I
of ; State, which decides that the law is incon- j
it with its safety—h ;s a State the right to j
take ‘■ r* of itself? It decides a law to be null j
and ; 1 .May not the power, of which the j
tin constitution- is but au emulative, so decide I
it’ ‘V ay not is rightfully tm the Supreme Court, j
which is but the creature of a creature, and which I
n’ ,u m relation to the sovereign, but as a ser-1
v ut or agent, Hero then is an exercise of sove- j
reign uower, in a case whore the legislation of;
the. United States Government is admitted to he I
constitutional. If for its safety or preservation i
the sovereign can so act in such a case, a fordo- i
ri ■, it can so act when the law is- in fact uncon-!
ut ; ui and, or of doubtful constitutionality. You i
w Id c’uKvfuily trust the decision to the Su-j
pryiuo Court, the ms:ub >rs of which are appoint- ;
c ! by the .--gent; irev.ted by the instrument, which I
iu ’.y.:;.: it ia itself ordaiaed by this sovereign I
power, cud yoit would not (rust it to the same
sovereign power. After all it is seen that eve
rything turns on the exist ■nee of the -y--vign
ty aril independence of the rjt If they aro
not sovereign cud indepi , ’-- ‘- , at, where is sove
reignty to be finin' 1 •* in the United States Gov
ernment ! ‘ct. >t doctrine his long since been
err l - neti. Sovereignty- was claimed for the gov- j
ernmentsof Europe founded on fraud and usur-1
pution, or conquest; but our modern doctrine |
recognizes* no sovereignty but the sovereignty j
ot the teople.—Even the modern public law j
regards the people, or community, or .State, as !
the only sovereign.
erjv*i-.ij|nty cannot te parcelled out and divided
anions different communities, any more than that pri- j
raary and paramount allegiance which is due to it.—
The sovereign prescribes obedience, decrees to whom |
it shall be ow.ng, and measures the extent of it iu j
ta . Uonstitut-on. Tito power to purtish treason is
given to the government of the United States, and j
. . , ‘in is defined to be “the levying of war against 1
ihi United Slates, or adhering to thrir* enemies” ]
-not the levying of war against the Government, !
but against the United States, tho States of the l'n- i
ion, not against the government of the States, but
against the people of the States ; in ehori against the
sovereign. Le it be remembered that the articles of
confederation expressly declared that “‘each State re -
tained its sovereignly ml in lcpt-u lenco” without any
qualification, and yet almost all the powers now grant
ed were then gran -.d, and many of them in the very
some tern-; the words ‘'United States” being use,!
in both instruments in th; same manner and convey
ing the simo mean ng. Now it is evident that if the
State's were sovereign and independent then, they
must bo now, unless su express and formal surren
der by the sovereign power te shown, it being uni
versally conceded that sovereignty cannot be lost bv
implication or eoastructisn—it is equally evident that
if any of tho soverrigu Stales ha>l failed to become par- ;
tics to tho present eouctkution, secti States would |
have remained to this day, as sovereign and itidttxn- ;
dent as any Slates or potentates of the world. On !
those principles, and with these limitations, the gov
ernment-of the United Suites, is still the strongest iu
the world, for all the objecls of the Constitution—cer- j
tainly for external relations it is so, aud is so because
it is sustained by the sovereignty of the States. It
only becomes weak, and sometimes degraded and
oohtemptible, when forgetting its obligations as a ser
vant, it usui'i* the prerogative of the master, and i
plays the tyrant, without pretensions to the authority
or dignity ot the sovereign. If allegiance had been
due to the l nited States in viriue of its sovereignty,
there would have teen no necessity for defining trea
son against the United State.:. Perhaps the appre
hension was entertained th it as no allegiance was due ;
to tho l aitc i States, inooasisieut with that which is
due to the S ates, the United S.ates Government
would not has: tout author.ty to punish treason, un
loss the power was expressly given, and that if the
government assumed it, without definition, it would
be exercised as arbitrarily and capriciously as by the
governments of Europe. If allegiance is due to the
sovereign, and not to the government, how- can the
citizens obey the government, and disobey the sov
ereign. If it be due to the government, and not to
the sovereign, the people of all the States, know no :
other allegiance than that which is due to tho gov- j
t-rumeiH of the United States; and of course that ,
government is a consolidated one, based on the exis- 1
tenoo ot one people or community, and not on the
evsteuee ot eo many sovereign aud independent
Suites? rite o’ocdienco owing to the government of
the I mtoJ States by c.t z>_tis of the States, is that
which is required by the act of the sovereign in the
Constitution of tho ( n States, of course cannot be
inc<)usistent with that which is due to the States.—
Otherwise it would be a Government of the most
odious character, by w hich a corrupt, vicious, inter- I
ested majority, might d-spose of the lives, liberties and
fortnaes of the smaller utunter without check or con
trol—than which it is impossible to conceive a tyran
ny more hateful, or a despotism more absolute. The
actual state of things proves it.
For years many of the States of the Uuion have
been most earnestly remonstrating against certain
proceedings of Congress, avowing fit the same time
their unalterable resolution not to submit to them—
regardless of consequences, this Government has
moved oat wifi', a fixedness of purpose, which almost
extinguished ail hope of reform or amelioration, until
ons of tho complaining States has resolved to submit
no longer, iu this extremity w e find ourselves, and
instead of calmly and deliberately reviewing the whole
ground, for the purpose of dividing whether we are
in all th'ngs on the side of right, justice, aud the
Constitution, before the sword is drawn, we begin by
denying to that State, and of course to all other States,
env rights whatsoever that are in their estimate,
of the least value ; and above all, their right of sov
ereignty, without which they consider themselves, and
si; the world must consider them, nothing more than
petty corporations ; the members of which are bound
tire Government of the United States, by a para
r;:<adssoluble allegiance, In virtue of which, they
are ..treaters, olfieers and all,) amenable to it. on
chargee of high .treason, aud punishable accordingly.
I thick according w the doctrines .of the day, the most
important right conceded to them is the right to pe
tition and remonstrate. Having thus degraded the
Stares, they resolve to draw the sword; for omrel
cannot go with them. I cannot go with them, until
I satisfy myself, that in all things they reistrictly
right; as long as there is a shadow-or tespi'eion of
wrong, I will not go with to shed blood. If
•hey were right beyond doubt, I would defer it to the
hat moment, and, then I would execute the laws
“-•‘-‘hire? ijraore strikingly illustrative than the use of the
worn v: ‘. which cannot be rotative to .a singular noun;
lu- r.'!-’’ to relative to the word k Statrs j” against which
fejotte an act oi’ treason could be committed. It would not
be t.ceiish, to say in the Constitution of France, Jkaaaon
shall consist in levying war against France, and adhering to
thr>r enemies—t) ft word its or her , would have been em
ployed ‘V* relative to a single nation.
against those who unlawfully resist them; Against
those who resist by commission and authority
from a State, I would not. You shed blood without
executing the laws, because you force the State out
of the Union, and place her out of the reach of the
laws. Let those who please to indulge in the reverie,
of keeping this Union by force, go on in their mad
career. Deity eati do anything. It can arrest the
motion of the planets and tnrn ihe Sun into blood ; it
can extinguish the fixed stars, and make darkness
cover the face of the Heavens, but it is infinitely more
easy for Deity to accomplish this than for the gov
ernment of the United States to keep in its orbit,
against its will, one of the States of this Union.
Let tho State, therefore, be never so vicious or
wicked iu its designs, 1 would forbear the resort to
bloody measures, leaving her peaceably to depart from
the-Union, as a nu'sancc to be gotten rid of, or as a
prodigal, the repentant return of which to the fold,
•tight one ilay be hoped tor. But how difi’erent is the
-actual state of things! Four millions ot’people com
plain of the injustice and uneonet'ttitionalily of the
laws, and we are ready to shed bksxl in their defence.
These laws arc founded on asserted power to regu
late the industry of the country. Now if such a pow
er is sustained for the General Government, nothing
can render that government more worthless and in
supportable in the contemplation of all the American
people, opposed to restraints, monopolies, and privi
leges, and it may expect of course, that entire portion
of them, to be embodied against it. They would as
soon think of making a Turkish bashaw the Regula
tor of their industry, as the Congress of the United
Stales ; and for the simple reason that, for flagrant
abuses, one could he ntade responsible : whereas, five
Congress by its multitude is as irresponsible as the
most multitudinous assembly, where the innocent earv*
not be separated from the guilty : anti the public ven
geance, if it fall at all, must fail alike upon the just
and the unjust. Why is it,therefore, that on a dis
puted question of doubtful right, or justice or consti
tutionality, Congress will run the hazard of a civil
war, when by an easy operation not costing them four
days, they can adjust the controversy. The Union
is to be lost by a squeamish delicacy, or a reckless
obstinacy. The Lilliputian will not yield to the
Brobdinag ami the Brobdinag will not make a con
cession of justice to the Lilliputian. The twenty-three
States say to the twenty-fourth, if we do not take
your blood aan atonement and propitiation for the
rashness and intemperance of your conduct, we will
be set down in history as cowards. Shame ! Shame!
Is it not enough for the stability of the Union, that
the laws will in ordinary cases be peacefully executed
by the courts of justice, and that in extraordinary
cases, they will be enforced, bv all means against
unlawful obstructions, and assemblages. To attempt
their execution, by military power, against a State, is
almost the only mode by which a State can be driven
out of the Union. A single State will not withdraw
until rendered desperate by the madness or tyranny
of the General Government. A single State cannot
maintain her independence, and therefore could
not hope long to maintain her liberty. Her rights
and obligations as an isolated sovereign, would de
! volve on her very great expense, aud expose her to
difficulties, and troubles from which the greatest wis
i doiu could not exempt her. The Union is mueh
; more exposed to danger, by a combination of States ;
! who could maintain independence and liberty, at a
I cheaper rate, and with better security against vexa
tions and humiliating annoyances, from abroad, ami
when such combinations happen, what will their de
nial of the right to secede avail. Would they fake
side with thirteen weak States aotfinst eleven strong
ones,and make war to preserve the Union! This
would indeed present our puissant Government in a
light of no enviable majesty and supremacy, and is
only an instance among very many of analogous
character, to show how mueh this Union must depend
for its duration upon moderation and mutual conees--
sion. The power is asserted to protect the United
States officers in all cases, which may arise under the
laws of the United States, by asserting for the Uni
ted States Courts exclusively criminal jurisdiction,
even where the parties are citizens of the same State.
Now no such power can he derived at all in criminal
eases but by construction, and thus it is in a crisis
like the present, the criminal jurisdiction of a State,
! always contemplated as a paramount interest, is at
tempted to be wrested from it, and transferred to the
| party whose long and continued infractions of the
i Constitution in other respects, have produced this
I crisis—so that by construing tho words ‘‘all eases in
law and equity” to mcau criminal as well as civil
cases, the power may be claimed to authorize the
commission by the citizen of a State, of au act of trea
son against tliat State, aud who would be sure to find
his justification and acquittal before the tribunals of
I the United States, because he had acted in obedience
to a law which they were bound to adjudge to be
> the supreme law, &o. &e. Now what is the amount
! of all this ? It is.
Ist. That the exercise of certain powers which -i— •''* ol ‘J7
erwise have been exercised by the States. K -“ UuCU granted
to the Government of the Unit oil 3t‘. ■
2d. That it lias all the men- .u...tsstble to any government
to cam those Powers 0 etfcct.
3d. those pow>” ilave been derived from the sovereign
ty of tbe St” 1 -i :il 'd w ;re derivable from no other source;
that sovereignty is, notwithstanding, unimpaired and
.uiminished—the government acting as a common agent,
or servant, merely to carry them into effect.
4th. That being so derived, the government of the Unit
ed States being charged with their execution, is of inferior
authority to the constitution whiclt confers them, which is
itselfinturior, and subordinale to the sovereign which crea
ted it.
sth. That the constitution of tho United States being a
compact, contract or agreement between sovereigns, equal
in ail respects, the parties to it arc bound in good faith, each
to the others, and according to the terms and letter of the in
strument, to abide by it, anti to fulfil its obligations without
any qualification, save,
titb. Thai which results from a still higher authority'—tho
laws of God and Nature, by which law the sovereign power
is bound to watch over and lake care of, lo defend and pre
serve the State, or community, from which it is inseparable.
7th. That wbeu by the action of the common agent, or
government, the safety, happiness and interests of a State tire
endangered, it is the righ* and becomes the duty of tbe sove
reign power, to interfere for its security;—that such interfe
rence being justifiable, under the public law, when the ac
tion shall have been constitutional, is the more justifiable
when the action shall have been unconstitutional and void.
dth. That tho States cannot, even by their sovereignty, bind
themselves forever by engagements, stipulations or contracts,
of any kind, but with the qualifications and reservations im
plied undr the higher sanctions of the public law, which ad
mits many causes of justification for the non-observance, non
fulfllmeutj or \ iolation of the most solemn compacts. That
it is enough that every generation should be permitted to
bind itself—but that the idea of the power or competency of
one generation to bind all successive generations, is unnatu
ral and preposterous.
9th. That it is more reasonable and just lo confide the ulti
mate decision on the rights and obligations of the compact
to tbe State sovereign, titan to Ihe Supreme Court or any oth
er tribunal; the first being indeed supreme, and the last only
the creature of a creature, whose decision must finally, from
the nature of things, be subjected to the revision of the crea
tor of a!!.
10th. That the government of the United States is autho
rized lo make war euly on Foreign powers, and not upon the
States. That if not so, the government of the United States,
the common agent ofaii, might be found on the side of twelv o
States making war against the other twelve—lima illustrating
its paternal care over union, justice, domestic t nmquility, gen
eral welfare and liberty, as enumerated in tbe preamble to
the Constitution, and all in the name of die people of the U.
States.
lllli. That the allegiance of the citizen, primary and para
mount, is due to the State or sovereign,—that obedience is
due to the government, as it represents the sovereign, and as
it is ordaiued by the sovereign—aud of course no obedience
can be claimed by tbe government inconsistent with the al
legiance due the sovereign.
12th. That admitting the above propositions to be true, tbe
government of the United istates is still the strongest govern
ment in the world, for all the purposes for which it was con
stituted—that being a government founded on consent and
supported by ossiuioin it must, to be sustained by that opin
ion, he just ana righteous; that it can never fail to be just
and righteous so long as its fiction conforms to the strict let
ter of the constitution—that the slightest departure from the
letter, is an abuse, whether it amounts to usurpation, or the
exercise of doubtful powers, and may and wili give rise to
complaint, to diseouteut—and with a people so enlightened
and tree as our.-, eventually to resistance.
13lh. That a State, for the violation of the articles of eom
pac, is responsible, under the public law, to the other States,
and may, as between sovereigns, be compelled to make repa
ration for any injury or damage which may issue lo them iu
consequence of such violalion ; and iltal this is one of the
great securities against hasty and precipitate action on the
part of the States.
14th. Tliat the words l we the people,’ in the Constitution,
are to be construed as meaning the people of the several
States, who alone in virtue of their sovereignty, were capa
ble of forming governments, and tliat all the powers conferr
ed by alj of them on the Federal Government, as w ell as all
the powers retained to be exercised by themselves, are only
such powers as each State would have possessed and exer
cised, if there had been no Constitution or Union; and there
fore that the Federal Government has no more authority than
it would have had, if the same powers had been conferred
by a single State.
Your Affectionate Friend,
G. M. TROUP.
Death of the Gold Discoverer. —The
California papers announce the death of an aged
German who is said to have made the first dis
covery of Hold in that country, while digging
a millrace for (’apt. Slitter. He had been in
the employ of Cap. Sutter upwards of 15 years
[From the Richmond Examiner.]
NOMINATION OF GEN SCOTT.
The nomination of General Scott, iu Pennsyl
vania, has put the political world in universal
commotion. All other news of that character
are swallowed up in it. The importance of
the fact eannot be overrated, but why it has
been received with so much excitement is scarce
ly explicable. No man who was acquainted
with the existing politics of this country ought
to have expected anything else. The last three
years, like Macbeth's witches, point their skiu
ney finger at the new Thane of Cawdor. He
has grasped at the crown before now but he
has hitherto failed because his time was not
come. But come it is at last. If he fails now
it will not be the season's fault.
In the first Whig Convention that met any
where in the Union, this nomination might have
been looked for to a certainty. Scott is the on
ly man the Whig party can be prevailed upon to
touch in the. ensuing campaign. Neither Fill
more, nor Webster, nor Clay, have the smallest
chance for their nomination. The Whig party
is now controlled entirely by its Abolition
wing, and unsound as the last named men are
upon most constitutional issues involving sec
tional interests, neither of them comes up to the
mark laid down by their masters. They have
all fallen into the error of making some conces
sions to the iSouth. All in words at least, prom
ise to maintain the Fugitive Slave Law, and
that has sealed the fate of them all. Scott is
the man of the North, and the North holds the
balance of power. Scott has promised nothing
to the South. He is identified with Seward and
his clique—has been so always snd from the
beginning. The-things which killed Fillmore,
Webster, and Clay before the Pennsylvania
Convention, were sufficiently apparent The
motion offered for the sanction of the Fu?
gitive Slave Law was voted down by a, majori
ty approaching unanimity. There the tale was
told.
There was another reason which settfed the
nomination from the first. Gen. Semi- has
those elements of clap trap by which only the j
Whig party has ever succeeded in electing a
candidate with their unpopular principles. When
ever they have run a statesman they have failed
because the people can see in statesmen only
the embodiments of principles, and they have
never yet been ready to endorse the principles
of the Whig party. But when blinded by the
glare of military achievement , they have
on two memorable occasions been prevailed to
shoulder the loads of bank, tariff, and consolida
tion. Experience has taught the Whig party
to rely on no other hopes of success, and they
never will again when they can help in it. Let
no man ever hope again to be the candidate of
that organization, unless he can get. up some
grand humbug of that sort. It has rather too
much selfish sense.—its instincts of life are too
vigorous, to permit it to unite its fortunes with
any other man.
As there is no one in the country whose mili
tary eclat begins to compare with that of Scott
there is no one whose, chances for the Whig
nomination can be measured with his. Whether
his chances before the people will be as great, is
quite another question. One can have lint.a dim
anticipation at this date of the approaching con
test’s result. Bttt although we believe .Gen
eral Scott to he very mtaii the strongest candi
date of the Whig party, we think the chances
arc at least equal on the other .side—if We .do
hut avoid tlm old. broken-down used tip stand
ing, fegie candidates of the Democratic 1 party.
Though th*> North his now the preponderance
of power in the Union and can ycluitir the nomi
nation, the Eoulh holds tli: 4 .balance.'of power
between the grand .parties of’ the North, and
can decide the election. The Democracy are as
certainly identified with the South astli ? Feder
alists and Protectionists are dominant iu the
North. The South th.uvforo. is nearly certain
to go with the Democratic candidate, and against
Gen. Scott.
Besides this striking item in the account, we
attach very much less impotiv-nee to the mili
tary featuit’ of tlte present cistth in wo ever
did before. Scott has done greater things, and
has ten times .the military genius of eith
er Harrison or Taylor.. But with tho memory
of their services, those old men possessed a
simple, straightforward plainness, npt to say
honesty of character,'which never foils to he ap
appreci.ited hv the people,’and which attracted
their sympathy in spite of all arguments to the
contrary. Who can find a grain of this sort of
thing in the composition of. Gen. Scott? It is
notorious that his characteristics are the anti
podes of theirs. fie is the. most ostentatious
and artificial of men: vainer than all the peacocks
of creation, selfish to the last degree of selfish
ness. His military achievements have been
great; hut who can remember them as other
things than the fruits of his ambition? Who
connects them with the idea of patriotism?
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 29, 1851.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS NOMINATIONS.
TOR GOVERNOR,
GHAS. J. M c DONALD,
Ol (088 COUNTY.
FOR CONGRESS.
HENRY L. BEN NINO,
OF MUBCOOCC.
FOR STATE SENATOR,
B. K. HARRISON,
OP STEWART COUNTY
C \MPAIGN JfAxam.
ytre MEEKLY TIMES.
A more important election, in its litoral effects, ou
both the enemies aud friends of the South, than that
now pending, has never taken place in Georgia.• Not
a Freesoiler, Abolitionist or Federalist in the North,
but is looking with intense and eager interest for the
election of llowell Cobb, and of Union members to
Congress. They have seen Georgia bow in acquies
cence to wrongs — wrongs, .admitted by the receiver
and the doer; and now they arc wa't'ng to see her
kiss the rod that smote her and honor the hands that
betrayed her. Having drank the cup of injustice,
may this enp of humiliation pass from the lips of
Georgia. By all that is honorable aud manly, lot us
not heap honors and rewards on the public servants
who have betrayed us. If our rights are gone, we
can at least preserve our self-respect, and not stultify
ourselves in the eyes of mankind by showing that
we have not sense enough to know that we have
been cheated. Spare us this jeer, from the insulting
and mocking North!
Deeply desirous to save our noble State from this
great humiliation, by the spread of sound principles
and by bringing to the knowledge of the people
the true issues involved, and the dangers which sur
round the South, we propose to issue the
WEEKLY TIMES
until after the election on the following
TERMS:
Single copy 50 ofs.
?1 copies $1 00
9 “ 3 00
15 “ 5 00
30 “ 10 00
50 “ 15 00
100“ 25 00
53f"The cash must invariably accompany the
order.
These terms will enable our friends to place a
Southern paper in tho hands of thousands of voters
who read no paper at all; or whose minds are p *is
ened and darkened by the Northern, Federal and
Consolidation views of policy aud government with
which the Union Submission press teems.
£2?“ We call upon our Southern Rights friends
throughout the State, to second our movement—
and we make the invocation in the name of the cause.
We hope that the voice of the “Times” may be heard
beyond its own bailwick—in Cherokee ar. i on the
seaboard, iu Eastern and Middle Georgia, as ‘.veil as
on the banks of the Chattahoochee to whtch its echoes
have been hitherto principally confuted. We say to our -
Southern Rights friends, their presses throughout the
State are nobly doing their duty; but in vain do they
glow with the fervor of a zealous patriotism ; in vain
are they eloquent in manner, trenchant in matter,
powerful in argument, withering in invective—all in
deed, that ihe champions ot liberty and justice should
be, in brilliancy and force, if iuiaheus are not found
for them. Editors cannot furnish their own read
ers. The People must do it, or it will not be done.
Knowledge is alone wanting to the people to beat
the titan u ho insults them with the falsehood that the
wholesale robberies of their rights by the Govern
ment, arc “fair, liberal and just.” Give them
tliat knowledge , and they will put the brand of their
honest indignation on this bold humbug of impudent
ajiostates.
Circulate knowledge then—spread the press on
the wings of steam —crowd it into every hamlet, and
send it through mountain and valley, tearing the
healing light of honor, self-respect and self-preserva
tion to the mind and heart of every true Georgian.
£§f The Southern Rights papers of the State,
generally have adopted this plan. Patronize them.
gag** Wc ask our brethren of the Press to do us
the favor to give notice of our proposition.
CORRESPONDENCE.
HAS A STATE THE RIGHT TO SECEDE?
“This is a question put in the mouth of every “swallower
of chunks of tire” in the land. The mere assertion or denial
of an abstract right is often of little moment. Why, we in
quire, assert, make issues in regard to a right, quarrel and
dispute over it, if there be no intention to exercise it? The
true and only practical question is, Do those who are so loud
and damorous for the right intend to ezercisc it —the mere
right being conceded ? “To be or not to bo” in the Union,
that’s the question.
A fair proposition, Mr. Editor, and we ask that it be fairly
met. We who love the Union, and intend to remain in it’
rather than become subjects of such petty nondescript gov
ernments as Rhett, McDonald. Quitman, or Cochran would
make, will admit the right to’any fire-eater who asks us the
questifm, ifhr XriU pledge himself, that he don’t intend un
der existing circumstances to exercise it. What say you
fire-eaters 1 Do yon intend to secede, the right being conced
ed ? That is the question, and we ask that you come up to
it, like men, without equivocation or concealment. That
you have such a purpose, the right aud the power being both
at your command, all your conduct cries aloud. Let there
be no dodging. Meet the practical issue fairly, for there is
I>ut one, and that is—Union or Disunion, How are you ?
We are for the Union.
Enquirer 22 d inst.
So ample a question admits of a very simple an
asrifeilkis asked, will tve exercise the right of se.
i cession, if the right is granted ?We answer, yes. at j
| the first renewed aggression : and we answer, if'you
I are a “Georgia Platform” man, you too, are soietnn
j iy bound to do the same tiling. “Union” seems to be
j quite ready to admit the right of secession, ita guar
| antee will be given that it will not be used. So far
i as we are concerned, (and we hope the people of
I Georgia too) we sltall never make so puerile an en
; gagement This is a serious question—its importance
; s derived from the fact, that the of- the
South, & the very existence of the Government, de
! pend on itad'uU. recognition and general assertion by
the South.’ If the States are not. sovereign, aseou
! ereignty must ekist somewhere, then the United
i States’ ire sovereign; and if the
granted, Southern institutions'are ar the mercy- of
Northern freesoil majority, hopelessly committed to
their .destruction. But if the States are sovereign,
i they have a right to interpose -their sovereignty for
f the protection of the property and lives of their peo
ple. Now this is. the important question,,and upon
it depends the union, for just so sure as’trial give the
Federal Government the pouter, just so sure will it
j be used to destroy the South, and the attempt brings
on a bloody strife. But if the. North is distinctly
i given to understand that we hold and will defend our
< sovereign right to secede,, the North having more
interest Tn-the union than the South, wi!! not trans
scend the constitutional power of the Government.—
But the idea of“L T ni is, let us say we hare the
i rig fit, butut the same time, tell the North, we do
nat intend .to use it. This is child’s play. We
would not give a button for the concesson of the
; right on such terms. 0
But, how, we a=k. any man, who abides by the
! “Georgia Convenfpiti’ deny the right, of teecaslon ?
The very act of calling that convention by the Legis
lature of Georgia, admits the right—for the conven
tion was called to decide a question—that question
i was, resistance or submission. If it had a right to
j decide one way, it surely had a right to decide it the
! other way. Well, it did decide.to submit. We as
State Rights men, believing in the right of State ac
tion, hound in allegiance tit the State sovereignty, are
! bound also to submit to that decision, do so,
while at the same time, we think the decision was
an unwise one. The Federal Government is also
I committed to the doctrine that Georgia as a sovereign
State had aright to decide this, question either way.
Else, why did not the Federal Administration, dis--
perse the Georgia Convention as a rebellious and
treasonable body? But it did not. They let it go
i on—they awaited its decision, and were highly elated
when it decided to submit.
Further, the Georgia Convention itself, maintained
the right of secession, for it said in clear language to
j the Government, “do this, or do that, and. we will
rerist to a disruption of all the ties that unite us,” See.
; # .
| The Unionists are without an argument-on thisques
: tion and in this canvass. They have absolutely noth
ing but the bald and worn-out cry of “union,” “un
: ion;” while all their plans and principles lead by a
high-road to a certain destruction of theun'ou.
SOUND PRINCIPLES. -
We do not remember, in ou? political experience.
ever to have known the public ml fid so inquisitive of
knowledge On tho. groat political principles pu-tsing'ht
review before it, its at this time. This fact is aserr*'-'*-
fying to the true friends ot the >’ -ri it natu
ral in the existin ‘ ot public atT-iits. For many
years nar *> men have been arrayed- in two. great par
ties, Strong attachments and prejudices arc always
I, ‘stile to unbiassed reflection and -intelligent.enquiry,
■f In periods of high excitement men join a party, and
: after that, their party does all their thinking. The
only enquiry is, how goes my party ? how go my
* party leaders ? There is no time for thought, no calm
ness to weigh facts and principles, no mind to note
the silent and imperceptible yet momentous changes,
which parties are constantly undergoing. The whole
mass is swept along by the gusts of passion and prej
i uiiee; an 1 political demagogues triumph and riot in
i a state of drugs so alarming to patriotism au 1. so .fatal
to the public weal.
• But just'at.t his nio neat'there is a mighty prise in
I these rolling gushes of party passion. Old party
* divisions have suddenly crumble 1 away, and thou
sands of men, for years Whigs ore Democrats, find
themselves rubhlng'tkeir eyes, aml sinking themseh e\
“ where are wc ou wh it political shores have tvs’
| been lan led by the oi 1 party waves wh'eh h tve sa 1
: deuly disappeared mud -faded'away beneath us? To
’ answer this question, men can no longer appeal to
| old-lea lors, for they are divided—nor to old parties*
for their very mm: is ’gone. Th y arc obliged to
j app jtl to raxem-i?. lienor, the priceless value of
! the moment, politically speaking : and hence the im
j mense importance that men, in making new party
; alliances, tics and arrangements, should look well into
j.tlie principle's of those parties and feel an honest
confidence that they are ranging themselves on that
i side which is best for the honor, the rights and inter -
1 ests of their country.
i With the view to aid this important and patriotic
cnqirry, we reproduce’ a document that treats of
those great questions. It is from a pen; the patriot*
• ism of whose owner his never been
i whose wisdom :s consecrated in Georgia and wherev
; er in the South, the rights and sovereignty of the
! States have friends and advocates. It is front the.
pen of Georoe M. Tuorr, and it was written sixteen
years ago. Yet so germane is it to the issues now be
fore the'People, that'.in rising from its perusal the
’ reader will find it difficult to persuailokhimsdf, that it
I was not writtelr within a few week's, ili: special refer*
! ence to the great questions now diseussed in the
! press, in the forum, and in the streets. It is a calm
J clear, philosophic and statesmanlike enquiry into the
j principles of this Government,; and a vindication of
j tlie doctrine of State Sovereignty, which is the great
corner stone, and the vital principle of the whole
t fabric.
I Read it, and from it learn truth and wisdom.
PUBLIC MEETINGS.
The lion. Walter T. Colouitt spoke on Mon
day evening to one of the largest and most brilliant i
auditories of ladies and gentlemen we have seen as-i
sembled in this city, on a political occasion. While ;
entertaining and instructing his hearers for an hour j
and a half in one of those remarkable speeches which I
he alone can make ; he was listened to with profound ;
attention, and responded to with bursts of enthusias- ■
tie applause. ‘
Ilis vindicati >n of the Sovereignty of the States,
which is the great issue in this canvass, was master- |
ly. lie left the unionists not an inch of grouud to j
stand on, and proved that in order to maintain their ]
own chosen ground—the . “ Georgia Platform”—it j
| was impossible for them, with, consistency, to vote for !
Mr. Cobb. For while Mr. Cobb pretends to stand !
j on that platform, his party alliances with Clay and j
Webster, and Fillmore and the National Unionists \
force him into the adoption of principles at war with ,
it. Here is the weakness of Cobb’s position, lie \
stauls with his two feet on different platforms. They j
are so far apart that it stretches and strains him aw
fully to maintain his equilibrium ; and it is almost
certain that before the first Monday in October, he
will tumble between the two into a woful minority.
It is just out of the question for any politician to be
long to the Clay .and Webster school of forcing sov
ereign States, and the “ Mutual Insurance Compa
ny” and at the same time maintain a footing on the
disruption plank of the “Georgia Platform.”
If Mr. Cobb is t looted, it will be because the Union
part} - of Georgia have backed out from the line of re
sistance laid down by the Georgia Convention. The
Southern Rights Party stand to that line and call
upon the people to stand to it. Georgia solemnly
declared that in submitting to the compromise, Geor
gia had made the last inch of concession. The next
time , Georgia would resist. And now the question
■ s, will the men of Georgia redeem the, pledge of
Georgia ? Elect Cobb and the answer will be “nq.L
Elect McDonald and the answer will be “yes.” And
so the whole civilized world will understand it.
Arkansas.—This State has more than doubled her
population within the last ten years. In 1840 her
population was 77,639—in 1850 it numbered 162,-
678. Such are the fruits of her. liberal policy, a few
years since, in securing to actual settlers a quarter
section of land.
Abolitionist Arrested.—Adam Crooks, the
notorious abolition lecturer from Ohio, was-arrested
in Montgomery county, S’. C.,on Sunday, June 15th
and lodged in the county jail at Troy, to await his
trial, for an offence against (he laws of the State.
Georgia. Hon. Marshal! J. Wellborn, who has hereto
fore been spoken of as the Secession candidate for Congress
for re-election in the lid District, has given in his adhesion
to the Union party.
In the Vilth (Stephens') District Col. David J. Bailey Is
the Secessionist candidate.
In the Vth District Col. E. W. Chastain has accepted tho
“Union” nomination—A*. Y. Tribune.
The Free Soil Organ must mend its facts. Judge
Wellborn was never dreamed of by any body as the
Southern Rights or •‘Secession” candidate.
Col D. J. Bailey does not belong to the 7th Dis
trict, hor is his opponent, Mr. Stephens. The. lion.
A. H. Chappell—“ loco-foco” in : the” Tribune's vo
cabulary—is his opponent. .
In the sth district, Mr. Chastain has accepted the
“Union nomination” but some of the “uuiopists”
have since held a meeting and refused to- “accept
Mr.-Chastain. : ’
“ Wont Debate." —A correspondent of the En
quirer writing from Pern - denies the statement that
Mr. Cobb desired to speak at Marshalville, but de
clined when he was informed that he could do so if
he would'permit a .reply.. ,Our information was de
rived from'a respectable gentleman who was present.
Our correspondent affirms and the Enquirer s denies-
So we do not see but that it is a clear “stand-od.’
Perhaps both parties were a little mistaken in the
facts. The Editor of the “Enquirer” ought to know
how easy it is to hear even so plain a proposition,-as
whether a Sovereign State had a right to secede or
not, differently'front almost everybody else.
But tho proposition that “Mr. Cobb wont debate,
does not rest on the Marshalville affair. He “ wont
debate”any where. IPs excuses are as multifarious
as the occasions on which he has to ..make them.—
Sometimes he “wont debate” because the gentleman
who tenders him the glove is not smart enough to
cope svith the Ex-Speaker; then he “wont debate”
because the speaker lias not got a power of Attorney
from Gov. McDonald, and lastly lie “wont debate
unless the speaker will travel over the whole State
with him —a condition he knew would lint be accept
ed. In short lie “wont debate” “any way you can
fix it.” The “Enquirer” thinks that we want to make
it out, that Mr. Cobb “wont debate” because he is
afraid to debate. Very well; we are willing to let
the people draw their own conclusions. For our part
we cannot perceive any other reason.
Fatal Affray.— We regret to learn that a per
sonal rencontre occurred at Crawford, Russel! coun
tv, Ala., on Friday, which resulted in the death of
Mr. Anderson Baldwin. He was killed by Orlando
Holland of the same county, with a dirk or knife.—
Wo make no comments on this unhappy affair. We
are unable, even, to state the circumstances, as rumor
has multiplied them into a thousand different shapes.
We Venture to hope, however, that political differ
ences were not the cause of the catastrophe. li e
would fain have Northern Fanatics deprived of the
delight they will experience to witness the effusion of
blood among Southern men, in whose midst they
have created discord and heart-burnings, on ques
tions growing out of their detestable agitation. Let
‘Southern men reserve their arms and their blood to
encounter this ~ <V. JWojt events, terri
m. -ifftead us, if the time it not hurrying 0.-i when
.we of the South will all .be called on to stand shouldei
to shoulder in defence of our homes and firesides. If
united, we should have no strength to apart.
Every life lost here, weakens the South—every di
vision in'opinion strengthens the North. Let South
ern men disagree about remedies for Northern
wrongs, ns brothers may lawfully do, but draw their
weapons never, unfit they are needed to defend them
selves and their families aga'ust the most gigantic and
relentless Fanaticism that Ilc-aven has ever permitted
to run riot over this troubled worl
Tiie Mechanics Convention of Georgia is the
topic of a leading editorial in the New York Tribune ,
; the great abolition organ of the North. Wo extract
the following paragraph:
“ When the vote came to be taken on the adoption of this
platform, an attempt was made to strike out all relating to
negro mechanics, but it was defeated by a large majority.—
A supplementary resolution was then adopted declaring the
lira adherence of the Convention to slavery as it is, and their
utter detcetatiou of northern abolitionists and fanatics.
While we have no admiration for the curious confusion
of truth anil error contained in tbe declarations of this con
vention, we hail it as an eucouragingsign. It shows that the
essential and ineradicable antagonism between slave and
tree labor is felt even in the contra! slave states, and that
’ those who feel it first and most keenly are moving for relief.
Their movement may boa mistaken one in some rospoots,
but it is a movement. It provokes reflection, it suggests the
existence of more evils than it proclaims, auil will have an
: effect on many minds far beyond the intention of those who
i have set It on foot.”
I IW A small piece of paper or linen, just moisten
ed with turpentine, and put into the wardrobe or
| drawers for a single day, two or three times a year is
a sufficient preservative against moths.
£3Tv. Hamilton Fish, in a speech before the
Society of the Cincinnati on the -Ith inst., avowed
lvs acquiescence in the Compromise Measures, now
they have become laws, but declared that he, as well
as President Fillmore, did not approve of them, in
all respect*, before their adoption.
[For the Times.]
NTs, Editor—-Permit me, through the medium of your pa
per, to call the public attention to what I consider a gross in
| fringement upon the rights of the citizens of this city: I ah
,dude, to the project now before the City Council (and which
t am astonished meets with favor from that body) of grant,
tag a free Bridge across thp river, at the poiat where the Fac
tories are located. Are those citizens in favor of granting
this right, aware that this city has to pay more than $500,000
during the next ten years,—and that setting aside all contin
gencies, it is as sure as death that they must pay more than
$50,000 each and every year during that time ? Will not tho
city need all her resources to meet those obligations ?
It is estimated that it will require a population of 9,030 peo
ple, to furnish operatives for the Factories now erected.
Having 8 persons in each house, it would require 250 hou
-ses to accommodate them. The average rent paid at the pret
Bent time is SIOO, which would amount to $25,000 per year
paying an interest on more than $350,000 worth of property]
The county, state, railroad and city tax upon this, will amount
to about $4,000 per year.
Open a road into Alabama, and this amount is lost. Bu
is there any necessity of thus reducing the city population?
Is our city crowded ? On the contrary, one third of the lots
are yet unimproved. The citizens have paid thousands and
tens of thousands, to secure tho income arising from the
Bridge; and the Council has no more right to grant away
those privileges, than they have.to give a person the privi
|. ic.gc of bnildiDg a block of stores through the centre of Eroad
street. It must be borne in mind that the city has the right
to charge persons crossing the Bridge on foot, and it may be
necessary to use that power to meet our large indebtedness
Reflect well then, before you give away any of the rights so
important to the city. The principal argument used for sell*
ingthe water lots at a mere nominal price was, that the great
i number of buildings that would be occupied by the persous
; employed in the different branches of manufacturt;', would
! greatly increase the revenue of the city. It has partly prov
! ed true. And shall this now be frustrated by opening a road,
! by which all of the operatives will reside without the juris
diction of the city ? “But,” say some, “I am in favor of the
Bridge in a moral point of view—the operatives arc a bad set
of people.” If they are such degraded and debased creatures
tbat you arc not willing to live in the same city witli them,
you had better discharge them from your employ, and ge
more respectable people in their place. I have a word more
to say to you, moral reformers by depopulation, your plan is
a sure one—for where there are no people, there will be no
had morals. I think I know your ideas upon the matter
and will suggest a plan that will meet your view s better than
your depopulation system: Have the bells rung at sunsci, to
give the working people notice that they must leave the ci
ty, and encamp in the wilds of Alabama during the
and-close the gate upon them, (like old Indian times,) allow
ing them to return in the morning to labor, and spend what
little money they may have. By this plan a very few houses
only will be needed iu the city to accommodate your sancti
fied bodies: no sounds will disturb your sweet repose, bu
the soft roar of the bull-frog, the lulling melody of the ram
pant cats, or the hooting of the owls, accompauied by the
flapping of the bats, in the deserted and dilapidated houses
about you: no pestilential atmosphere, breathed from the
lungs of the working population, will “come between the
wind and your nobility;” and when the collector calls to
get money from you to pay the debts of the city, you will be
exceedingly anxious to carry out your moral scheme and pay
the whole amount, Ido think—in a HORN.
Ngr* Sir Henry Bulwer, the New York Trib
une says, will shortly go to England, not to
return. He intends, it is said, to abandon
diplomacy, and become a member of Parlia
ment.
Chaplin the thieving abolitionist, has
forfeited the bonds for his appearance to be
tried at Washington. Suits have been com
menced against his securities.
There are forty-three new steamers now
being built near Cincinnati. Steamboat build
ing is increasing in the west every year.
[Correspondence of the Baltimo re Sun.]
MATTERS AND THINGS AT WASHINGTON.
Washington, July 1”, 1851.
I learn that the government has taken a de
cisive step in regard to the demands of the Mex
ican government for the payment of idemmties
due to her citizens under the treaty of Gauda
loupe Hidalgo. This'step is an easy one, and
is very little short of repudiation, Bha Mexi
can sufferers bv Indian depredations have sent
forward their claims to this city through their
o-ovefnhaent and its Minister here. . borne o.
the demands, accompanied with necessary proofs
are in the hands of private agents. Ihe Mexi
can Minister has made a formal demand of
payment. But the government has not paid a
chum. It*they ever begin,-they will have to go
through, and it wiil bo found to be as heavy
a draw upon tho treasury as the Kaffir war,
£3OOO pounds a day-is upon that of Great
Britain. If the award pf these Mexican claims
is now twenty millions, as is said,, it will, by
another year, be fifty millions. It must be
recollected also 1 they carry interest from the
date of the spoil itious proved. This, govern •
ment v acting prudently declined acting at all
at present. -I have, no doubt they will throw
the whole nv.t-tor uncih Congress, and that
body will do just nothing at all,'ln the promis
es.
In the meantime the provinces td Gower Cal
ifornia, Sonora and Teiiuant tpce are coveted by
our people; and-seiue arrangement for their ue
qnisitiou, bv the sword or the purse, must soon
be made. .The finance I condition ot the Mexi
can government is. as usual, embarrassed, and it
wouliimot. probable, be difficult, by a payment
of a few millions in advance to the needy gov
ernment, to purchase at once.not only all the
territory which we desire, but to buy aRo ex
emption front all responsibility to the citizens
of Mexico ou account of the depred dions of the
Indians.
This government will have its hau ls full af
ter a while. Perhaps,, in less than three months
time, it may come to pass that the President
and a majority of th e cabinet will have some
thing to do iu their offices.
Col. Heni:y L. Penning, of Columbus, was
nominated by the Southern Rights Convention,
held in Albany on the 14th inst.: to bear the
standard of correct principles in the 2nd Con
gressional District, during the present political
campaign.—A wise head an* l a sound heart are
strong prestiges of coming victory. Both of
these Col. Bonning possesses in sm eminent
degree, and he will doubtless be a troublesome
customer to the Submission—Consolidation —
Federal—Civi-l War party iu his District. — Grif
fin Jeffersonian-
Col. Henry L. Banning.—This gentleman
is going to work in good, earnest, and his ap
pointments are out already to address the peo
ple in all the counties of his district. He will
sweep away, with the hand of a giant, every
scad of eonsolid .tiouisin and servile subinis
siouism .to Federal arrogance which Mr.
Gobbmiyh.ivesowuinth.it part- of Georgia.
What little popularity the doctrines of coercion
and civil war survive the electioneering tour of
Mr. Cobb in the 2d Congressional District, will
suffer still greater damage under the splendid
invest-ive and powerful logic of Col. Bonning.
His is a masterly intellect and he will portray
to the people their and inger from eonsolid .firm in
h startling nod convincing light. —Aagustd Con
stitutionalist.
Cor., Henry L. Penning. —lt is with no ordi
nary degree of pleasure that we run up the n .me
of this distinguished gentleman to our mast
head, as tiie Southern Rights candidate, for Con
gress from the Second Congressional District.
As an ardent and devoted friend of Soutlrani
rights. Col. Henning stands second to no man iu
Georgia. He is emphatically a Southern rights
man, and if elected, which lie doubtless will be,
all the bribes th t tho North can offer him from
now to dooms day, will never induce him to de
sert the South in her hour of greatest, need, or
barter away her rights for a little personal ag
grandizement. Col. Henning, of all others, in
this District, is the man that the South needs iu
Congress in tho present emergency. He is a
mail of splendid attainments and line intellects
; 1 powers, and withal, an honest m; n. The una
nimity with which lie was nominated by the
Convention, presages the enthusiasm that his
nomination will create in tho Southern Rights
ranks, and we confidently expect to roll up a
majority of eight hundred or a thousand for him,
from South-Western Georgia —Oglethorpe De
mocrat. VJlh inst.
Political News.— ln Georgia there is groat
confidence in carrying the election of McDon
ald.for Governor,, against Cobb, tho anti-south
ern rights candidate.
In Mississippi, there seems to be no doubt of
the defdat of Foote. The calm assnr nee of a
great victory expressed.in the papers which iro
in favor of that patriotic and brave man, Gen.
.Quitman, is in striking contrast with the extra
vagant bluster ofth opposition.
In both Georgia ml Mississippi we have the
strongest assurance that tho opponents of the
compromise ‘measures are augmenting daily.
In Alabama, there can be no doubt that, : s
calm reflection h s time to operate, the ranks
of Southern men increase. We sec evidences
of it evert in Mobile; but in the interior, whore
slavery every moment presents itself in a light
due to its vast importance, this change of senti
ment is more general and rapid. In UF-. district,
we shall carry Judge Bragg by a considerable
majority, and we hope th .t in the other districts
the like results will be secured;
In the. Montgomery district the contest is ve
ry tierce, and in consequence of a little uitraisin
on tho side of the South, now happily cooled
down to the proper roitff, we were disposed to
apprehend ‘defeat; but wo observe a change
there that indicates -mao a victory. The anti
southern candidate for Congress, it will bo re
collected, in the Harrison campaign, was the.
pilot of a huge b .11 which li :d inscribed on it
the following memorable words:
“Massachusetts ever-fathful.” “South Caro- ■
linn—Hemp for traitors.”
Massachusetts then was as averse to slavery
as she is now; but it was not seen so distinctly
as it is now. We should suppose that any can
didate who could thus befoul his own section!
and. eulogise the l’-iih of Mass .chusetts to the/
constitution would find few followers in :L
Southern State. j
We see a very clever method i/a
Georgia, Mississippi and this State. It istlo
place extracts from the speeches delivered |%y
Cobb, Toombs, Foote, Clemens, Ac., in fife
early part of the Congress of 1819, in jirifa
position with their later speeches. This is jef
lbotu dly condemning a man out of his awi.
mouth, and in any sensible community, we should
suppose it would be omnipotent.— [M/b l: Msr-
THS WAY TIISY USE SOUTHERN GENTLESIKN
ON THE NORTHERN STEAMB3A IS. ,
Tho New York Tribune gives the foliokvilng
characteristic account of the treatment received
by a Southern gentleman on board one the 1 of
North River Steamboats a few days sincq 1
“Not many d;;y 0 since the passengers on jane
of our tine steamboats, while enjoying the Aup
per of the varied excellence which predominates
upon these floating palaces, were tre..ted [to a
divertiseniont of singular interest which waL not
among the promises of the bill of firJ. It
seems that among the persons at the suprjer ta
ble was .a Tennessean, a thorough fire-eatef, ‘‘ar
dent as a southern sun could m ike him.” Jjjd as
full of fight as his famous au 1 lamented) State
brother. Davy Crocket. Tennessee enjoyed his
meal in silent and independent dignity, until the
Steward touch Ids elbow and held out hR h md
for the ticket. Tennessee had none, ajjrj ten
dered a bill of not specially good favored appear
ance in payment. The Steward very naturally
examined the-promised to pay” with some
scrutiny, and Anally ventured to ask th - owner
if it was a bona fide article. This Very innocent
question was construed into a direct insinuation
and the irritable Southron, without designing to
reply, very coolly slapped the Steward in the
face. That sort of phy. as one may well sup
pose, was not especially agreeable to the worthy
Stew ml, and ha proceeded to give, Tenuessc’e
such a pummeling as he most richly deserved iu
consequence of which there might have been
seen a furious and particularly umimiuble gentle
man rushing from the cabin with disordered
toilet, bloody nose, and variegated eves
and making his half blinded way to a state-room
in which he remained in close affinity with soap,
water and; court-plaster, until the excitement
and his passion had measurbly subsided. He
then stuck sundry pistols and bowie knivea in
his pockets, went to the bar and took a stiff horn
of red fire, and proceeded to promenade the
decks in much the sort of style in which the du
elist in “Bombustes Furioso” tramps the woods
before hanging his redoubtable boots in the tree.
This exhibition of blood thirsty valor, after hi3
inglorious flogging, was no less vain than ridi
culous, and his threats to shoot, stab, cut up,
stab scalp, carve and dissect any cussed
doe-faced Abolitionist nigger wlio should dare
tointefere with him him were highly amusing
ta those who knew how distant was the danger
against which he blustered.;
Southern gentlemen who go summering it on
board the Northern steamboats must make up
their minds to put up with thcinsolnce and ini
pertinence of the “colored gemmen” who offiei
ate as stewards, waiters, &c., or to take the
their tenuity in presuming to
resent tho insults which they are sure to re--
eeive if discovered. The editor of the Tribune
who denounces ail slave owners as man steal
ers and robbers, of course can see n o nnpropne
ty in asking one it he whs not a swindler auu
counterfeiter. —Savannah j\ eics.
From Mexico.— By an arrival atJN. Or
leans we have received news from Vera
Cruz to the Bth and the City of Mexico to
the ith inst. .
It seems from this that the ministers of
England, France and Spain, have notified
the Mexican authorities that if their gov
ernments did not receive positive assur
ances by the next sieamer tuat the claims
of the creditors of their respective coun
tries will be satisfied, active and prompt
measures will be taken to. enforce them.
In the present di.stra.ctedf>tate f Mexico,
and her financial deficifiCies it is not
seen how she can evade tie infliction of
this threat. J
There was a report in t.Wt c ty Mexico,
on the 2d inst, (says thl ( fPicayune) that
Mr W. bster’s reply to :ie annunciation
of the repeal of the Gar* grant had been
received. It was said to be a simple an
nouncement, without dlcussion, that it
would be a casus belli for M'e L States it the
rights ot American citizens in rehuantepec
were disregarded. Ttij Trait and Lmon
doubts this, and says ~*rt the only note
received by the i\l Rican government
from Mr. Webster relijjw. not to the an
nulment < f the Garay (rant, but to the le
tusal to ratify the troa,;.E This note, witn
out putting a casuspelhais- according to the
Trait d’Union, as string as possible , md
loreshadows the attitjfle which the Ameri
can secretary will tr t when he learns or
the annulling, by a j Jgislative vote, ot the
decree of President Idas, confirming and
extending Garav’s Llint.
The American lifarty, under Major
Barnard, who remaqied at Barrio, have
made a protes 1 , though the American
Consul, against the girders they have re
ceived to stop wo Hi on the Isthmus,
[Mobile Herald. yjf
Tiie Russians bl'W en again by the Cir
cassians.— Au nccoul- was received by the last
steamer from’ Europwot another victory of the
Circassians over ili forces oi the Liuperoi
Nicholas. The Rmlians seem to have con
tracted an ineverato Jabit ot being beaten in
their battles, with tl* brave mountaineers. The
Constantinople corespondent of tho London
Morning Herald, iiM- letter dated June loth,
says I
“Important newfAasbcon received from Dag
istan via Trcbizon M All the correspondence
from Titles gives re or less the details of the
successes of the mSnt-ainoers over the Russians,
who have sufleiedirumese loss. The leader ot
theDaHiiees is jJhamed Emin, the li.-.ib ot
.Sheikh*Chamil, Jmo, at the head of 25,000 pick
ed men of the \vsike tribes of the Ahedjeks,
and other indepeWent tribes of the Western
Caucasus, had attacked the Russian entrench
ments of the Cheilis, and driven the Russian
troops, under theieommaiid of General Cere
brienofl; beyond ‘I homer. Tho engagements
which took place,were bloody; and disastrous,
and the Russians suffered so severely, that ail
the spare wageius ol the army were barely suffi
cient to carry their wounded away.
“1 heir loss according to an impartial state
ment, is calculated nt 5000 iu killed and priso
ners. The mortality in comparison is by £u:
greater among the officers than amocg the pri
v.-tes. The (position of the Russian ai my is
very insecure at present, on account of the com
munications between T homer and Koubau be
ing intercepted, and owing to the v iolence of
the Daghlees, it is impossible to send re-enforce
ments in that direction for some time to come.
The mount; incurs boast at present of being well
supplied w ith ammunition and arms, and ready
to continue the war against 1 he invaders oftheir
homes throughout ike whole summer season.—
Ly the abofre it is clearly ascertained that the
Russians ha e made uo progress whatever in
the conquest of the Caucasus inis year and 1
doubt not both they and the intended victims,
must have’become heartily tired of this dread
ful and-protracted warfare.”
Excitement at Lexington.—Man Shot
by a MLman.— We learn bj'’ passengers
from Lexington that something like a tra
gedy c*Ame near being enacted at that
p ace < n Monday the last week. A short
time since, a young lady of some fifteen
years, a Miss Merrill, ran off with a man
named Harper, and was married. More
recently, some difficulty having taken
place . etween the parties, the man stated
publicly that the marriage was a sham,
a lid ejist reflections on tbeeharac.er of his
wife. Incensed thereat and burning with
a desire for revenge, ti:e injured lady beg
ged tier brother-in-law to resent the insult.
Failing to comply with her wishes, the
resolute lemale took the matteriu her own
hands. She procured pistols, and having
familiarized herself w ith their use, she
sallied out in quest of her husband.—
Meeting him on Main street, she drew the
weap m, and placing it at his head, pulled
the iriggei. In her hurry and agitation
she bad only half-cocked it. and it would
not go oil’. In another moment, it was
properly fixed and discharged, but the
mail having in the meantime turned lound
Hits contenis, consisting of three buckshot,
only grazed his arm and back, inflicting
: flesh wounds without doing any serious
! damage. Thinking she had killed film,
j the lady gave herself in charge ot a mag
istrate, but soon ascertaing lie was only
; slightly hurt, she drew auotner pistol and
[ blurted after him again. He had emptoy
| od his time to good advantage, however,
; land succeeded in making Ins escape and
;-secreting himself. TliecitizensoiLexing
j (ton were so incensed against him that in
j order to avoid being lynched, he fled the
tho city that night,— [Lnuisviile Courier.
iHPRirAur 7.1);,i cjs\.
Opening of tiie Cuban Revolution I!
By the brig Lulkcni , arrived at New York I
from Nuavit is. letters have boon received from t
which Urn Sun derives tho following interest- i
ing facts. Tho Sun says tho locality from
which tho nows conies is in the neighborhood of ;
Coscoro, a village between Principe and the port
of Nue vitas.
Accounts arrived at Frincipo on tho 28th of
June, states that n guerilla party of about fifty
men from Principe, under a resolute command
er, had commenced opor tions. On the 25ih of
June a detachment ol 110 men, consisting ot’
fifty lancers and sixty infantry, previously sent
out from the garrison at Principe, by Gen-.rol
Lsimery, h id arrived at the. village of Coscoro,
in pursuit of the guerilla patriots. The latter
were m noeuveriag within short distances of
the government troops elide voring to draw
them into a ambush and destroy them. The
next news expected is the capture of all the
go vern menllroops.
It is proper here to state that the Pronuacia
ment of the people of Principe had not been
given, bat was expected to be made on the Ith
of J uly
The patriots already gathered in the moun
tains of Coscoro are receiving every assistance
from the surrounding people, who send them
provisions, money and men, and inform them
of all the movements of the government.
We await with anxiety fresh advices, and it is
possible that the steamer from Havana, now
due at this port may bring us further news,
though the scene of hostilities is 450 miles from
the c pital.
The garrison at Principe consistsof 2.100 men
undea the command of Gou. Loimerv. The
troops are quartered in the convents of ‘the fri
ars, there being no fortress -s, and the city be
ing without wails, open in every direction.
The troops would st and a poor chance of suc
cess against the combined rising of the inhab
itants. The excitement among the inhabitants
is universal and deep.
t The Spanish war steamer Pizarro arrived at
this port yesterday afternoon, from Havana
and is at anchor off the Battery. What miv
be be the object of a second visit of this steam
er to our port.jjWithin so short a time, can only
be'coujectured. It is not improbable that she
is on the look-out for “filibusters,” or to gath
er reports from the Spanish spies in this city.
A private letter received by a Cuban tjeutle
man in this city, confirms the above intelli
gence.— Ihe letter, which we have seen, states
that on the 3d iust., fifty patriots were in the
town oi Corroeos, that the Government had
sent a body of 110 men to attack them, and
that on the.night of the 2d, 200 patriots left
Puerto Principe, had sent’ the revolutionists
<S> 1000 and were providing ammunition, arms
and provisions for them.
The distance from Corroeos to Havana is
about 400 miles, and it requires from six to
nine days to communicate bv mail between
these points, it is probrble that the movement
of the patriots was not generally known at Ha
vana at the time of the sailing of the Isabel, on
the Bth inst. Hid it been known, however the
government would have'taken care t.o suppress
1 he news. —Sav News.
The Weather and the Crops. —J n
! neGsee. —The Memphis Eagle of the sth fo’
j ponds thus: *
j “We have just returned from a visit to
| interior, and during our absence have heard mor,
j complaint in regard to all the growing cron*
than it h is ever been our fortune to listen to R
fore. The drouth has now lasted more than
two months, in all the surrounding counties of
North Mississippi. West Tennessee and Arkan
sas. In every direction, as fur as we could ) le ., r
! from, the corn crop is in a manner utterly
j off, and the cotton crop has been so much j u .
j jured as to preclude the possibility of more than
two-thirds of ail average crop; if it does not
rain within the week, more than half a crop can
not be made. We were assured on all handn
that the prospect for both crops, at this season,
was never known to be so gloomy before. Ap.
prehensions of famine next year—at least a
ntong the stock—arc every u here fret lyexpn s.
sed-
This state oljpffnrs—the almost entire fail
ure of the corn crop, the measurable failure <>f
tho cotton crop, and the continuance of the
drouth —is well calculated to inspire anticipa
tions of the most melancholy and alarming
eh nctcr. As it is, much privation and distress
mns. l ensue among our planters, and through
th iu be visited upon every other class in tho
c u Ary.
CATTERPILLAR.—We have reports that
the Gatterpillar has already commenced
the work of destruction in the cotton fields
of Madison, Wakulla, and this County.—.
Great tears are entertained that so early
a commencement bodes an entire havoc
ot the crop in this region. There is so
liUlo yet matured that the whole crop is
exposed to its fatal ravages. A few weeks
will tell the tale.—[7’a/.G/irtssee fl. Jour
nal
•‘Three Million Bales or Cotton."—\
nianuf ctuvc.r in tho West has stated in a West
ern paper that lie expected our crop of cotton
would this year be the above enormous quanti.
tv. Now. for the information of the numerous
readers of your widely diffused truth-telling pa.
per, allow yourselves to assure those interested
in our staple to know “the fact,” that however
many millions we miy plant, still that owing
! to tho specified known number of our slaves.
I (pickers of the crop.) we cannot, for want of the
j hands, exceed a crop of 2,100.000 bales.—
j One or two years, when the cotton appeared
to come- to the seaports in a larger quantity, it
was owing to the stale, parcels oi the year before
coming down and being added to such crops, be
cause of the prices of proceeding years being
so low as not to pay for putting it up and
forwarding to market. Last year and this year,
the prices being at last remunerative, every bide
was sent that possibly could be picked. Con
sequents that all can come for sale is (should no
damage attack the crop) 500,000 to 000,000
bales less than our friend in the West desires
it. It is to be regretted that our European
customers are often led away by the stories in
the country papers, and refuse to buy in Europe
unless at a dead loss to the grower. By-and
bv the. truth comes out, and the European and
American mill-owner has to come into market
and pay fifty to one hundred per cent, more to
speculators, or else stop his work and his work
men. A Cotton Planter, (of Georgia.)
Narrow Escape at Niagara.—Thomas
Logan, an estimable young lawyer of Cincinnati,
son of the Comedian, had a narrow escape for
his life a few days ago at Niagara Falls. \
young lady—a stranger to him, had ventured too
far out on a projecting roek over the rapids
above the cataract, she became giddy and scream
ed for help. Young Logan, who happened to lm
standing on the bank, flew to her rescue, and
succeeded in getting her safely on shore—but
| lost iris own balance and fell into the boiling
i surge. The. young lady fainted, and the men on
i the bank were too much pumlizcd to offer assist
i sneo. Luckily for Logan the water at the spot
whore he fell, formed a whirlpool, and carried
him round several times. In one of his gyra
tions he seized a bush that overhung the water,
and succeeded in extricating himself from his
perilous position. Had ho fallen a foot further
out beyond the edge of the whirlpool—no hu
man aid could have prevented him from being
carried over the fearful cataract.— Cincinnati
Com.
FACTS WORTH READING.
i We copy the following from the Mobile Hr
a’cl and Tribune and commend it lo the serious
I attention of the readers:
“We know of only one paper in all the North
; which seems to have a profound conviction th i
there is any earnestness or danger in the South
j on tne subject of Northern aggression. Tint
paper is the New York Express. We utter no
( slanuer when we say that it is moved and seems
to be governed by a knowledge, of the injury
; that would result to New York from a dissolu
| tion of the Union. For months past it has ap
peaied to the North to desist from aggression,
i and the argument it uses aud the consequences
if holds before its readers are that the South is
in earnest, and, being in earnest, it may be push
ed to an extremity which will bring ruin on the
commercial prosperity of the North. Not
another paper that we know of in that
section has occupied this ground complete
ly; and the reason for this is that there is s
rno ig thejourn -Is there a fixed impression tint
the agit. lion litre is temporary, and insigo
C; n ..ml v.iil pass’ away with the. first elec-
I tions.
How his belief has its origin, we . need iK
state to those w ho carefully and honestly watch
the progress of opinion at the North. It is this.
T ie disaffection of Southern men to the South:
Toombs, Clemens, Cobb, Foote, Shields, even
C. C. Longdon, and scores of such traitorous
men, with the newspapers which’ defend them,
are considered the Representatives “Os southern
opinion. It is even daily asserted that the South
herself is opposed to slavery—that the mass of
her people is composed of those who have no
interest in slavery, and arc, therefore, averse to
it.
It is the assurance derived from these sources
th t is provoking Northern politicians to an in
tolerance towards tho “ outh.
It was after an observation of these causes
that Senator King and other astute men in Con
gress declared that if the South had stood up
boldiy lor her rights—if she had not been cursed
by such renegades as Foote, Toombs and Cobb
—iiio compromise laws would have ob
tained from Congress all what was essential
to justice and peace.
‘t his is the source of the evil w hich is now
impending: and we have no hesitation in in
serting that if the men we have named lie elect
ed to, or continued in office, it will be hailed A
the North as a triumph in the North ovortlio
South,and thenceforward abolition will go un
with new vigor to the consummation it seek*.
The election of these men will precipitate dis
union, or it will be the signal of unlimited sub
mission to the North.
On this subject we find an article in that influ
ential and cautious journal the Philadelphia Led
ger Yv'e append it, and commend it to the at
tention of the reader:
I “Thu sceptre (savs the Ledger) has departed
j from Judah, never to return, for Shiloh lias
| come. California has settled the question “t
| Southern ascendancy, and it must now remain
| fossil with the “Hartford Convention,” “Nulliti-
I cation, and oilier things of days bygone. T’hc
late census shows that the free States have
double the white population of tiie slave state*;
and the admission of California has made the
proportion of the two seventeen to fourteen.—
The direct exclusion of slavery fiom California
and Oregon, and its virtual exclusion from Novv
: Mexico, shows the failure of the South in ;|t
; tempting to control national policy on one point
i and this very failure has diminished its relati*'”
| strength for future contests. Will the South 1
: attempt further acquisitions from Meric?- I
\‘t should, and succeed with the aid of the N° rl ” I
j for suceess without such aid is impossible, s { :l "’ I
i ry cannot be extended to such new J)
I lie regions annexed would not receive, am* l ”
more powerful North would not permit tin* t' v
tension. Then the British Provinces are eoiu* j
ing along, for their speedv annexation is “t"' l1 ’’
ifest destiny. ’'Therefore', if the “old democrat- ■
ic party” should again prevail, even upon 1,1
platform of “1798,” it could not control h'“’ r ’ J
al policy] If it should attempt to revive ‘ I
exploded doctrine of the “Nullification *
that was, ultra free trade, we reply that Geer
gia, “now holding the position of Virginia if
-1798,” is rapidly becoming a manufacturing
State, and will soon be foremost for “protec
tion” Its railroads and its cotton factories arc
rapidly making it the Massachusetts of the fu
ture, instead of the Virginia of the past. Rip
Van Winkle North Carolina will ultimately
wake up to the same active and progressive real
ity; and even Sophomorie South Carolina “ill
cense to spout nonsense and threaten impotent
absurdities, and will jro to work for an honest
living.
“With these prospects, will the South talk
| ot secession upon the application of “the M il*
| mot” to any more of Mexico? They would 8!t
! soon think” of it as they would of annexing
| themselves to the Czar or the Pope. The j
’ days of Southern ascendency for any policy of j
the past have departed, never to return. AnJ ‘
the folly of secession, as the result of Northern
ascendancy, will soon be regaled us in th*
same category with IMiHensm. ’