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THE WEEKLY TIMES.
JOHN FORSY TII —E DIT OR.
J. FORSYTH, R. ELLIS & CO.,
PRO I’ HI E TORS.
Thn WEEKLY TIMES is published every Tues
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the tri-weekly times,
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lh*’ West side of ltro.nl Street, nearly opposite
Winters’ Exchange.
TKRMBI
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YnvcRTrsCHF.MT* conspicuously inserted at One
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Obituary Notice® exceeding one square (or
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THE TIMES JOB PRINTING OFFICE.
Every description of Job Work, either Plain, in
Color* or B’ w onze f elegantly and promptly execu
ted. Such as
nooks, Pamplilets,
It it Hi lies* Cnrtls, Visiting Cards,
Rill Heads, Notes,
Receipts, Bills of Lading,
Hank Checks, Circulars,
i'nslrsa, Hand Kills,
lia.il Tickets, Dray Receipts, Ac
The office having been lately furnished with a
large stock of NEW TYPE, comprising some of
the most elegant designs, we are prepared to exe
cute all kinds ot Job Work in a style not tube ex
ert ted-
Wo particularly invite the attention of our mer
chants and others who have heretofore ordered
their work Irom the north, to our specimens.
Our prices are fixed at the lowest possible rates.
Orders from our co in’ry friends will be promptly
attended to.
YT Wank Legal forms of overy description, kept
on hand and for sale.
To th y Creditors of the Bank of Darien.
Centum. Hank op Ceorkia, )
Milledgeville, Max 10, IKSI. (
rpflK (Icni wl Awinbly having pasf*od .hi Act, approval
1 Frbniaryi&l. 1850, in which it i> cwictfd ‘•that the Di
rector of tlie CVrarat BnVik In; ami In* In hereby rctr.iiivd to
enquire Into tin* outHtnniling claimsI'’ 1 '’ against the Batik of
Oariew, a ;t^Myi?KV. , rfain and report on what terms they can lie
comppunifc'C dh|>oundl or *et!fcd.” —And inasmuch as
claims are unknown to ihis Banks—
Notice is hereby given to ail and singular the creditors of
tin* Bank of Darien, to report their claims to Ibis Institution,
Blether with the terms on which they can he “compromis,
ii|, coin|K>Mfided or s*Hl#*d,” on or before the Nt of August
next, in order that the rejxirt require*l by the act aforesaid
may be submitted to the next Ijeghdattire.
By order of Iho Director,
may JO—wilt * A. M. NIFBKT, Cashier.
FANCY ARTICLED
Or all kinils. and In suit all lnte—such as I’ockcl lland
kvrchluk, Cravats, Nock Tics, Stork Socks <every qtial
. ily and color, silk aral cotton), Silk, Cotton amt l.ittcn Cu
ller Shirts—nml in fact everything necessary to a gentleman's
Wardrobe, can lie tound at
nprilS—wtl WILLIFORD Sc DANIEL’S.
Harness, Saddle and Trunk Manufactory,
liiimpkin, Ga.
fI'MIK subscriliers bevf leave to announce to the citizens ol
1 Htowart, and adjoining counties, that they are now* pre
pared to m.iaufncturo to order, in unperior style, or repair,
all description of Harness Trunks, Faddles, Bridles, flu*.,
which they warrant not to lie interior to any in finish or du
rability . < >rders from the country promptly attended to, and
chertn*s light.
jum JO- 1t ZITCKKR flt HIDDEN BACH.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
A lfK have just opened a tine lot of Bools and Shoes for
i T Summer wear, consisting of gentlemens 1
Light French Calf Boots;
do Patent Leather Boots—fancy legs;
do do do Half Boots, do do;
do do do Congress Baiters;
Morocco and CUrth Top do do
Patent Leather low quartered Shoes and Pumps;
Ladies 1 Silk anti Lasting _(hi itor^—every color;
do Linen Cattcrs and Hail'Gaiters —light colors;
do Kid Flippers and Ties—light colors;
do Kid lhisfcins—thick and thin soled ;
do Morocco Boots, do do do
Misses, Bovs and Childrens’Flmes—all kinds.
JulyO -iwim WYNNE & CHANDLER.
RIVER PLANTATION FOR SALE.
rjA|IE undersigned having decided to change his business,
I will sell the Plantation where he now lives, together
w ith all Corn, Fodder, Tools, Flock. flu*., I hat may be on
hand at the end of the year. The Plantation is on the Chat
tahoochee river, running out to the Florence road, thirteen
miles below Columbus- It contains 850 acres, iJOO acres of
which is river land, the balance g*od pine land. There is
;lOOD acres cleans! and in cultivation, and a considerable
quantity besides under fence and partlv deadened,
The place is well improved, and buildings all new: amongst
them a good framed Lin-house and Screw, < >vcrseorVhouso,
A®c., Ate. The Dwelling (situated on the Florence road! is
large and well arranged, containing sexen rooms, and h pi
azza in front sixty feet long, with all < hit-buddings necessary
K*r the convenience and comfort of a family, in the yard .s
a Well a lion ting an abundance of excellent water. And the
henlfh of the place is good beyond a doubt. To sum up, it
Is-one of Ihe most delightful residences in Southwestern Lcor-
On the |ihn* is tin* b*4t Steamboat I .anding At A i ood \ ard
fikuji i ‘uhimLiiu t'li'Aunuice, with an jibMudaiM c ol wmhl cou
v-nlciti. The place lias many advantages, but (lie under-
S'gued dtH’ins it su)M*rliiioiis to enumerate them, as parties
w ill be apt to examine the premises before purchasing- it
is deskuble to sell, if at all, by the first of Ot Ud.erjuxU- £h>
the first applicant will stand the best chance h*r a bargain.
1 1 W.M. W. GARB \BD.
MusiNigeo county. July B.—wtl
NOTICE.
KIMIK EopnrlmTsliip In ivlolor.- t-ximiiig Ihilwwii lh<-stil>-
K HorilnTH uniter flu* nimit- :ill Myln ol iiinmas l>u\\ ii- j
ini;, is fhisitnv In mnlii: I roiixi-nl, ilissolvi'il.
bnsiiM'sK il tlir linn ill lie ‘ l"si <l In 1.. T. IJownmi;, j
Mini, li.rvtoiore, :il llm various Cnnris, In <l. K. Tlminus. ,
Mr. IKnvniiiu, nl llu- “Id oltk-o, will ttivr hidiligent iilUn
tion u. all business Dial may be conllded to
t. downing.
I iiliimbus, fin., .June 24, 1851—jylwtl
GEORGIA MILITARY INSTITUTE,
MARIKTTA, UA.
riMIIS lusliliilioii will lie lipen lor Hie admission of CA
-1 DF.TB, mi .Monpat rue T-rii ok Jrr.v, IB.>l.
Tl,e Instil til inn is invmd by Sloi kliiilders, and is under the
control ol'a IJonrd of Trusleti. .
The I'neiillv elected ei.iisis's of Mai. A. \ . Brumby, f.en.
,1 nines \V. Armstrong, Maj. H. 11. Hill and Thoina* Steward
son, M. I). , , r ...
Tin* SuiH*rinti*iideit, M:j. Crumby, i* a graduate of mvi
lViut. No comes to us with the host recommendations Irom
tho \ endemic Stall of that Institution; and, also, from the
Kttriiltv of the I ’niversi'y of Alabama, where lie bniKlil Ma
lliem.-ilics and Civil EnjdneeriiiK several yeani. f.en. Ann
ul mint and Maj. Hill are also vruluales ol U est 1 ..ml, and
are experienced leaeliers. The latter is ai Hus time I’roles
aor of Malbemalies in Washington (Xtfflene, \ a.
The course of iiisiroelion, rertulalmns and disci| hne or the
I - . S. Military Academy, so tar as lhey are a[i|.lieal.le to a
Stale Instiliitmn, have been udoptiMl, and w ill be published
In pamphlet form. . .
The Institution is organized upon the usual plan ot four
rolleirfnlo Classes. I’o reference to the following M V >l
- OT S'H’tHKS, Parents and (iuarilians can, at once, see
what are llie rei|uireinelilsfor joiaim,’ either class.
Kol RTH er.vss.
Arillunetic, Algebra, (hsonelry. Knylish Grammar, Geog
raphy, Composition and Deelamalioti. trench.
TIIIRB CLASS.
Trieonomelrv, Mensuration, Survey ins;. Descriptive Ihs.m
, -ry and its implications, Analytical Geometry,trench, Draw
ing, Composition, Illielorie, History.
Differential and Integral I'ldeulus, Natural and h.xpcrimrn
l.il Philosophy, Xslroaomy. t'hemiMry, Draw ing, Evidences
of Christianity, Moral and Menial Philosophy.
FIRST CLASS.
Xalnral History. Mineralogy, Geology and Physiology, I
liliral Economy, laiw of Xalions, Civil and Milmiry Emri
lieering, and Civil Architecture, Infantry I aclics, Science and
l’r icliee of Artillery.
N.. Cadet w ill he admilled who Is less than lour.eeii or
.1 .. , .„iv-fiv.. v-rs of sure*: <r who is alluded with
;;;;; r ;,,J:„so or mrtrmiiy which would render him unlit lor
“"nieGadet'VwiH ho occupied about one hour and a half
each day in military exercises :bat at such times an not to
i "tirfeu I'TItNITCKB, &.C.
The n.iform coasisisol a light gray doth coatee, Ir,mined
with v'ilt c itivi’.x bullous nd black cord—'’ hiti* Mst, ami
winle Russian drilling |mta!ooiis, without trmimiugs lor
summer, for winter, gray cloHi vest and pniijalooms
eI to suit the coal black slock, white gloves and w Inn Ik and.
Monos- shoes and a forage cap. .\ tbir /
K .,rn nor Kilt ( a,lets be aUoKe.l lo keep other e.iititng'im
their rooms. Knoll Gadel from a distance musl pmv tie him
self will, a mattress and bedding lor a smgle l. s ~ r.-s
. over and l>ed-slrap—one trunk, one domes ba„ ami six
towels Ik.eh cadet'will unite will, Ids room-mat.-s ... ,mr
.heing, for iheir common use, one pine .'able, one 1....kin e
glass, one wash nan, one pail and one broom.
T* of Hie iollow ing regulations par.-alsand gimrdmns
sending Iheir sons and wards to this institution, arc
to deposit with the Superintendent, or with worn
Marietta, a sum of looney sulhrieiit to purdLus tin aIK c
articles and lo cover all necessary expe.i*-* tor 0..1 •
or Ihe sSuiH-rmioudeilt should he authorized, inici-,/ ...
allow the Cadet to make an account for a s/a c..,i. ■<.* m. I
rt‘h rre<l to is as f<*lhw.s > *z : ‘, , v ,
k.Tt. a small blank Isvok, in winch shall a- charge.!. v. rv
article he may purchase. This book snail t-o ‘-inn <• < *
the I‘nperinteu.lent for Ins mspm-lton al the < Did [
moiiili. Any Cadet who shah eo bract a deb. w tin n )
mission of the Superintendent, or la- furnished w h a v r
licle whatever, by any sl..rekee|-r or other Ihts. il hat
such permission, or whoso parent or guardimcd ; p- -> y
tie!.! contracted by him dnr.ug his conneeln i “ ith the H.
siitute, and m violation of this regulation, shall be dismissed.
TER MB. .
Tuition, Hoard, Washing, fuel, Eights, field Anisic, and
nil other contingent cx|>enses, jper Session ot five ajad>Nj
Tuition alone, [for resident Cadets] per Bession, -J JJ[J
fi.4.1 Music and other contingents - ‘ * * ,
\nv Cadet entering the Instituie after the oominencement
or a session, w ill be charw<i in projiortion to the abo\ e rales.
raise ebaroes mast be paid in ailennee diir all cx|>*ui-w;s ex
ctipt the ftv for luition. Kverv i adei leaving InMiPx t
before the expiration of the period tor which lie has made
an advance, shall receive the unexpended balance.
f-xv- she Editor of anv newspaper in Georgia, Bouth ( ar
olitML Florid:g Alabama, Mississippi or Tennessee, by insert
ing this advertisement in Ids paper, ami sending a copy n'V
tiln-iv to tin- ‘-G.s.rgia Military institute, shall be entitled to
luilion for one Cadet, or his .trail al the rate ol twenty-five
dollars |K-r session, payable tu tiuUon, and m favor or any
, .let; w ill be accepted.’ DAVID „ t u IX.
June 0, 185i.-jytß] Pres't. Boar.. Trustees.
PANTALOONS.
\ck and fancy English, frem h and American Doo
1> Skins; fanev plaid, English, french, Scotch and Amer
ican CASAimeres i hlnek, drab d'ete, mat , black
and fancy tnnltair ami Coburg Cord: tntx.xl TwOtxlN o, m,
nv colors; white and finny Drills; planters’ lamm*
vas Dock ; stri|KHt J.ineos, and a good vanety ot plum and
*5S!5r 81 WHXtKORD & DA?nFX’ g .
COATS.
a s,l! FAB Dress frocks. Single Rreastv-d Frocks, Sacks,
\ )
Mohair Cord, Alpaeca. Brown Buts, Phmtcrs
Ch * Ck ’ S U DisUStW
NOTICE.
4 I I iHTsons are herebv cautioned not to buy or trade for
been stolen Ovm coAri.-V.N-
llfie HI
VOLUME XI. |
\ Coldmbus, July 20, 1851.
Uo His Horn Judge Nicoll, Smann/h. (ia.:
I address to you, as from the
friendly intetchange of opinion between
us when I wtis last in Savannah, I know
you will tak l no offence ; and that your
! independenclas a man, your attainments
! both as a sch larauda constitutional law
yer, and you! sound logical mind fully !
! qualify you toidmit truth as well as detect i
j and expose er|>r, as the one or the other ]
| may be exhibit id in the positions I assume. !
The actual oppressions ofthe North upon ;
| the South, have unsettled the government
j and produced ‘aieh great and wide-spread
dissatisfaction, that something must be
! done in the wav of substantial atonement,
! for the wtotigs already inflicted and others
threatened to lie perpetrated. Freemen
and equals must have equal rights, and \
they will have Hem. We must have in- !
delimit}’ for the .ast and security for the j
future, or collision will betheconsequence. j
This government must be brought by the j
States which font sd it, to a proper sense I
of its true pharacler, or its constitutional i
reign must soon tMinmate by a dissolution j
of the Union, or a. consolidation ofall pow- •
ersin the genera! government. As our Fa- |
thers rnaiie it, it isl magnificent temple of j
liberty,—as a majority of abolitionists and |
federalists liave pe Verted and administer- j
ed it, it is the form through which the le- !
gality ofthe oppressions ol one section of
the Union upon tin other, is defended.
The beauty ofthe equality of its structure
has been spoiled an idefaced by ambitious
and corrupt men, both North and South.
The perversion of its 30 warns endangers the
rights and liberties if the whole South.
This danger cannot be avoided by hiding
our heads: we mus look it in the face.
What ought to be dolke then in such emer
gency 1 We must unilt in defence of sound
principles. It is unnecessary to talk of
rights unless we have he power to defend
and protect them, A right is a blank with
out a remedy. If we have no power, we
have no right that we cm enjoy or defend.
It becomes necessary ia the outset, to look
into the political relations of the States, as !
they exist by compact, I assume the po
sition ofthe old State’s tights and republi
can party, and defy successful contradic
tion, that sovereignly ia act only inheient,
but resides by compact in the people of
each of the American States —that each
Slate has the right and political power to
judge for itself on ail matters which con
cerns its own State government—and that
each State has the same political right of
judging ofthe constitutionality ofthe mea
sures ofthe general govejmnent, as it has (
ot its own State government. Now, how 1
do I prove this latter proposition, the j
Inner not being questioned 1 In the
easiest manner imaginable;—simply by j
reference to facts which cannot be dispu
ted, the conclusions from ohich establish ‘
the position irresistibly, y/II the thirteen j
States which formed this government, al- 1
though at one time under the dominion of j
the British crown, were separate, distinct (
and independent of each oth/r. For fa mi- 1
liar illustration, let 11s examii'e into the po- ;
litical condition of Georga—our beloved j
Georgia—what she was and what she is. !
She was a colony of Great Britain, under |
the royal charter of George the 2d, and j
governed by her until she jolid the other
colonies in the war which resulted in her j
independence. She was by Hie treaty of J
’B3, acknowledged by the mother country !
j to be an independent Stale—toi.that treaty j
did not recognise the thirteen ’Sth'es as one ‘
j nation, for they never had been ne nation,
! but as thirteen independent “k'lr/es.” She
i formed two governments—as other j
: Slutes did—-one a State govermbent. and j
’ the other a general government,jby which
1 she connected herself with the ntler States |
j unde r the confederation. That ultrunieiit !
: in terms recognised her as holdi jathe sp- :
| arate an<ldistiuct character of a jS|fe —for i
! although by article Ist it was l j declared !
1 that tbe style of this confederation Yliall be !
the United States of America,” yet artifcle j
1 2d declared that “ each State retains i
: its sovereignty, treedmn and independence, j
I and every power, jurisdiction ani right
which is not by this confederation express- I
ly delegated to the United States in Coil- I
gress assembled.” j
Thus far in the history of Georgia, I pre- j
sumo 110 man can be hardy enough tn dis- :
pute her sovereignty. The constitut on is
! the next form of a general government into
1 which she voluntarily entered. Shi did
* this by her own separate action, and that
I constitution has not changed her condition,
| except that she granted to the general Vov- 1
eminent inoie power than she had done to 1
the confederation, but still retained her !
sovereignty, almost in the same language 1
! as was used in the confederation —foi by
j article 10th in the amendments, it is stated j
that “the powers not delt gated to the Uni- j
j ted States by the constitution, nor prolrb- j
ited by it to the States, are reserved to the
I States respectively, or to the people.’ lit !
was unnecessary to incorporate this ari- 1
I cle, for the parties to f c compact beitl’
independent, sovereign States; and til ‘
! character of the instrument being clearll 1
I for limited purposes only, proved beyenl j
! all doubt that a limited government \va| j
j expressed,and the only government iiten j ;
j ded to be established : and ot course with
i outan express surrender ottheirsov- reigti
jty and an express amalgamation t terri- j
| tory and destruction of State lines at i State (
| government, the States retained nt :essa-1
i lily their sovereignty unimpaired, nd in
! the fulness of its power.
To crown the argument m favor of the
j complete s ivereignty of the States sepa
j rately, I call your attention to the last
I clause in the constitution, which provides
j that the ratifications of the con entions of
| nine States shall be sufficient for the es
| tablishment of this constitution between
the’Statesso ratifying the same. And while
on the subject of ratification, we will call
attention to the proceedings ofthe conven
tions of New York and Rhode Island,
in which the right to reassume the power
by the people of the State, was distinctly
| asserted. The convention of New York
i declared that “the of government
may be reassumed by the people, wheiiev
j er it shall become necessary to their hap-
I piness—that every cower, jurisdiction and
i right, which is not by the said constitution
clearly delegated to the Congress of the
United States, or the departments ot the
government thereof, remains to the people
ofthe several States or to their respective
State governments, to whom they may
have granted the same;” and in the 3d ar-
tide iu the ratification ot the convention
of Rhode Island, the same language was
copied from New York, and employed—
by which these States expressly assert the
right of secession, as one of the conditions
upon which they enter into the Lnion.
1 Now, sir, it any doubt rested on year mind
it must be dissipated, as you are too good
a lawyer not to know that in mutual com
pacts “between two or more parties, re
servation by one enures to the benefit of
the whole. You see that the independence
and sovereignty of each State was acknowl
edged by the British crown, acknowledged
by the confederation, asserted by the States
in their conventions, and lastly acknowl
edged by the constitution itself.
How is it possible for it to have been oth
erwise with a State that makes a govern
ment 1 How could a State, iu its conjoint
action with others, have formed the L nited
States government it it had not been in
possession of sovereignty ? What power
had it to restrict a government without the
attribute of sovereignty 1 What authority
could it have conferred if it had not been
sovereign 1 Who would have obeyed the
government that it made, it the State which
made it, so far as it acts in her limits or is
affected by its other relations with the gov
ernment, had it not been sovereign ? Where
theft, is the sovereignty surrendered! No
where. Whatsortofcorporal, tangible thing
is the government of the U. States, without
the authority of each State! It has no peo
ple—it has no land, houses or people. It
lias not a single citizen without it. It is
not like England, France or Russia, or
even the Republic of San Marino. They
arc all State* or Nations, but this United
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, [WEEITUESDAY* AUGUST 5, 1851.
States government is nothing corporal or
mental. It has neither bo ly or soul. It
is nothing without the constitution, and but
for that instrument it has no resting place
in the minds or imaginations of men.
Let the States withdiaw the constitution
and where is the government] Can you find
it anywhere! Withdraw the constitution and
where is your Congress! Can you find a
member of it from Henry Clay down to
the lowest Federal Parasyte who sits in its
halls! Withdraw your constitution will you
find the President! And if he should re
main at Washington who will feed him! He
would have to pay his own expenses
in hunting up a government that does not
exist.
Without your constitution where is your
Supreme Court ol the United States! Has
it a resting place on the globe! stripped of
its ermine, u itliout a bench to sit upon or
an exchequer to support it; what would be
the condition of your honor if you attemp
ted to hold the Circuit Court! What Mar
shall have you! The power of his staff,
becomes as impotent as your order, all is
gone.
I have indulged in these playful enqui
ries not for the purpose of ridicule but to
prove thatthe constitution isthe only foun
adtion ofthe government and that all of its
parts are necessary and indispcnsible to
that foundation and that there is no gov
ernment without it.
The United States government is
wholly unlike a State government and is
inferior to it in dignity and power, The
latter is substantial, it has boundaries, it
has people and if the form of its govern
ment was destroyed those people have
sovereignty and could make another gov
ernment. There is substance in the State
government and whenever they choose
to destroy the general government they
made, there is not then a man left from
whom Phcemx-like another government
could be regenerated. There is nothing
intrinsic in the government of the United
States under a withdrawal ofthe constitu
stitution. It hasno boundary, no jurisdic
tion, no population, not a foot of land to
rest on, nor asingle man, woman or child
to act or be acted on, and yet in its attempt
to pervert its power and become great
er than its Creator.
“Dressed in a little brief authority,
Plays such Fautautic tricks before high Heaven,
As make the angels weep.”
Being a tenant at will its authority ceases
the instant that will is determined.
These positions are too clear to be con
tested by the most reckless federalist or
abolitionist and yet Seward and his coad
jutors say thatthey are governed by a high
er law, their conscience. Conscience!!
Conscience never gave a seAt to a Sena
tor. lie holds that seat by virtue of the
constitution alone which liehas frequently
sworn to support. What a man ! and
“ mirabile dictu” what a set of men who
act with him!
The constitution grants power to the
United States government and makes a
perfect government of it, but it is at the
same time a limited government which
limitations are tube regarded and obeyed,
let us examine, for illustration, a few clau
ses; article first, section second, “all leg
islative power herein granted shall bo ves
ted in a Congress of the United States
which shall consist of a Senate and house
of representatives” mark —unlimited leg
islative powers has not been granted, but
only the legislative powers herein gtanted
which are found to be specific when you
refer to the powers of Congress, same
section provides “no person shall be a
represntative who shall not have attained
to the age of twenty five.” This is a re
striction as to age. It i® the law and must
be obeyed; but I know young gen
tlemen from eighteen to twenty three who
would make much better and more patri
otic members than many of our Southern
representatives.
Section 3d. The Senate shall be com
posed of two Senators from each State.
Article 2d- The executive power shall
be vested in a President ot the United
States of America, he shall hold his office
during the term of four years.
Article 3d. The judicial power of the
United States shall be vested in a Supreme
Court and such other Inferior Courts as
Congress shall from time to time ordain
and establish. Very well: We have ail
the departments of a perfect government
granted, but the powers of each are point
-1 ed out and limited and generally particu
-1 larly described and defined.
i In article 111 st, section Bth, it isdeclared
] that “Congress shall have power to lay
! and collect taxes, duties, imposts and ex
cises ; ‘o pay the debts and provide for
the common defence and general wel
tare of the United States.” The abov
i power is clearly granted, and is the mam
section which the federalists and aboli
tionists pervert, to give them absolute pow
er over every subject and every interest,
i The States rights party of former days
contended that the clause was only inten
! ded to confer power upon Congress to
! raise money for the purpose of paying the
; debts, providing forth 0 common defence and
general welfare of the United States, and
! they were certainly right, for if Congress
had been clothed by this clause with an
I undefined and general power to legislate
| upon allsubjects which it might conceive
for the general welfare, such power would
i destroy every limitation and restriction in
the constitution They might overturn the
j State governments, and convert the Unit-
I ed States government into an oligarchy or
[absolute monarchy. Theie would be no ne
cessity for any limitation iftliatclause was
[j be so construed, —indeed under such
j Linstruction that clause would have been
the clause in the constitution as it re
i rtials all others. The last, clause in the
j sletiou enumerating the powers of Con
| aess declares that the Congress shall
hive power “to make all laws which
shill be necessary and proper for
carrying into execution the foregoing
powers vested by this constitution in
thl government of the United States
orlin any department or officer there
of’’ This is all right and proper, and
which all constitution abiding men are
wiling to grant, but mark ! it is restricted
i to fiws to carry into effect only the pow-
I ers granted.
T'Vtv arc other clauses of tli j constitution equ:J'y
j as the foregolig, viz: “The enum-T.iton
ill L’lC constitution <f eeria n rights shall n it b.-eon
suu (it-i deny nr dasjr.ige others retained by the
p ->>p! Again—‘‘Tin.- jßavors not ileiogated to tho
IXitko USutfea by the eoustituboti, nor prohibited by
it to .and States, are reserved u> the Suites respective
ly. <k the people.” Again, art-ek- fourth, section
:!<i.<i . lares “that no person held a> service or labor in
one and. te under the la.vs thereof, escaping into anoth
er, sfctll in consequence of any law or regulation
therein, be discharged from suell service or labor ;
but sit*; 1 he delivered up on claim of the party to
wltom W.ieh service or la!tor may be due. ’ Again,
Congt-tk: shah make no law respecting an establish
ment .Vt religion, or jvrrihihiting the free exercise
thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech; or of
the prc%or the right-of the people pcaceahfy to as
semble and to petition for a redress of grievances.—
“The l ight <f the people to kt.-ep and bear arms shall
not he iff.ringed.”
I have r.-eited the foregoing clause* as a snntll part
of the constitution only, but suflieient to prove its
eltaraeter, and the limited powers conferred on
the government. Each State was at liberty to rati
fy or reject., It was not pretended by nine States
or ev en twelve, that they had any right or jww
er to eoerc- the thirteenth. North Carolina and
Rhode Island were a considerable time out of the
union, and h was not pretended by nny person of
that day, that the other States would or could at
tempt to coerce them. All this* proves the
sovereignty </ each State, as well as the restric
tions winch wh in its sovereign capacity imposed
upon the new government in the act of its creation,
and that having power to limit and restrain its crea
ture, each die right to require the observance of
such limitations, and to enforce such observance with
all the meaiisl.il its p-wer as an independent State
iu such lUodeLs iu her sovereign judgment she may
think b-st. Suppose Congress, the Executive ;ind
the-Judieiary V'hi.-h embi-aees the whole power of
the governniek ail co nbine to take away from the
people the priU-ge of bearing arms. Suppose they
establish religiW or a monarchy ? Suppose they
abridge the lib.yty of the press by passing a law that
no prcssshail ptkji.-.h a political article against the
govef lixueijt. mttH it pass a revision of sonte United
“THK LX IO N OS’ THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OV THE STATES.”
States officer appointed by tbe President to guard
against treason ? Suppose they abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia ? What say you to the political
power (not revolutionary, for revolutionary rights be
long to people of all conditions) of any one of the
States to secede from the union for any such cause?
Why, sir, Vermont who is now sharpening her
sword for our execution would have a right to secede
if Congress interferes against slavery in the District
of Columbia, for though she is not interested for it ;
yet she could properly secede, because the govern
ment exercises power not delegated, and even that
State would have the political right to say in conven
tion of her people where her sovereignty is represent
ed, we will no longer belong to this government,
because it exercises powers which we have never
consented to confer on it: the representatives of the
other States have violated ihe compact, and we will
no longer endure a connection with them; we reserv
ed to ourselves al! power not granted: we have not
granted such power and consequently we will se
cede.” WIIO will say that this right .does not inhe
rently belong to the sovereignty of a State, and who
will say that it has ever been surrendered either ex
press er implied? The surrender of sovereignty at
once annihilates the Slate. The man who questions
the peaceable exorcise of ties right of secession or de
nies it as a political right resulting from sovereignty,
must see iqwtt examination, that by annihilating the
power of the State he merges nil the States into one
nation irresponsible to any State, and therefore that
he l imits at once all the limitations in the Constitu
tion, consolidates the government and gives a majori
ty in Congress the power of establishing religion,
abolishing slavery, obliterating State lines, setting
up a here litary monarchy or anything else that an
absolute or despotic government could door conceive
it proper to attempt.
Each State singly, without recognizing the power
or consulting the will ol any other State, adopted this
constitution for itself, by which it imposed restraints
as well asgranted (lowers. It is absurd to restrain a
government, if the power which makes the govern
ment and restrains it, cannot exercise a power oi'it
self to command the observance of the limits which
it prescribed to it in the act of its creation. It follows
then that the government tints formed must not in
its practical operation look beyond the powers grant
ed by its makers. It must always enquire what it
has the authority from its makers to do, and not con
sult i's ideas of what act would redound to the gen
eral welfare ofthe whole or to a particular section.
The power of a State, in its relation with
the other States, lias been compared to the
feeble and humble relation which a county
hears to a State: and it is frequently and
’.Auntingly asked if a county can secede from
the rest of the State l No. A county can
not secede, because it is only a part of the
State, and lias no sovereignty. There is not
the slightest similitude in the relation which
each bears to the other. The State is self
created-*—the State is one great community,
with a fixed boundary which it has marked
out, and the world is notilied’to respect it. It
has sovereign jurisdiction within its limits,
the power ol’legislation and taxation, and
all other powers with which any independent
nation is invested, except those granted to the
United States Government, and those which it
has agreed to forbear from exercising. It
makes counties at its pleasure—alters their
names and their lines, divides them and joins
parts of two or more of them together without
regard to their power', and often against, their
wishes. The majority of a State has perfect
control and command of a county because it is
a part and parcel of its own community.
The State makes compacts’ with other States
and has the political power to enforce them.
A county, on the contrary, can do nothing
without the authority ofthe State, not even to
levy a tax for a poor school, or to build a court
house and jail. This comparison, reducing a
State to the level of a county is so dissimilar,
and inappropriate that it is ludicrous, but nev
ertheless it proves something against those
who are weak enough to rely on it; that is,
that the federalists, to maintain their doctrines
of consolidation, are pressed to introduce ar
guments which will not hear examination.
Having established, beyond doubt, the limited
character of the government, and the soveipj-’
f.iontv ofeach State, with ils right of peaceable
secession, it will not be improper, with serious
ness and candor, to pass in review those acts
of partial and oppressive legislation which have
for a long time, disturbed the public mind, and
which is now stimulating a large portion of
the South to the anxious inquiry of “What
shall be done to save the country ?”
We have substantial complaints against th*.’
North for a series of oppressive measures for
a number of years past. The constitution
lias been repeatedly violated and wholly disre
garded in ail those acts of Congressional legisla
tion whereby the South has been indirectly,
but practically taxed for the benefit of North
ern manufactures and Northern ship-owners.
The same selfish innovations upon the consti- 1
tution has been practiced in the appropriation
of the public moneys, by a majority of Con
gress, to sectional internal improvements, in
which the ijouth has no interest. We com
plained of the injustice of the fiirilF above a
revenue duty, and after much excitement, ob
tained a compromise in 1833, by which the
principle of protection was expressly aban
doned by a hill requiring from that time an
annual reduction of duties upon foreign im
portations, until they should reach strictly a
revenue standard in 1812. lam sustained in
this declaration as to the abandonment of pro
tection by a reference totiie law itself: hut not
withstanding the solemnity of the agreement,
which for a time quieted ihe angry and en
raged feelings of those who were oppressed
by those measures, this compromise was open
ly and faithlessly violated in 1841. But
what is more to he deplored than even this
violation of a solemn engagement, the party
spirit in the South, won many of our own
people to the vindication and defence of that
act of extreme had faith.
Yielding to one depredation invites another,
and 011 account of our unfortunate divisions
into parties, we have yielded so often and so
much, that the North has boldly and daringly
excluded the South not only from an equal,
but any participation in all that vast territory
won from .Mexico hv the common arms of the
Union. Flushed with these repeated victories,
and under the popular delusion that the will of
the majority must and shall control, the North
ern section lias thrown oil the mask, and
openly arrayed itself against the South upon
the question of slavery itself. Candor must
force the acknowledgement from every honor
able and well informed man, that the great
question now between the two sections, which
is shaking the government to its centre, is
narrowed down to the existence or abolition
of slavery within the limits of the United
States.
I take it for granted tliat the South does not
intend voluntarily to relinquish her right to
hold slaves, and the e\ idenet-s of a bottled de
termination on the part of the North to pursue l
such a system ol legislation it’ unresisted, as
will ultimately, and indeed, in a short time,
abrogate that right are so abundant and mul
tifarious, and have Ren so fully laid before
tile public, that it would lie trespassing upon
the general intelligence of the country, to at
tempt in this letter to recount them. What
then is to be done in this fearful emergency,
when contending sections of the Confederacy,
equally tenacious of their opinions, and of then
policy, come in dire conflict threatening seri
ous and alarming disturbance to the quiet of
Constitutional and well regulated Government ?
Must the South, who is on the right side yield
lor the purpose of peace, and give up their
rights, and their property, or rather ought not
every good man, every lover of law and order,
pause, and with his hand on his heart reflect,
and examine for himself, whether the North
has not assumed, and continues to assume, an
authority upon this subject destructive of our
eouality and of our rights of property, and
wholly incompatible with the limited powers of
the Government, and in direct violation of
solemn pledges to the South, independent of
an officious interinedling with a right which is
exclusively our own? To determine this ques
tion of interference with the Institutions of
Slavery, intelligibly and correctly the rights of
the conflicting iections must be looked into,
that justice may be awarded to the right side,
and a remedy provided to enforce that justice.
The North has no charge against the South for
trespassing upon her rights, the South never
invaded anv of her privileges. She has no
complaint against us. We have then but one
side to examine in regard to oppressions,
which renders the investigation less difficult.
We have a right to our slaves. But, as this
is a broad proposition upon which the whole
question rests, and is disputed by almost the
entire North, and I regret to say by a number
lat the South, it becomes necessary tor me to
adduce proof in support of that right. I
will comply with this demand, and present as
testimony, the decisions of the Courts of all
civilized Nations recognising African Slavery
from the earliest times, and further, the fact of
its existence, under our own Colonial Govern
ment, as well as being provided for, supported,
and protected by the Constitution of the United
States.— Art. Ist, Sec. 2nd, and 9th, Article
4th, Sec. 2nd.
These references I presume are satisfactory
to all hut abolitionists; a right so well establish
ed, I did not until lately, deem necessary to
prove in a Southern State.
Who proposes to disturb and abrogate this
long existing, and until lately, undisputed
right? The North. By what authority ? By
virtue of a connection in Government with us,
from which they claim the power of abolishing
this institution, and boast that the late victory
over the South in excluding slavery from
California, and the territories opens the way to
j its speedy extinction throughout the Union
They look upon the battle ns almost won.
The main question, then, is, slavery or no.
slavery. But there is a previous or antece
dent question which is now put, and if deci
d and in iavor of the politics of the North, clears
the way tor carrying by a majority the main
question against us. This antecedent question
• is, whether one of the States of this Union has
; the right to secede for any cause which, in her
! judgment, will justify such a course. The
trial of this question is now going on before the
; great tribunal the people of the South. The
i question is distinctly made by those who sup
! port the compromise as , ‘wise,; liberal and
just.” In their declarations there is no reme
-1 edy against a violation of the constitution Lmt
war and revolution—that no State can
peaceably secede. This, indeed, is a grave
question, and more particularly as-a crisis is
near at hand when it must he met, and it’
decided by the votes of the people of the
South in favor of the Northern position, of
course the way is open to the will of a major
ity regardless of our right of property.
The people should ponder well upon this
question, as upon its decision clearly depends
the existence or abolition of slavery.
J care not what may lie the determination of
the North, she is arraying all her force against
ns: Imt the South is safe if she will hut main
tain the government as it is, and not yield to
the practical alterations which a majority is
making. There is a moral power in truth,
and a just cause, that will sustain any united
people; hut if we divide upon this cardinal
principle to an extent—for a majority of the
South to yield State sovereignty, and the con
sequent right of secession—is it not apparent
to the most common mind that all the barriers
for our protection are broken down ? What is
our protection against the abolition of slavery
but .State soveregnty ? but secession ? Can
you, sir, point out any other remedy? It is
impossible, for no other exists. If we were all
upon one side the ballot box would be ineffect
ual. as we are in the minority in Congress.
If we do not claim the right of secession,
and exercise it, too, if necessary, they will
not regard our protests; but, as slavery
is, in their judgment, a sin against God
and a blot upon the Union, having the ma
jority, they will use that majority in the
destruction of the institution. If we give
up the right of secession by our votes in favor
of those men at the South, who deny the right,
and are daily apologising for the North, and de
claring what every body knows to be untrue—
that the compromise was “wise, liberal & just,”
the question is settled against us. If the South
intends to defend its institutions, it is high time
to take tin 1 course of the North and some pub
lic men in the South into serious consideration.
Tim-South must look at the allurements which
arc held out bv tho government to corrupt her
public men, which has already reached her in
terest to an alarming extent, many of them not
. only yielding her rights, lmt openly vindi
cating her oppression. The advocates of tin*
compromise say that the compromise is
“wise, liberal and just”!!! Good Heavens!!
—Wlnt wisdom is there in fraud and vio
lence ? What wisdom in excluding a por
tion of the States from an equality of in
terest in California, and hazarding the sta
bility of (lie-government th ."eby? What lib
erality in the strong arm of the North, aided
by ‘heir otiieial ally at the South, to “take all,
for God's sake?” What justice is there in the
South being excluded from the whole of a terri
tory, which was won mainly by Southern valor
and Southern blood? “Wise, liberal and just,”
indeed! Was it wise, for fear of meeting the
Wilmot Proviso, for the President to send
agents to California to hurrv into the govern
ment the then territory with a constitution for
bidding slavery? Was it “wise, liberal and
just,” to announce the existence of the Mexi
can laws prohibiting slavery, hv which an
nouncement the South was precluded from en
tering tile territory ? And, was it “wise, liber
al and. just” for Congress to refuse to repeal
the Mexican law? “Wise, liberal and just”!!
What must a man's feelings- be, if a Southern
mail, who looks upon these measures of fraud,
corruption and violence, as -wise, liberal and
just;” they may he solacing to him, hut his con
stituents cannot be greatly comforted, unless it
he a pleasure to them to lose their equality and
their property.
“W ise, liberal and just!” We cannot argue
so plain a case, hut we agree that we have
been put upon a perfect equality, if Ihe ad
vocates of the compromise, upon their own
showing that Ihe Mexican law prohibiting slave,
ry is of farce, can point to a single foot of all
that territory on which a Southern man with
his property may safely tread. If we Irive. any
of the territory open to us, I bog that the advo
cates of the compromise will point it out.—
Where is it ? Let them show it to us, or with
shame retire from the false position, and shrink
rebuked from the majesty of insulted truth.
Upon this question will not men he influenced
by the truth, and look at the substance of the
matter? What, then, is the substance? it is
tint the North Ins all! Who can go to Cali
fornia ? Nobody, with his slaves. Win can go
to the territories? Nobody, with t heir slaves, tor
although I never believed the Mexican law was
of force, & always knew that ridiculous doctrine
was announced by political men at the .South for
party purposes, vet, unfortunately they suc
ceeded in alarming the South, and preventing
emigration to the territories, and the. effect, up
on the Southern mind and Southern emigration
is the same as if the law was in existence. No
mail dares risk his negroes in those territories
after the effort, North asweil as South, to fix up
on the public mind the existence of the Mexican
law, and the South is thereby as effectually ex
cluded as if the law existed, or the Wilmot Pro
viso had been passed by Congress. If this doc
trine had not been advanced against the Clay
ton compromise, thousands of Georgians would
have been in California and the territories, reap
ing their equal benefits from the gold mines.
Men who are. in favor of the- compromise, as
sert the existence of the. law, w hich Congress
refused to repeal. Wild, then, h ive we gain
ed? We have not even what Was satisfactory,
last year, to a large number of our citizens—
‘•the best- we ean get!” We have gained noth
ing! Oh. hut, say the supporters of the “wise,
liberal and just compromise,” we have the fugi
tive slave bill. Indeed! ha ve you? And w hat is it
comp ;red to the constitution, which declares that
escaping slaves shall be delivered up. The Con
stitution is certainly stronger than any act of Con
gress. The fugitive slave law is nothing, even if
it were executed, as the constitution is strong
er, for it commands all officers of all courts,
whether State or federal. The fugitive slave
bill is, therefore, nothing, as it could add no
force to the constitution. Now', what have we
gained in the territories that we fought and
bled for? Nothing! What have we gained in
the way of recovering escaping slaves ? Noth
ing! And yet, the compromise is “wise, liber
al and just!” Oh, shame!!
Our object is to preserve the constitution inviolate
and maintain the government pure as it was created.
This cannot be done but by a union of the people of
all parties upon the trurii. Let us not hide from it
or conceal it from others to advance party ends, or the
ambitious pretensions of men who will sacrifice the
interests of their State to obtain office from the
United Suites government. Let us all preserve
our elevation upon a patriotic platform and pur
suade a party ridden people that in too great de
votion to party our country’ may be lost. The truth
must have its proper influence if it be known to the
people, and if they would give a little attention to pass
ing events, they must see that unless the people of
the North and the government of the United States
manifest a bi tter temper towards our slave institu
tions that a collision must occur. Georgia astray
under an alarming and dangerous influence may
tamely submit to increased and repeated aggressions
but we have the best reasons for believing that South
Carolina will interpose her sovereignty for her own
protection, and those who blame her must show that
she has no cause of complaint or they cannot justify
their censures. If we choose to (Hit up with oppres
sion and marked degradation, it is no reason for her
following our inglorious example. She lias the right
to judge for herself; and unless some of the other
sovereign States by their votes maintain the right of
secession, it is most probable that she will put the
government to the test of reducing a sovereign State
o subjection. If the Southern States were to assort
he right of see ess; ott, it would put an lend to all the
threatened collisions, fur the goverftment and the peo
ple of the North would appreciate the necessity of
abandoning their assaults upon slavery, and peace and
quiet would lx; again restored.
Do you not believe, sir, that if the South were uni
ted, or only partially united, say even two States hold
ing the opinions of Carolina, that our institutions
would be protected, and peace and concord be imme
diately and permanently restored? Whose fault is it
that we are not united ! The fault certainly lies at
the door of those who insist that we must yield to un
equal and unjust, legislation, and that we have no
remedy against the oppressions of the government
but revolution .m l war, they use every effort to alarm
Ihe people with the prospect of bloodshed, and de
nounce the people of South Carolina as traitors.—
Carolina is undeniably entitled to equality, and no
man can sustain himself who maintains that it has
boon meted to her. She cannot he blamed for do
-11 landing it: indeed she is fighting our battle upon
the field that we fled from, and we should he the last
to condemn her. Her policy moreover, is peacea
ble, if allowed to pursue it without molestation,
for if she, in the exercise of her sovereignty secedes
for what she believes to he a gross and palpable vio
lation ofthe compact, and resumes her position as
she was before site connected herself with the other
States; then there is an end of it, she makes no war
and attacks no Slate in any shape or form, but peace
ably wends tier way. No war or blood will result
from her movement, unless the farce doctrines pre
vail in the South. I care not for the North. Unity
at the South is all I desire for our complete protec
tion and for restoring the government to a healthy,
constitutional action. But if the force doctrines pre
vail, it will indeed be truly unfortunate for the coun
try in the advantage which it gives to the abolitionists
to escape the battle themselves and impose it on North
Carolina, Georgia. Tennessee and Alabama who from
their Contiguity will be called on to cut tbe throats of
their brethren. Who in Georgia or Alabama will
fight that battle against Carolina ? Many have threat
ened it, but few 1 hope lor the honor of the country,
will execute those imprudent threats. Genius of liberty
forbid such desecration of Southern honor!—lf
tli o . force men though stand up to their doctrines
as stoutly as they now sustain the policy of the
North, this bitter cup cannot pass, and when Georgia
and Alabama, Florida, Tennessee and North Caro
lina shall be called on to furnish troops to light this I
battle for ataditiou, Carolina will not be the only field |
drenched in blood : the war will commence with j
the proclamations ofthe Governors at home, and the I
history of ihe world does not furnish a parallel to the |
fierceness with which that truly intestine war will be !
waged.
Yota's truly and friendly,
’ JOHN if. HOWARD.
KEEP IX BEFORE THE PEOPLE.
Keep it before the people, that lion. Howell
Cobb wit hold his signature front the Southern
Address, along with only seven other Southern
members of Congress.
Keep it before the people, that lion Howell
Cobb believes that a State has no right to secede
thereby showing that he repudiates the idea
that ibis is a Government of consent and not of
force, and that the States are sovereign.
Keep it before the people, that. Hon. Ilowell
Cobb believes in the right- ofthe General Gov
ernment to coerce a State, in any attempt to as
sert her sovereignty.
Keep it before the people, that 11011. Howell
Cobb, if elected Governor, would call out the
Militia ofthe State to coerce a sovereign State
that might .attempt to secede.
Keep it before the people that 11011. Howell
Cobb was nominated fur Governor of Georgia,
at Washington City by Fillmore. &. Cos., which
was ratified at Milledge.ville by Toombs & Cos.
Keep it before the people, that the Savannah
Republican , a rabid Whig paper, said eighteen
months since, that “Whigs at least, could never
vote for.Mr. Cobh, and (hat “ho sold himself for
a mess of pottage.”
Keep it before the people, that the. Journal. Jjf*
Messenger denounced Hon. Howell Cobb as a
traitor to the South, and said that he.performed
everything Brown promised.— Fed. Union
Horace Greeley, in a late letter to the Tri
bune, gives a sketch of his journey from Geneva to
Turin. Stopping at a road-side Inn to get breakfast,
the landlord charged him three francs for the meal,
while the other passengers were only charged two
and a half. Upon inquiry, he was told that the ad
ditional half franc was pul in tic bill for the use of a
wash basin atnl towel. Query —Did not his fellow
travellers wash their faces, or was J lor,ace’s extra
flirty ? Perhaps the others had not been keeping such
familiar'company with runaway negroes, and had
not so much need for ablutions.
Cor.. Bknto.n’s Nf.w Wokk.—The New York
Mirror says the .Messrs Appleton have conclu
ded an arrangement with ex-Renat or Benton for
the publication of his political work on which
he is now engaged in Itis retirement. It will
form a single volume of about 800 pages octa
vo: and, although in the main a compilation of
selections front the speeches of Ihe author du
ring the settalori.il debates for the last thirty
years, will, we understand, furnish a. complete
resume of the political history of the country
during that time, and include a great variety of
matters derived from the personal connexions
ofColonel Benton with the Democratic admin
istrations and political organizations of the same
era, and Ihe experience which he his derived
from Itis public file.
The title ofthe work will be “Thirty Years
ini lie. Senate of (he. United States.”
Rencontre between Generals Foote jc Quit
man.— We perceive from the Memphis Eagle, of the
21st inrt., that a personal difficulty occurred between
the candidates for Governor in MVs'ssippi, Generals
Foote and Qirimrm. on the iust., during tlietr
discussion at Slodgeville, in I’anola county.- It ap
pears from the Eagle’s account, that both gentlemen
had agreed to refrain from all personalities in their
discussion. Gen. Foote, however, deemed it no in
fraction of this agreement to allude to G’ n. Quitman’s
connection wit h the-late Cuban expedition, awl had
done so at several .ap|s>inlmcnt:s previous to the one
at Slcdgeviile, without provoking an interruption.——
At Slcdgeviile, however, when Gelt. Foote spoke of
the Cuban allair. < Jen. Quitman stopped him .and said
that it was “ unirentlemanly and dishonest'’ thus to
violate their agreement. Thereupon Gen. Finite
called Ifni “ a tint'.'’ Rio vs were instantly inter
changed, but their mutual friends interposed and se
parated the combatants. According to the Eagle,
Gen. Quitman lias signified li s determination not. to
speak with Gen. Foote, at any more of their joint
appointments.— Charleston Courier , 2S In iust.
The Work Goes Bravely On.—The ac
counts continue cheering from all sections for
McDonald and Southern Rights. Unless our
informants are most woftilly deceived the peo
ple ofGcorgi.t will give an overwhelming re
buke to the man that tells them that the Com
promise is wise, just and liberal. Personal in
tervievvs with individuals from different quar
ters of the State, and the uniform tenor of our
letters, assure us th :t our cause is advancing—
and that, accessions are made daily to the ranks
of the Southern Rights party. We have ac
counts from Cherokee w liieh assure us that so
far from its sending down an avalanche t-o crush
the strong slaveholding sections of the State
where McDonald and the Southern Rights party
are in the ascendant, Cobb is losing grouds and
his chances grow.
“Small by degree* and beautifully less.”
Let our friends be warned in time not to be
too sanguine. The election to be won must
be worked for.
Tho friends of the civil war candidate—of
the State coercing Mr. Cobb—are desperately
uneasy and working with energy to save him
from'defeat Let their example be emulated by
the friends of McDonald, and VICTORY
WILL DE OURS. We will then have no
millitarv drafts among our people to raise
armies far the conquest of a Southern State.
Abolitionism will not be allowed to gloat with
fiendish delight over such a spectacle of civil
war among us.— Constitutionalist.
Thursday last we were visited with
a very heavy haii-storm—accompanied with a
considerable fall of rain though not enough to be
of material service to the cr jps. The hail-stones
were the size, of partridge t much injury
to the corn and cotton in tte|JfiS|ij§fe —Cassville
: ■ o’ t7;■; i,io ■
| NUMBER 33.
Gov McDonald’s Prospects. —From every
portion of the State we receive cheering news
of Gov McDonald’s prospects. The people be
gin to see Mr. Cobb’s true position before the
country, as n betrayer of the Rights of the
South, and they are determined to reprobate it.
The ides of October will show that honesty
and political consistency must prevail over trick
ery and demagogueism, and that coalitions form
ed for the purpose of promoting the personal
aspirations of a few wire-working politicians
cannot receive rhe sanction of the good find
patriotic.— Dalton Times.
Mr. Conn.—For the. present it will be suffi
cient to say that the friends of McDonald here,
do not. believe that Mr. Cobb’s wire-grass trip
will pay expenses. Mr. Cobb is a very agreea
ble gentleman, and has been well received and
attentively listened to by ail parties. He is an
eloquent speaker and in a good cause would be
irresistible, lint with all the advantages of a
pleasing manner and eloquence of speech, lie
lias failed to shake the constancy of the Demo
cratic party in their devotion to McDonald and
their old principles, whilst he has continued
Southern rights men in their previous convic
tion, that he holds principles in relation to the
government, and favors a system of policy,
which render him unfit to be the Chief Execu
tive of Georgia.— Albany Patriot..
The Triumvirate. —We find some of our
cotemporaries trying to keep posted as to the
whereabouts of Messrs. Cobb, Stephens and
Toombs. They seem to be Hying over the
State in every direction. At one time they are
scattered in different, parts ol the State, and
next we learn they are closeted together in
secret session. We lean that Mr. Cobb and .Mr.
Toombs were to meet at Ainericus yesterday.
There is no doubt they are hadlv frightened.
We have never seen the old line Whigs and Con
solidationis/s work harder in any political con
test than they are doing in this. Some of those
gentlemen who use to “love to hate ’ Mr. Cobh,
now say they had rather vote for him than any
man in Georgia ! —Albany Patriot.
ToM!!R gone to the Kescije.— lt appears that
Mr. Speaker Cobb has got more t<> do among those
obdurate State Rights men in Small-western Geor
gia than he calculated on. That suppressed letter
that Toombs thought smacked rayther too strong ot
consolidation, State coercion, and annihilation ot the
liberties of a sovernign State, and said it would not
do, is hanging like a mill-stone around the neck of
Mr. Oohb, and sinking him deeper, and deeper and
DEEPER every day. So he sings out to his new
ally, Mr. Toombs —
“ Help me, Cassius, or I sink !”
To day, the 24th, Mr. Toombs is announced to
speak with Mr. Cold) at Americas, Sumter county.
We hope the people will call for the reading ot
Toombs’ Ilatnilear speech, and Cobb's suppressed
letter. How beautifully will they chime together.
Cobb and Toombs, Toombs and Cobb! 4 his is a
queer teem to be working to the same wagon. But
pull together as they may, and tug and strain as they
please, tip hill, they can never carry that federal
wagon to the top. It is freighted down too heavy
with consolidation doctrines. Even it they put Mr.
A. 11. Stephens, the great .killer of the Clayton Com
promise, in the lead, and make a spiked team ot it,
they will never get it up to the Capitol of the sover
eign State of Georgia. The Executive ('hair, once
adorned by that great champion of State Rights,
George M. Troup, is not destined, in this our day
and generation, to be occupied by one who lias de
clared his readiness to join the Federal Government
in conquering a State —a Southern State, too—which
should, for its own security and happiness, see pro
per to interpose its sovereignty and declare itself a
free and independent people.— Constitutionalist.
[From the Montgomery Advertiser & Gazette.]
CHARGE AGAINST SENATOR CLEMENS
The ‘-Spirit of the South,” of the 22d
inst-, has the following in reference to
Senator Clemens. From the day of his
election to the present moment, a rumor
has been prevalent from one cud of the
State to the other, to the effect that Mr.
Clemens obtained the vote of the whigs
for Senator, in the last Legislature, by
pledging himself tojthemin writing—before
the election— to support the whig adminis
tration. This is the fist time that the charge
has been made in a tangibte and author
itative manner, and we suppose that the
whole matter will now be brought to light
and made public. From the account of
the manner in which Mr. Clemens met the
charge, he does not seem to deny that
there was a note, letter or letters, written
by him on the subject, but in his reference
to Mr. Shorter, he appears to allude to a j
letter written to Mr. Wilson, subsequent to
his election. The ljttei, note or pledge, I
whatever it may be, that the public would ,
like to see, is the one said to have been;
written by Mr. Clemens before his election j
(the night before) —pledging himself, if !
elected United States Senator, to support
Gen. Taylor’sadmmistration. The card
below makes this charge direct, and says
that the authors can substantiate it. Mr
Clemens, it would seem, agrees to the
publication of the letter or pledge written
by him at the time.
There is one little circumstance con
nected with the matter about which some
people will bo curious—they are mighty
troublesome ai;J annoying sometimes —
and that is this, why itso happened that Mr.
Clemens’ presence should be needed at
hom ejust at the moment that this card was
made public, and that lie should have
reached Montgomery twenty-four hours
before the news of the charge did? Os
course wo do notalledge that Mr. Clem
ens’ private affairs do not call him hence,
but people, we say, will wonder why it
should have so happened that he was com
pelled to leave at this particular junc
ture.
[From the Hpirit of the South.]
TO THE PUBLIC.
The undersigned consider it due to I be voters
and the people generally in this district, to in
form them that Mr. .lore Clemens, who is now
canvassing this district in favor of submission,
is charged with obtaining bis election to the U.
States Senate by compromising bis principles,
and being then a Democrat, in order to induce
the Whigs to support him, he pledged himself
secretly to them, in writing , to sustain General
Taylor’s administration. We challenge Mr.
Clemens to remove the obligation of secrcsy
from Capt. Abercrombie, Jeff Buford, Paul Mc-
Call, and .Mr. Davis of Limestone, and other
Whigs of the caucus at Montgomery, so that
they may give the public all the facts; if lie re
fuses so to do, we shall hold him guilty of the
charge. When public speakers leave their own
section of country, at a crisis like the present,
with a view to operate on the public mind
amongst us, we hold that they should come
with clean hands and pure hearts. The
Southern people are at present looking with
jealous anxiety to the conduct of their public
men; is it not, therefore, our duty to inform our
fellow-citizens of such outrages as the present,
and challenge an investigation? We arc also
aware that this is a grave charge, but we aver
that it is made after mature deliberation, and
with a full belief that we can establish the fact
J. C. Wellborn, C. M.Couric,
B. J. Iloole, Thomas Cargile,
E. C. Bullock, E. Sheppard,
G. A. Roberts, Johnson Wellborn,
Alex. Mcßae, A. G. Smith,
H. W. Laird, Win. Flake,
John Colby, A. Baker, jr.,
O. C. Ingraham, Thos. S. Locke,
R. Morris, D. McLean,
John C. Myers, E. S. Shorter,
Jno. Black, Cullen Battle,
J. A. B. Besson, R. C. Shorter,
James Bullard, Allen Lovelace,
LauchUn McLean, and others.
Mr. Editor: The. above card was read at the
meeting held on the 16th inst., at Blue Spring,
by H. D. Clayton, Esq., and in the presence of
Col. Clemens. After the reading of the card
■Col. Clemens replied in substance that he had
never written or made any pledge to support
any administration tint was not truly South
ern. He further stated that any letter that had
been written on the subject might be published;
but. that he. would lake no man's recollection
about it. Afterwards, in the presence of myself
and a friend, he stated that he was willing to
have published any thing he bad wntten bear
in’)’ on the question. On consultation with a
number of my friends, who were present and
heard all that was said, we concurred in the
opinion that the above embodies the substance
of the reply made by Col. Clemens on the occa
sion referred to. He also stated to me, and
wrote it in my memorandum book, that his let
ter in relation to the Senatorial election was in
the possesssion of Thos. Wilson, Esq., and Gen.
J. P. Frazier, of Bollfonte, Jackson county, and
that he presumed those gentlemen yet had it,
Os eonrse this will authorise the public to Call
for this letter.
I had no agency in preparing the card as pub
lished above—and when presented to me fotnty
signature, I enquired whether if made a direet
charge against Col. Clemens, and Icing assured
that it did not, I signed it. From what passed
between Col. Clemens and myself at Blue
Spring, I deem it proper to shite wlrnt I have
written. ELI S. SHORTER,
Eufaula, July, 21,18 fr L
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 30,1851.
MR. COBB.
Tlie Augnsta Chronicle and Sentinel makes merry
at our anticipations of fortunate results to the Bottth
at the October i>o!ls. It thinks it has heard that note
of “ fire in the mountains” before. W e think the
Chronicle concern will feel it this time. There is no
mistaking the indications which appear at every point
of the compass. No man ever undertook to stem a
popular current so strong as that which Mr. Cobb is
but feebly opposing. There are a thousand reasons
why he should la* ignominoiisly defeated before the
people of Georgia, mid not one why he should Iw
elected. He is condemned by the pliilosphy of tire
very platform ho stands upon, and tho principles of
the party that made it. For while he helped to make
the compromise and now lauds it as “fair, liberal and
just,” the Georgia Convention declared that it was
scarcely to be borne—almost unendurable;’ and that
the “next time'’ tliey would fight. Surely the en
dorsers of that Convention will not willingly reward
a man, and he a Southerner , who took a part in inak J
ing such a compromise as that.
The history of Mr. Cobh's progress on his grand
electioneering tour, shows how adverse is this j>pn
lar current.
The Albany Patriot says truly, that “it has not paid
expenses.” In the nature of things, it is not possible
for any man to nmke such speeches as Cobb does
make, and is obliged by previous committals , to
make, and not lose ground every time ho opens liis
mouth.
Mr. Cobb, of course, in this contest relies on the
strength of the old Whig party and yet wo find hint
in Columbus talking at the Democracy, and in a way
quite offensive to Whig feeling. At Tliomasvillo he
is reported by a correspondent of the Albany Patriot
as follows :
“When he touched the Clayton Compromise, he address
ed himself to the Democracy, and told them lliat Stephens
and Toombs were to blame for its defeat, and not him, and
that the fault must be at their door.”
And yet it is Toombs and Stephens anil their
friends, that Mr. Cobb depends upon for the mass of
the votes that arc to elect him. It is very well known
that Mr. Toombs differs very materially from Mr.
Cobb on many phases of this Southern question ; and
that Mr. Toombs is by no means enthusiastic in his
support. Nor are Mr. Toombs’ friends fired and
carried away by any sueli enthusiasm. We are
somewhat of an observer of the Press, and we must
say that there is “plentiful hick” of earnest devoted
ness in the old Whig Press of Georgia which now
forms Mr. Cobbs corps d'armc. They are fighting
away for him to be sure —but they fight like soldiers
pressed into an unwilling service. Their hearts are
notin it, and they are dealing their blows like men
who expect to le beaten. And no paper exhibits
this weakness in the knees more palpably than tho
Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel, which grows bo fun
ny over our cheerful anticipations. And is it strange
that the old Whig party should be cool towards this
new coalition ? What are the Whigs in the party f
Nothing but high privates. They are expected to do
tho working and the voting, and to endure all the
fatigues of the campaign. But who are the officers t
Renegade Democrats from the top to the’ lxittom of
the list. Look at the candidates, from Governor down
to the lowest office—Congressional, Senatorial nfi<!
all—who are they ? Why Democrats, \\ho have to 1
be well rewarded with the highest places for going
over to the old Whig party, dressed up in its new alia*.
‘Why it is not inhuman nature to contemplate tliis
state of tilings with complacency. And what is the
result? A total want of any thing approaching toen
tlmsiasm for Cobb in any part of the State. If Mr.
Cobb is not beaten, there is no reliance on thesigns-of
the political times, written with a pencil of light from
one end of the State to the other.
ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI*
We continue to receive the most cheering accounts
of the progress of the Southern Rights cause in these
two great cotton States. Avery intelligent gentlc
i man lately from the latter State (a union man, to
: boot) states that Gov. Quitman’s election and the
Little Pacificator's defeat, are regarded as “fixed
| facts” out there. Mr. Foote, like our Cobb, has
i shouldered the compromise and
j sponsor for its excellencies and trumpeter of its bene-
j fits. He too hits the audacity to hold that it is “fair,
liberal and just.” The gallant Mississippians dont
think so, and tiny witt bury Mr. Foote, “a feet” be
neath it superincumbent load of honest and indignant
votes.
In the Mobile District, Bragg is giving Langdon
“a little marc grape” than is wholesome for his Fed
eral constitution. All accounts agree that Bragg
will lie handsomely elected.
lit the second District, Col. Cochran and his
friends are in line spirits. They are working like
men, and deserving that success which they are con
fident of receiving.
The Hon. Jerk. Clemens, the quondam Hotspur
of the Senate, who was iiupirtcd from North Ala
bama to dictate to the people of the East, has retired
from the field. There are said to lx- some first rate
reasons foi^llis leaving. We refer to the “card” in
another place, instituting some curious examinations
into an episode in this gentleman's political life, over
which Iris always hung a cloud of mystery. Our
friend Cochran might hurl, after the retiring Sena
tor, the celebrated quotation from Cicero, which Mr.
Foote on a memorable occasion sent thundering after
“Old Bullion,” as he suddenly left the Senate House
— Abiit, ecasit, cxcessit, crupit —language which
the eloquent Tully used to express the modern word
— sloped.
TAKE CARE.
We are afraid the “ EnqttirerV will lead some of
his “dear union” friends over the river into a griev
ous mistake, and cause them, unwittingly to eortimit
a heinous sin. Speaking of McDonald's candidacy
on this side the river, the Northern Enquirer says :
“YVe all recoUcct that he was prominent in the A "ashrU/r
Convention, that rite assemblage whiib endeavored to place
the South in a wrong position ; we all recollect that he pre
sided over the Macon Convent ion'where disunion was open
ly avowed and vociferously applauded ; we alt know that
he is in favor of & Southern Congress, the very object of
w hich is to form a Southern Confederacy and dissolve the
T’nion.”
Right below this, is a most imploring article to the
Subs in Alabama not to be beaten next week, far
goodness sake! and it winds up with a warm eulo
giuril on Capt. Abercrombie. All of which we
cordiaflv endorse and agrte to —we mean all the per
sonal part, which by the way, is not particularly per
tinent to the public question to be decided at the bal
lot box. For a man may be a most “ charitable
neighbor” ited a capital fellow every way, and yet bo
terribly fishy in his polities and highly unfit for a
public trust. But let this pass. What we wanted to
guard the. “union-” folks over tlie river is, against
voting for any body that at on that “ vile assem
blage at Nashville” — which thing Capt. Aber
crombie did do. Or if they mill vote for him in spite of
this warning theuwe insist on their coming over here &
telling the editor of the Enquirer, that “sauce for the
goose is sauce for the gander,” and that it is very Ju
dy-ish in any body to abuse a man in Georgia for do
ing what he finds no fa bit with a man in Alabama
for doing. Ob Samuel ‘. Oil Mr. 4’ eller ! positively
you must nor drop ho stitcher.. The “union
ibts” will really have to get a more careful patefier of
the worn out brieecbCc of this “glorious union.
You often hear of a man being in tw
vance of his age, hut. yon never heard ot a w.
n in the same predicament.
✓ ..