Newspaper Page Text
COLTJMB T.T S:
Saturday Morning, Sept. I*> IHSO.
IjAROISST CITY CIRCULATION.
Uev. Mr. O’Neil, of Savannah, will preach
in the Catholic Church, on to morrow, at 11
o’clock, a. m., an' l at 4 i>. m.
Mrs. Nancy Cummiug, a willow lady, resid
ing a.'one, in a house on the outskirts of the
south east common, near the brick yard, ou the
Lumpkin road, was found dead yesterday mor
ning.
Jenkins and Nisbet-
Appreciating the interest felt, generally,
in the contest now going ou for the Presiden
cy, and the anxiety which all feel to know the
opinions of leading men, particularly of Geor
gia, we last Monday published the letter of
Mr. Jenkins, and have to-day, very much
against our own inclination, encumbered our
columns with one from Mr. Nisbet. We recog
nize it as a part of our duty to the many read
ers of the Sun, and without a word pro or con,
we submit them, leaving every reader to make
bis own comment. Wo will simply remark
tbut these gentlemen, to the best of our know
ledge, liavo been wliigs ever since the uamo of
whig was applied to a political party in this
country.
Porter’s Spirit of the Times.
The first number of this new sporting pape 1 ’,
the prospectus of which we noticed a short
time ago, Ims come to baud. It is neat and
handsomely gotten up, anil is well freighted
with interesting matter to the votaries of the
turf, and miscellaneous readers generally.—
Porter has a world-wide reputation, among
turfmen, and his “Spirit” being a taking pro
duction, it is useless to say its circulation will
be wide-spread. Success to Porter’# Spirit.
Judge Hopkins, of Alabama.
This gentleman, nil his life, opposed to the
Democratic party, has recently determined to
support Buchanan for the Presidency. Out of
it has grown quite a controversy between the
Register and News, of Mobile. The News
HU ggests whether Mr. Buchanan’s early feder
alism hadn’t something to do with the change.
Knowing the former proclivities of the Judge
so well, could wo credit the “drop of blood”
story to which so many whigs have sworn, we
should be inclined to think it had some in
ti uence.
Cotton Prospeot.
An intelligent citizen of Dallas county, Ala
bama, who lias recently traveled over the rich
er portions of the county, writes us that the
cotton crop is poor, and that the falling off will
be fully one third from last year. 11a further
states that his intelligence from the Canebrake
country in Marengo and Perry, represents the
crop there as no better.
We seo by tho Amcricus News, that Col.
Hawkins, the America ‘ candidate for Congress
ngaiust Judge Crawford last year, is now
stumping it in the lower counties for Buchan
an. In answer to the charge that he is a reu
egade frpm the American party, lie says “the
American pa. y has runaway from itself.”
Tho Americans may truly exclaim, “deliver us
from our friends.”
The Dablonega Signal of tho fitli inat., says
that owing to the sickness in Canton, Cherokee
bounty, in this State, the Superior Court, which
was to liavo set this week, lias been adjourned.
Itecruits for Walker.
The Steamship Tennessee lias sailed from
Now York with 400 recruits ou board for Wal
ker, in the sliapo of emigrants to Nicaragua.
Cotton Crop In Mississippi.
A letter in the Mobile Tribune, from Colum
bus, Miss., dated Sept. 9th, says, tho damage
done to the cotton, not picked, by the great
tall of rain during the day and night of Friday
the 6th, has been considerable. The least pos
sible ‘oss, this year, of the cotton crop raised
in the counties of Noxubee and Lowndes, I
have been told by about twelve of the largest
plauters in those counties, will be over au av
erage of 26 per cent.
Tho Tobacco Crop.
Tli-’ Bainbridge Argus says the tobacco crop
of Decatur and other counties in southern
Georgia, has been nearly destroyed by ttic
late gale. Many of the barns were unroofed,
and their contents bio'"!! away or otherwise
ruined. Mr. S. G. Swain, of Decatur county,
lost six thousand pounds.
Suicide.
We learn from the Bainbridge Argus, that,
Mr. William .1. Gray, a respectable citizen of
Decatur oouuty, having a wife and two chil
dren, shot himself on Thursday the 28th ult.,
blowing his brains out and dying instantly.—
lie was subject to fits of derangement, brought
on by a severe attack, some time since, of Ft.
Vitu’s dance and while laboring under one of
these spells he put an end to his existence.—
He was 28 years of age.
We see by the Clayton Bauuer, that the
County Commissioners of Barbour county,
Alabama, have determined that they will no
longer tolerate the old and rickety edifice
heretofore used in that county as a place of
safety for oft'euders against good order. A
great difficulty, however, to their progress in
tho work, soems to be, where to locate the
institution so that it will not be an annoyance
to the good citizens of ‘Clayton. Os course it
is none of our business. We will, neverthe
less, venture to suggest, that the spot most
proper is the location which offers the least
chances of a Jail delivery without discovery.
This is a duty the Commissioners owe to pub
lic justice.
The necessity for this precaution is plainly
exemplified in the location of the Jail in this
city. Instead of having been located in the
Court Hou°e square, a reserve of four acres,
it was put upon the public Common, entirely
beyond tho proper surveillance of the city
police, the error of which location has been
demonstrated more than once duriug the short
time of our residence here.
Tho News from Kansas.
The latest telegraphic advices from Kansas,
says the Savannah News, are very brief and
unsatisfactory. At last accounts, tho condi- j
tion of affairs indicated the occurrence of im
portant events in tho oour; e of a few days, and
much anxiety is felt to know what has trans
pired in that unhappy territory. The traitor
Lane had collected his marauding hordes at
the Abolition stronghold, Lawrence, anil the
Southern party were preparing to attack him
there, whiic arrangements had been made to
cut off his retreat. Tho Missourians who had
been summoned to the rescue by the settlers
in the territory, who had been attacked and
plundered by Lane’s men, were assembling in
largo force, and we have looked daily for the
news of a sanguinary retaliation upon the Ab
olition banditti.
The dispatch which we publish this morning
informs us that writs have been issued for the
arrest of Lane and his officers, and that Gen.
Smith had detailed a force of fourteen compa
nies to sustain tho civil authorities in serving
the writs. This should have been done months
ago. Had the infamous traitors, Lane, Keed
er, and others who have defied the laws and
inaugurated civil war in Kansas, been prompt
ly dealt with by the United States authorities
—had they been made to suffer the penalty of
their treason, tho peace of the Union would not
uow be in so great peril. But abolition fanati- |
cism has been allowed to run riot in the land.
Revolutionary committees have been publicly
organized, immense sums of money have been
raised, armies enlisted and equipped, aud sent
into tlie territory to make war upon its inhabi
tants. War, actual war, has been waged upon
the people of Kansas—their blood has been
shed, and their property plundered and de
stroyed. And now when the proslavery men
are aroused to the desperate necessity of self
defence—when the hour of retribution is tit
hand—we hear of writs for the arrest of the
authors of the outrageous and disgraceful state
of affairs in Kansas. We hope that it is not
too late to retrieve the past, and that prompt
and summary justice will be done to the lead
ers of the rebellion against the constitution
and laws of the country.
If ever traitor forfeited his vile neck to tho
halter, and his name to lasting infamy, Lane,
Reeder, Brown, Eldridge, Pomeroy, and the
rest of the murderous elan of marauding knaves
now at the head of the insurrection in Kansas,
have forfeited theirs, and unless the Govern
ment brings them to justice, it will forfeit the
respect and confidence of all honest, law abid
ing men. Justice must be done. Nothing
short of a complete vindication of the laws wil
appease the outraged people of the South. —
Nothing less will put an end to the present
strife, and give peace and security to the South.
There must bo no empty formalities—no tech
nical shuffling. If treason and rebellion, ra
pine aud murder, such as theirs, is permitted
to go unpunished, then our Government is a
mockery, and should be at an end.
The Government did not interfere to prevent
Lane’s formidable invasion of the territory—
and if it interferes now, it must b” to suppress
the insurrection which his party has inaugu
rated, aud to bring its authors to certain pun
ishment.
Death of Dr. Huls9, U. S. N.
The Pensacola Gazette, of the 2d inst., says:
“It is our painful task to record the death of
our much esteemed friend, Dr. Isaac Hulse,
[Surgeon U. S. N., which occurred on the 29th
ult., at the U. S. Naval Hospital, Warrington,
Fla., after an illness protracted through a
long period, and characterized by the most
cute suffering. He lias at length found repose
iu the gentle embrace of death.
“ Dr. Hulse was born at Coram, Brookhaven,
Long Island, August 31, 1797, aud entered the
Navy May, 1823, consequently was at his
death fifty-nine years of age, having seen
thirty-three years of honorable, faithful and
efficient service as Surgeon of the U. S. Navy.
He lias spent many years on this station, and
by his courteous and gentlemanly deportment
he had drawn around him|a large circle of de
voted friends, by whom his loss will be long
and deeply felt. By liis disinterested benevo
lence and constant readiness to minister to the
wants of suffering humanity, for which his
acknowledged eminence in his profession so
well qualified him, he bas endeared himself to
the hearts of the poor and afflicted by ties
which death itself cannot sever.”
Punch on Headache.
The female headaches ai'e innumerable, hut
they arise piincipally from vexation and disap
pointment. They may be divided into nervous
and sick headaches. Tho nervous is irritable
and cannot bear being spoken to. The sick
is despondent or sulky, and bursts into
tears at the least contradiction. When a lady
cannot have her own way, a headache is the
painful consequence. An unpopular visiter
brought home accidentally to dinner will pro
duce an alarming attack of headache and the
symptoms that successively follow are, instant
loss of appetite, deafness, peevishness, hysteria,
and finally a precipitate retreat to the bedroom.
The poor servants feel the effects of the head
ache as much as any one, and do not stop in
the room longer than they can help. These
unfortunate headaches are very frequent about
that time of tho year when every one is, or is
supposed to be, out of town, and do not cease
until the patient has beeu carried to the sea
s' J e for a chi.ngo of air. The milder forms
will vanish upon the application of a piece of
jewelry ; or if tin forehead is wrapped up iu
anew shawl, it is astonishing with wlmt rap
idity the puiu disappears. Sometimes a shift
ing of tho scene is requisite, ami thus a box in
the Opera has been known to produce an in- i
stnntaneous cure, even when the headache in
question has been of the most stunning des
cription, and the opera played has been one of
Verdi’s.
♦ - ■
We understand from a gentleman who was
present at the examination before the Magis
trates, that Gabriel Ftubbs was on Monday
last hold to bail iu the sum of three thousand
dollars, to be and appear at tho next Term of
Scriven Superior Coin t, to answer to an indict- ;
ment for homicide on the body of a negro man
by the name of Bill, belonging to Major Willis I
Young, of Scriven county. The crime was
committed on the 26th ultimo.— Savannah Re
publican.
The Mount Vernon hotel, which was burnt
at Cape Island, New Jersey outlie night of the
6th inst., was regarded as among the largest
hotels in the world, and able to accommodate
three thousand persons. Philip Cain, the
lessee, Andrew Cain, Martha Cain and Mrs. j
Alberton, lost their lives in the flumes. Mrs.
Cain was not among the victims.
Letter from Judge Niabet.
Macon, Ga., Sep- Ist, 1856.
lion. 11. (i. Lamar!
My Dear Sir: In your letter of 7th July
last, you say ‘‘ repented enquiries have been
made of mo’as to the course you would deem it
your duty to pursure in the approaching Pres
idential contest ?” And your father say, “will
you favor mo by placing it iu my power to an- ,
swer these enquiries in the authentic form of
a letter from yourself, with the privilege of its !
publication? ”
Before the receipt of your letter, I had, in
private ceiiversntiori, announced a purpose to
vote for Mr. Buchanan unless it should become
manifest that Mr. Fillmore would be more
likely to prevail against Fremont. I have
withheld my answer until I could determine
with reasonable certainty, the probability of
Mr. Fillmore’s election. 1 know that his ‘
friends are sanguine in hope that if not elec
ted by the people, yet he may be elected by
the House. After a careful and anxious survey
of the whole ground, I am constrained tolelieve
that there is no hope of his election iu any
event. Such being ruy conviction, I feel it is
due to myself and my friends of the American
Party, to right, and to tay country, to avow
publicly my determination to cast my vote for
Mr. Buchanan. That this determination will
be heard with regret by some and with sur
prise by others, I suppose may be true; that
others still will fail to appreciate my motives
and censure my course, I have reason to ap
prehend. Yet lam satisfied that the larger
part of the people of Georgia who know me,
will give me credit for honest motives and
conscientious convictions. The times require
sacrifices and justify a change of political po
sition.
The crisis of the American Union is now in
action and that is the crisis of Protestant
Christianity and of civil liberty. I shall not
labor to demonstrate these propositions. To
tho good and wise such labor is unnecessary,
and to such as are on any account indifferent
to the perils which environ us, unavailing. It
is too late to reason with those who really de
sire the destruction of the Union—it is with
them a foregone conclusion ; they would not
believe if one should rise from the dead. Do
not the dead speak to them ? Speak in their
preoepts —their recorded entreaties, and their
mighty example? Washington and Ulay,
Jackson and Webster, and a host of really
great men besides, have argued aud do now
argue this question, with almost super-human
power. They brought to discussion an order
of manliness —a type of patriotism—a sublim
ity of moral courage, and an intellectual
strength unknown to tiie men of this day. I
am not ashamed to sit at their feet. lam
proud that my own poor sense of obligation
impels me in the line of their illustrious exam
ple. Neither my conscience, nor my children,
nor my country, shall reproach me with hav
ing failed to do, what little I may do, to perpet
uate blessings so inappreciably great as the
people of this country now enjoy. Among
these things, not the least is the right to free
dom of opinion—a l ight which I exercise in
the communication which through you I now
make to tlie public. I have shrunk from this
duty with painful sensibility. I meet it sim
ply because under all tiie circumstances of the
case I believe it to be a duty.
Y r our are aware that l have been for many
years a whig. The noble old Whig Party, af
ter years of honorable contestation under tho
lead of as gallant and able and as pure men,
as ever graced the annuls of any party, bas
been disbanded. Whilst there are both at the
North and the South thousands who adhere to
the principles of that Party, yet they are with
out organization, and without nationality.—
Asa party, the whigs are impotent to control
the destinies of the Union, and are in fact in
tlie minority in almost all, if not all, the
States. Their power to serve the country now
lies in the control which they may as individ
uals or as an organized minority, exercise over
the action of the dominant party. That is by
no means small. Their vocation is still high
and holy. When the American Party was or
ganized, finding many of tho principles identi
cal with tlioso which as a whig, I had long
held, and approving with unconditional hear
tiness the distinctive doctrines which they
avowed as to the naturalization laws, I became
an American. 1 can foresee no event that can
force me to repudiate the principles of that
party. But scarcely was it organized before
at the North it became subservient to freesoil
policy, and with shameless prostitution, gave
itself to tlie embrace of those wlio are the en
emies alike of the institutions „f the South,
the Constitution of the Union and the religion
of Heaven. That was a declaration of its dis
solution. It became at the North a sectional
party; at the South it is what it always was,
true to its own section—true to the Constitu
tion, and true to the great idea of American
nat onality,
Mr. Filhnoro is the candidate of tho Amer
ican Party South, and a just and honored and
honoring exponent of its principles. Ido not
suppose that any one can now question the
fact that the American Party is without na
tionality. Ido not mean to say that its prin
ciples are not national—they are national al
though they are Southern. 1 mean to say,
that it does not pervade the Union—that it is
without power to control the States of the
North, and I sincerely believe is in the minor
ity in all the Southern States. The conclu
sion therefore is, that it cannot elect its can
didate. This I think is true, notwithstanding
the support the old line whigs will carry to
Mr. Fillmore. That support, although it may
be general, will by no means be universal.—
There arc many, very many of the old line
whigs, who, influenced by considerations
above all party ties, will, like myself, lend
their aid to the election of Mr. Buchanan. So
much and no more for the extinct parties and
my relation to them.
What is now the condition of things? Dis- I
ferent from what it ever has been, and such as i
excite the most serious apprehension for the
safety of the Union. Heretofore, the contests ‘■
of the Union have been waged between the
Whig and Democratic parties—both national.
Now, the .struggle for the Government is be
tween a purely sectional party and all other
parties. Heretofore, both of the great parties
believed that the success of either wou! ’ rot
involve peril to the Union, because they be
lieved that the prevailing party would admin
ister the Government; under the Constitution,
with a .just regard to the interests of all* arts j
of the Union. This is unquestionably true,
notwithstanding real differences between them
upon questions both of domestic and foreign
policy, and notwithstanding the bitter mutuul
denunciation of tlie party press.
Now, without -topping to enquire what the |
Froesou Party may believe of us, no man in
the Union who is not himself a Frecsoner, can
fail to know and believe that if tha f arty
should prevail, the Government will be ad
ministered in violation of the Constitution,
upon principles strictly sectional, and with au
already openly avowed purpose to aggrandize
the North at the exponso of the South. Who
can doubt this when abolition is the cement of
its platform, aud “Freedom” is the cry that
stirs the North and North-western mind into
such prodigious activity, and lias rallied to its
bantu, ioe conservatism that has so long resist
ed its treasonable and infidel poliey. Who can
doubt when holding power in one branch of
the National Legislature, the Freesoil Party
to inaugurate the reign of “ Freedom,” have
perpetrated revolution by withholding sup
plies. Iu this the beginning of the end ? |
Heretofore both parties have believed that the
President elect, clothed with the executive
powers of a great people, sworn to maintain
the Constitution, influenced by the moral con
siderations of almost overwhelming magnitude i
and stimulated by motives grand enough to
create and ennoble capacity, would be the
President of the Nation. Should Freemont I
be elected, his alternative will be to abide the
instructions of liis constituency and become
the tool of a revolutionary f action ; or through
a national administration reach the distinction
of treason to his friends He will not hesitate :
which of the two to choose. With a majority |
in the House—with the Executive branch of j
the Government and all its appliance of in
fluence wielded by a willing tool, a few revolv
ing years will enable the Freesoil Party to
command the Senate. When that is attained
it is manifest that they will proceed at once to
consummate their avowed purposes. If not
by some bold and wanton act of aggression
upon the Slave States, yet by legislation
equally decisive in its results—for example :
the repeal of the fugitive slave law, the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise repeal, the abo
lition of slavery iu the District, and the
prohibition of slavery in the territories. To
such legislation the South will not submit—
ought not submit.
The election of Fremont will be the first
scene in the drama of disunion ; anti-slavery
legislation tho second ; the third and last will
be fratricidal war. If our Union could be
peaceably dissolved, however deeply to be de
plored, the event might be contemplated with
some degree of resignation. I confess that I
have no idea that a peaceable severance is at
all practicable.
Such are my views of the results of the
triumph of the Freesoil powers in the ap
proaching election. That it will triumph, all
concede there is imminent danger. To prevent
that triumph is in my judgment the highest ob
ligoßnnJ of patriotism. To fulfil that obliga
tion I can perceive no practical way, but to
vote for the democratic candidate. If Mr.
Buchanan can defeat Fremont and Mr. Fill
more cannot, and the successofFremontwillbe
followed by the dissolution of the Union, the
case is fully made out without further argumen
tation : if these statements are true, I do not
perceive that for mo there remains any altern
ative. In a contest between the Union and
my party principles—l go for the Union. In
an inevitable struggle between sections, and
that apparently a final struggle, my fortunes
and my efforts are with my own section. What
are my principles worth if 1 am to lose the
Union ? And what avails my preference of
Mr. Fillmore, if he, and I, and the South,
are to bo sacrificed ? I assume that Mr. Bu
chanan may be elected, and that Mr. Fillmore
cannot. I may possibly be mistaken, but such
is my opinion, and I must act upon my own
judgment fallible though it be. It may be said
that Mr. Buchanan can be elected with
out your aid, aud why swell the triumph
of an ancient opponent ? To this I reply, that
it is of vast moment, not only that Mr. Buch
anan should be elected, but that he should be
elected and go into office with the moral power
of the entire South to sustain him. and with
the sanction of an overwhelming popular ma
jority.
Farther, it is not certain that he can be
elected without my aid—without my single
suffrage, and lam determined that sc far as
my vote is potential, he shall not be subjected
to the remotest chance of a defeat. Too much
is at stake to rely upon contingencies.
Again it is said that the people will fail to
elect, and in the House Mr. Fillmore can be
elected. The devolving of the election upon
tlie House is an event to be deprecated. I
look upon it as a calamity only less than the
inauguration of Mr. Fremont. At any time
it would be unfortunate—no wit would be dis
astrous. The passions, prejudices and rival
ries of the Union are there concentrated.—
Sectionalism is more incontrolable in the House
than among the people. A single man there
casts the vote of a State, and that State as
potent in the choice of Presidents as New
York. It is corruption’s fairest field. Vio
lence, if not madness, would rule the hour.
Disruption would be the probable consumma
tion, and if that should not ensue, the founda
tions of the government would be shaken in
the fiercest of the struggle.
But there we encounter tho same danger of
the success of Fremont that we now meet be
fore the people. Let it be conceded, however,
that he could not be elected by the House, what
then will be Mr. Fillmore’s position ? Suppose
that Mr. Fillmore goes into the House with
the support of four States aud Mr. Buchanan
twelve, and this is a supposition most favora
ble to Mr. Fillmore—is if to be expected that
tlie twelve would yield to the four? The rea
sonable conclusion is that the four would yield
to the twelve and Mr. Buchanan he elected ;
and thus would be effected through the dangers
of the House, what may be effected peaceably,
through the Electoral Colleges. Is it claimed
that the Free States will go for Fillmore when
all hope of electing their man is lost ? The claim
is unfounded; they will stand upon their can
didate. Upon the hypothesis that they will
choose between Mr Buchanan and Mr Fillmore,
I see no reason for believing that they will
prefer the latter to the former. Upon their
principles Mr. Fillmore is quite obnoxious to
them as Mr. Buchanan. But yield the point
that Mr. Fillmore can be elected by Free States
in tlie House, then I say that it is not desira
ble. In that event he will go into office by the
suffrage of the Freesoil power. As the friend
of Mr. Fillmore I would not subject him to a
j position of such painful responsibility. I do
verily believe that lie would meet it firmly,
| wisely and justly. Yet elected by the North,
j it is clear that he would encounter there im
perious exactions, aud on thepart of the South
■ jealousy and distrust. In any event his elec
tion under si:rh circumstances would perpetu
uto the distressing agitation cf the country.
\ ou perceive that the principles upon which
1 base my course, do not require me either to
disclaim or affirm the Platform of tho Demo
cratic Party. 1 have a thorough disregard for
Platforms. They are redecinlcss humbugs. I
do not therefore judge of a Party by its Plat- i
forma, but by its action when in Power, aud its
relations to the country.
Tho Democratic Party is the only national
party which the troubles of the times have left
to honest men. If it be a sectional Party, it is
tho Party of my own section. I will not dis
guise ilit- fact, that Mr. Buchanan commends
himseit to me as the exponent of the most con
servative part of the Democratic Party—as an
able and experienced Statesman, and as a gen
tleman of Unimpeachable private character.
He and liis partyare fully with us ontho great 1
slavery issues of the day. My hope—nay, my
belief is, that, if elected, he will administer
the government upon Constitutional principles
—that being raised to power mainly by South
ern suffrage, and indorsing as he has done,
Southern views, he will protect Southern rights
—that during his term of office the conserva
tive elements of the nation will have time to
come into legitimate action—that the storm of .
fanaticism and sectional folly will
the Federal Union be preserved.
Respectfully, your friend,
E- A. NISBET
le.
From New Orleans.
New Orleans, Sept, p
The demand to-day was fair, and sales fr .
up 600 bales, without any change in p r j c ..
Fair Sugar OJc.
From Charleston.
Charleston, Sept, p
The sales of the week foot up 700 bales
advancing rates. Good Middling
; dling Fair 12c.
Later From Kansas.
New York, Sept. 10.— Tho authorities „j
Lecompton have issued writs for the arrest ot
Lane and his officers. Gen. Smith has tletai
ed 14 companies to assist in serving the writ!
Tecuniseh has been sacked.
New York Markets.
New York, Sept. 10. —Cotton is firm, witi,
prices favorable to sellers. Sales to-day of
1,000 bales—for two days 4,000. Middlin’
j Uplauds quoted at life.
The Maritime Proposition—English
Opinion upon Mr. Marcy’s Letter.
The English press take various views of the
proposition from the United States govern,
ment, to make the private property of citizens
of belligerent powers ou the high seas, exetup>
from capture or seizure. The London Time,
seems disposed to favor it, the London Post
assails it, the Chronicle likes the principle but
doubts the policy. The Post, after comparin’
England’s vast naval force with that of the
United States, says:
“ Now, in these days, wars are rapidly be
coming matters more of exhaustion than of
mere fighting—that is to say, victory belon :
uot to that nation which sends forth the belt
soldiers, but that which can longest support,
the exertions necessary to maintain hostilities
—science having made them more a question
of endurance than of vigor. This was forci
bly illustrated by the last war, which waster
minated by the complete exhaustion of Hus
sia, whilst France was already exhibiting
symptoms of distress, and England was hard,
ly affected at all; and it is to this power ot
endurance that we must look for success in ail
future wars. We do not want a war with
America; but we must look upon it us an even
tuality not impossible, and we must consider
how it is to be carried on; not by land, for
there she is unassailable ; hardly against her
war navy, for with such disproportionate num
bers it could do but little mischief. It is in
her commerce that she is chiefly vulnerable,
and that alike the source of her greatness:
and tho security she give the rest of the world
that she will keep the peace is precisely what
Mr. Marcy asks us, in the event of a war, to
consider inviolate—that is to say, in case tlie
American government chooses to quarrel with
us, we are to abstain from doing what would
be ruinous to the Union—distasteful to every
itidiviual of the sovereign people, especially
those whose property was captured—and cer
tain to bring the war to a speedy and satisfac
tory termination ; and all this to induce an
expiring Cabinet to accept from us tlie relin
quishment of the maritime advantages which
are inherent in our maritime superiority.”
The Manchester Standard argues—“ There
is no disguising the fact that America would
gain by vastly such an understanding, and that
the security thus provided for her vast com
mercial marine would more than compensate
for the loss she might sustain, abandoning the
right of privateering ; but it is an advantage,
notwithstanding, which would be shared in a
very largo degree by this country. Our mer
chant service would be uninterrupted during
war, and our navy wculdconsequently be freed
from the duties of protection and convoy and
would be wholly available for operations of of
fence and defence against the enemy. War
would thus become a conflict of armies against
armies, and navies against navies—not a sys
tem of plunder and profit of individuals, as
privateering made it within the memory of
many now living amongst us. Wo have a
strong impression that the commerce of Eng
land would profit as much as that of the
the United States by the adoption of the con
dition proposed by the President; and we
trust that it will not be rejected by our Gov
ernment without careful and mature consider
ation. Possibly France might object to it;
but a separaxe convention might be concluded
between England and the United States, abol
ishing the right of capture of private property
in any future war between the two countries
The London Chronicle remarks: “The theo
ry laid down by Mr. Marcy in liis dispatch on
privateering, is perhaps destined to exercises
most important influence on the future desti
nies of mankind. It embodies the enunciation
of a great principle, entirely in accordance
with modern British police, and generally with
the spirit of the age. Mr. Cobden was not so
far wrong, at least in principle, when he ar
gued that peace must be the complement of
free trade. Although, in carrying out that
theory, lie assumed an attitude ridiculously in
advance of public opinion, or of the practicable
means at tlie disposal of statesmen, yet it is
remarkable what strides have since been made,
and in how short a time, towards the accom
plishment of his dream. * * It may
be urged that America is peculiarly interested
in the adoption of such a principle. She is
scarcely more so than England herself; for
vast and numerous though our naval forces be,
! there lias been a corresponding increase in
j those of other maritime powers, and we luigbt
j find that our hands were too full to provide
! convoys for our gigantic commerce. On the
whole, therefore, this proposition of Mr. Mar
: deserves to be regarded as something better
, than an ebullition of arrogance, and it ®*. v
| thus prove of incalculable advantage to man
kind should American isolation and American
pretensions lend to the erection of another
great landmark of the advance of civilization.
The Lanes.
We find the following in the New York
Times, which gives us to understand which is
which:
There arc three Lanes, and each of them
very unlike either of the others. The first i j
Col. Jas. 11. Lane, the leader of the Free State
men in Kansas. Tlie second is General Lane,
delegate in Congress from the Territory of Or
egon—who was the friend of Col. Brooks in
his affair with Mr. Burlingame; both these
were formerly Democrats. The third is Hen
ry S. Lane, of Indiana, an old Henry CIJ
Whig, and one of the ablest stump speaker- -
iu the West. It was he who presided over the
Republican Convention of Philadelphia.
There ..<.ro forty seven deaths in Charlesß' 3
last week—of this number sixteen died fi'°®
yellow fever, four from bilious and one fie®
typhoid fever, and the balance from other di
eases.
Sixty nine old line Whigs of Detroit 1> :I ”
issued an appeal to their Whig friends of Mi’* 1 ’
igan, urging them as they value the Union
the Constitution of their country, to supp yl ‘
the election of Buchanan and Breckenrid£ e ’