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of stocks and Treasury notes, instead of
being at or above par, have both (alien
below to a small extent. The cffectsof
the depreciation of Treasary notes will
cause them to pass into the Treasury in
payment ol the customs and other dues
to the Government as the cheaper cur
rency, instead of gold and silver; white
the expenses of the war, whether paid
(or by the transmission of gold and sil
ver direct to Mexico, or by drafisdrawn
in (avorof British merchants or other cap
italists there, wilt cause whatever spe
cie may b$ in the vaults of the Treasu-
3 1 to flow from it, cither for remittance
irect on account of the ordinary trans
actions of tho country, or to pay the
drafts which may be drawn upon it, and
which, when paid in the present state
of exchanges, will be remitted abroad.
But this process of paying in Treasury
Votes instead of gold and silver, and gold
and silver flowing out in both directions,
cannot continue long without exhausting
ijts specie, and leaving nothing to meet
tho public expenditures, including those
of the war, but Treasury notes. Can
they under sncli circumstances preserve
even their present value? Is there not
great danger that they will fall lower
and lower, and finally involve the finan
ces of the Government ami the circula
tion of the country*irflhe greatest em
barrassment and difficulty?
Is there, not great danger, with this
prospect before us, and with the neces
sity of raising by loans near forty mill
ions, of a commercial and financial cri
sis—even possibly a suspension by the
banks? I wish not to create panic; but
thoic is danger, which makes a great
difference, in a financial and monied
point of view, between the state ofihings
now and at the commencement of the
last session. Looking In the future, it
is to be apprehended that notn little dif
ficulty will have to he encountered in
raising money to meet the expenses of
the next campaign, if conducted on the
large scale which is proposed. Men vou
may raise, hut money you will find it
difficult to obtain. It is even to be ap
prehended that loans will have to be ne
gotiated on very disadvantageous terms
for the public. Iu the present state of
things, if they grow no worse, there can
be no resort to Treasury notes. They
cannot be materially increased without
a ruinous depreciation; and u resort
must be had exclusively, or almost en
tirely so, to borrowing. But, at the pres
ent prices of stocks, to borrow so large
n sum as will be necessary can only lie
done at n greatly increased rate of in
terest on the norninul amount of stock.
In a recent conversation with a gentle
man well informed on this subject, be
saiil that, in Isis opinion, if forty millions
are required, a loan could not be bad for
more limn ninety lor one hundred, which
would be about at the rate of seven per
cent.
These ore formidable objections, but
they are not the only ones that are more
so than they were at the commencement
of the lust campaign. I hold that the
avowed object for the vigorous prosccu-
— uilif*" “C ** le NVUJ certain of being
realized now than it'was then; niiili'if’iT
should fail to be realized, it will leave
our affairs in a far worse condition than
they arc at present. That object, us has
been staled, is to obtain an honorable
treaty : one which, to use the language
.of the President, will give indemnity for
the past and security for the future—
-that is, a treaty which will give us a ces
sion of territory not only equal to our
present demand for indemnity, but equal
to the additional demand : equal to the
entire expenses to l>e incurred in con
ducting the campaign, and a guaranty
from the Government of Mexico for its
faithful execution. Now, Senators, 1
hold that, whether the war is successful
or unsuccessful, there is not only no cer
tainty that this object will be accomplish
ed, but almost a certainty llint it will not
be. If the war be unsuccessful; if our
arms should be baffled, as I trust and
believe they will not be; but if, from
any unfortunate accident, such should
be the case, it is clear that we shall not
be able to negotiate a treaty that will ac
complish the object intended. On the
contrary, if the war should be successful,
it is almost equally certain that, in that
case, the avowed object for prosecuting
the war vigorously will not be accom
plished. 1 might take higher ground, <
and maintain that the more successfully
the war is prosecuted the more certain
ly the object avowed to be accomplished
will be defeated, while the objects disa
vowed would as certainly be accom
plished.
What is the object of a vigorous pros
ecution of the war ? How* can it he suc
cessful? I cau see but oue way of ma
king it so, and that is by suppressing nil
resistance on the part of Mexico; over
powering and dispersing her army, and j
utterly overthrowing her government.—
But if that should lie done ; if a vigor-1
ous prosecution of the war should lead (
to that result, how are we to obtain an
honorable peace? With whom shall we
treat for indemnity for the past ami se
curity for the future? War may bej
made by one party, but it requires two
to make pence. If all authority is over
thrown in Mexico, where will he the,
power to enter into negotiation and make
peace ? Our very success would de
feat the possibility of making peace. In
that cose, the war would not end in
peace, hut in conquest; not in negotia
tion, but in subjugation; and defeat, I
repeat, the very object you aim to ac
complish, and accomplish that which
you disavow to be your intention, Hyde
st roving the separate existence of Mexi
co, overthrowing her nationality, ami
blotting out her name from the list of
nations, instead of leaving her a free re
public, which the President has so earn
estly expressed bis desire to do.
If I understand bis message correctly,!
I have his own authority for the conclu
sion to which I come. *He takes very
much the same view that I do as to how
a war ought to be prosecuted vigorously,
and what wimld be its results, with the
difference as to the latter resting on a
single contingency, and that a remote
cine. He says that the great difficulty
of obtaining peace results from this, that
the people of Mexico are divided under
factious chieftains, and that the chief in
power dare not make peace, because
for doing so he would be displaced by
a rival.* Tie also says, that the only
way to remedy ibis evil and to obtain
a treaty is to put down the whole of them
including ihe one in power as well as the
others. Well, what then ? Are we to
stop there? No. Our Generals are, it
seems, authorized to encourage and to
protect the weil*dispnsed inhabitants in
establishing a republican government.
He says they are numerous, and are
prevented from expressing their opin
ions and making an attempt to form
such a government only by fear of those
military chieftains. He proposes, when
they have thus formed a government,
under the encouragement and protection
of our army, to obtain peace by a treaty
with the government thus formed which
shall give us ample indemnity for the
past and security for the future. I must
say I am at a loss to see how a free ami
independent republic can he establish
ed in Mexico under the protection and
authority of its conquerors. I can read
ily understand how an aristocracy or a
despotic government might be, but how
a free republican government can lie so
established, under such circumstances,
is to me incomprehensible. 1 had always
supposed that such a government must
lie the? spontaneous wish of the people ;
that it must emanate from the hearts of
the people, and be supjKirted by their
devotion in it, without support from
abroad. But it seems that these are an
tiquated notions—-obsolete ideas—and
that free popular governments may be
made under the authority and protec
tion nfa conqueror.
But suppose those difficulties sur
mounted, how can we make a free Gov-
ico? Where are
prosecution of the war should be suc
cessful, and the contingency on which
he expects to make a treaty fails,* there
will be no retreat. Every argument
against calling back the army ifnd tak
ing a defensive line will have double
force, after having spent sixty millions
of dollars and acquired the possession
of the whole of Mexico, and the interests
favor of keeping possession would be
much more powerful then than now.—
The army ilselfwill be larger. Those who
on her people to meet the consequent
expenses, ought to be to us a warning
never to be forgotten; especially when
we reflect that from the nature of our
Government we would be so liable to
the other greater evils from which she,
from the nature of her Government, is
in a great measure exempted. Such
and so weighty are the objections to con
quering Mexico, and holding it as a sub
ject province.
Nor are the reasons less weighty
by the war. the numerous contrac-! against incorporating her into the Union,
tors, the merchants, the sutlers, the spec- { As far as the law is concerned, that
ulalors, in land and mines, and all who’easily done. All that is necessary to
profiling directly or indirectly by its establish a Territorial Government for
prosecution, will be adverse to retiring, the several Stales in Mexico, of which
and will swell the cry of holding on to the there are upwards of twenty; to ap-
conquests. They constitute an immense point governors,judges, and magistrates,
body of vast influence, who are growing and to give to the population a subordi-
rich by what is impoverishing the rest 1 nate right of making laws, we defraying
of the country. the cost of the Government. So far as
It is at this stage that the President legislation goes the work will be done;
speaks of taking the indemnity into our . hut there would be a great difference
own hnnria. Rnf W11v* Hnlnv it until ** " * * "" ”
hands. But why delay it until the j between these Territorial Governments
whole country is subdued? Why not [and those which we have heretofore es-
take it now? A part ol Mr xico would ( tablished within our own limits. These
be a better indemnity now than the ^ are only the offsets of our own people or
whole of Mexico would be at the end I foreigners from the same country from
of the next campaign, when sixty mil- j which our ancesters came. The first
lions of dollars will be added to the pres- settlers in the Territories are too few in
ent expenditures. We would indeed ! number lo form and support a govern-| to inquire at present ; I am uow spea-
acquire a control over a much larger j ment of their own, and are under obli- j king merely of reputation, and in that | tion, a portion of the'territory of Mexico, which
portion of her population, but we would • gat ion to the Government of the United view it appears that we have lost abroad may deem ample to co-er all proper claims upon
never be able to extort from them, by all | Slates for forming one for them, and de- as much in civil and political reputation her -» n d which mil he best suited to us to acquire
the forms oftaxation to winch you can re- j fraying the expenses of maintaining it, as we have acquired for our skill and Pmifett
pbtain it by treaty; and yet, if the
results should be as I have stated, the
end will lie, that what was disavowed
will be accomplished, and what has
been avowed to be its object will be
defeated. Such a result would be a
deep and lasting impeachment of the
sincerity or the intelligence of the Gov
ernment: of its sincerity, because di
rectly opposed to what it has continual
ly and emphatically disavowed ; or of
its intelligence, for not perceiving what
ought to have been so readily anticipa
ted.
We have heard much of the reputa
tion which our country has acquired by
this war. I acknowledge it to the full
amount, as far as the military is con
cerned. The army has done its duty
nobly, and conferred high honors on the
country, for which I sincerely thank
them; but I apprehend that the rep
utation acquired does not go beyond
this, and that in other respects we have
lost instead of acquiring reputation by
the war. It would seem certain from
all publications from abroad, that the
government itself has not gained repu
tation in the eyes of the world for jus
tice, moderation, or wisdom. Whether
this he deserved or not, it is not forme
patronage of the Executive, and indulge in every
Ul mistake. The day of retribution will come
and, when it does, awtal will be the reckoning, and
heavy the responsibHty somewhere.
I have now shown, Senators, that the conquest
of Mexico, and holding it as a subject province, or
incorporating it into our-Union, is liable to the ma*
Y-.ii.i- -l: : >k. «...
w, in reference to the war, of taking indemni
ty into oar hands, by assuming a defensive position
which, it can hardly be doubted, they would have
done when the war was recognised, if they had
foreseen the difficulties and dangers to which it has
ny and irresistible objections assigned in the first
resolution. 1 have also shown that the policy re
commended by the President, if carried out, would
terminate in all probability in its conquest, and
holding it either in one or the other modes stated;
and that such is the opinion of the President him
self, unless in the mean tirao peace can be obtain
ed. Believing, that this line of policy might lead
consequences so disastrous, it ought not.
•pinion, in the language of the second resolution,
to be adopted. Thus thinking I cannot give it my
support. The question is then presented, What
should be done 7 It is a great and difficult question,
and daily becoming more so. I, who have used
e/y effort to prevent this war, might excuse my
self from answering it, and leave it to On
have incurred greater responsibility in relation to
it. But I will not shriuk from any responsibility
where the safely of the country or its institutions
The first consideration in determining what line
of policy, in the present 6tate ot things, ought
be adopted-is to decide what line will mosteffectually
guard against the dangers whic.il have shown would
result from the conquest of Mexico, and the disas
trous consequences which would follow it
After the most mature reflection which I have
been uble to give to the subject, I am of opinion
now, and have been from the first, that the only one
by which it cun be certainly guarded agair
take the question of indemnity in our own hands-
1 occupy defensively, and hold subject to negotia
sufficient to pay the force ne- j knowing, as they do, that when they i valor i
cessary to hold them in subjection. That I have sufficient population, they will he |
force must be a larg< _
lainly than forty thousand men, accord- [selv
ing to the opinion of the Senator from 1 Ui
not less ccr- Ijpermitted to form a constitution for them- j witness the display o: that indomitable ’ ^
i I ii .1 i al. i - „ oe pursu
But, much at
. as much as I rejo
•gard
>f the United St;
recognition of the existence of the
commended to Congrc
s,and beadmiltedasa member oft he
and courage which surmounts Gen . Taylor ; nd his army from ,h e dangers which
Mississippi, (Mr. Davis,) who must be j ritorial Government, no force
During the period ol their Ter- all difficulties, I would be sorry indeed surrounded them, and take
that
government should lose any i
should recognise
arded as a compctant judge upon ’ sary to keep them in a state of suhjec- portion of that high character for justice,! ^onaUrmy! ro 0 be d coUecteTrt^omeTroper n P Int
this point. He stated
er day that the army
ing that number, are in danger; and
urged, on that account, the immediate
passage of the bill to raise ten regiments.
On this subject it is as well to speak out
plainly at once. We shall never obtain
indemnity fortheexpendituresofthe w
debate the oth- j tion. The case will be entirely difly
there, exceed- with these Mexican Territories. When
you form them, you must have powerful
armies to hold them in subjection with
all the expenses incident to supporting
them. You may call them Territories,
but they would, in reality, be but pro
vinces under another name and would
They must come out of the pockets of i involve the
the people of the United States ; and the and dangers
longer the war is continued, and the j would result from holding the country
more numerousour army the greater will J in that condition. How long this state
be the debt, and the heavier the burden / of things would last before they would
imposed upon the country. I be fitted to be incorporated into the Un-
Let it not be said that Great Britain is ion as States, we may form some idea
example to the contrary ; that she from similar instances with which
ernment
inateriuls ? It is to be, I piesume.a con
federated government like the former.
Where is the intelligence in Mexico for
the construction and preservatii
such a government ? It is what she has
been aiming at for more than twenty
years, hut so utterly incompetent arc
her people for the task, that it has beer
a complete failure from first to last.
The great body of the intelligence and
wealth of Mexico is concentrated '
priesthood, who are naturally disinclin
ed to that form of government, the res
idue, for the most part, arc the owners
of the haciendas, the larger planters of
the conntry, but they are without con
cert and destitute of the means of form
ing such a government. But if it were
possible to establish such a government
it could not stand without the protection
of our army. It would fall
is withdrawn.
If it be determined to have a treaty,
it would be a far preferable course, as
it appears to me, to abstain from attack- w
ing or destroying the Government now to it. She can bear more, in proportion I be reconciled to our authority. The bet-
existing in Mexico, and to treat with it, to population and wealth, than any Go- j ter class have Castillian blood in thei
if indeed it be capable of forming a trea- vernment of that character that ever ex- J veins, and are of the old Gothic stock—
ly which it could maintain and execute, f isfod. I might even go further, and as-; quite equal to the Anglo-Saxons ii
Upon I hat I do not profess to have any j sert that despotism itself, in its most ab- | ny respects, and in some superior. Of all
information beyond that derived from 1 solute form. I will not undertake to j the people upon earth they are the most
conversations with those who have j explain why it is so. It will take me pertimacious; they hold out longer, and
been iu Mexico; hut Irom all that I can further from the course which I have ! often when there would seem to be no
leffrr it* W4 V Prescribed for myself than 1 desire; but j prospect of ever making effectual re-
‘ not already pushed what is called i J will say in a few words.that it results Tania Wit-t*- Asi*julrnktail. J believe, oq
farj from the fact that her Executive and the j all hands that they are now universally
, . j- ,■ • ,., k «i »isiuiiai army, 10 du coti
iiderution, and discretion which dis- j and to be trained anddi;
tiuguished it in the early stages of our
history.
The next reason assigned is that, either holding
r making powe
il the Congress of Mexi-
» her constitution, tli
sided, should be allowed tin
ion of making war on us, ar
We Iih
t all differer
,tiqtiered meny ot the Bet. if ehe refaeed, even then I would heve ed.
ne Hu* ...« It.ve ed to seize, by way of reprisal, the portion of her
rnunirvin -ill tl,» difficult;** P 0 ™ 1 *"? them into our Union. They have been i 8,ve ‘¥’ a ,, ve ! l
country in all the llljllc lilies | eft „ independent people in Ihe midst of in. or *Xf”
> which I have already shown j been driven back into the forests. Nor have we purpose of avoiding
territory which we might select, and hold it defen-
‘ -fly, as I have just stated, instead of declaring
and that mainly for th
holds provinces of vast extent and pop
ulation without materially impairing the
liberty of the subject, or exposing the
Government to violence, anarchy, confu
sion, or corruption. It is so. But il must be
attributed lotbepeculiarcbaraclerofher
Goverment. Ofall Governments that ever
existed, of a free character, the British far
transcends them all in one particular,
and that is its capacity to hear patron
age without the evils usually incident
familiar. Ireland has been held
subjection by England for many centu
ries, and yet remains hostile although
her people arc of a kindred race with
the conquerors. The French colo
ny in Canada still entertain hostile feel
ings towards their conquerors, although
living in the midst of them for nearly one
hundred years. If we may judge from
these examples, it would not be unsafe
to conclude that the Mexicans never
? prosecution of the
not to leave sufficient power and in-J House ofLords (the conservative branch- j hostile to us, and the probabiliiy is will
the Government to enter into!
treaty which would be respected when
jr forces are withdrawn. Such I know
i be the opinion of intelligent officers.
They concur in thinking that the exist
ing Government in Qucretaro, if it
should not enter into a treaty in conform
ity with the views of the Executive*
ould he overthrown, and that wc
should be compelled to defend that por-
i of Mexico which wc require for in
demnity defensively; or be compelled to
return and renew the prosecution of the
} of her government) are both beredita- con;
ry, while the other House of Parliament I But suppose this difficulty removed.
has a popular character. The Roman j Suppose their hostility should cease.
first departi
population an
portion of the
the incorpora
To
resolutions are intended to guard.
wponite Mexico woulTbMte ’ ,he which*., .upped then t
•poratod into the Union any but the Cau- j
of the kind ; fer more than half i
pure Indians, and by far the larger
ixed blood. I protest again;
present or pres
able e
1st that no time was allowed
these views upon the Senate. Such a coarse, be-
ides the saving of an immense sacrifice of men and
of .uch » people!" "utiraliTthe money. xml .voiding the m.ny other evil, to. '
rnmem 01 me white man. The great misfor- i the course adoptpd has already subjected the
of what was formerly Spanish America, is to tr y» wouldhave effectually prevented our being
iced to the fatal error of placing the colored entangled in the affairs of Mexico, from which
equality with tli
tagesover the course adopted, and makes it
"pro-! ly superior, even if it should involve the same
lider- • cr >fiee of toon and money to maintain a defen:
entangled
find it now so difficult
•yed the social"iirnngemen't"which~h>nned i Thi.copeider.tioi. .lone pie
me oa.ie of their eociety. This ei 1
wholly escaped. The Brazilians, to
of Portugal, have escaped also
led. It would be a noble sacrifice of individual
pride to patriotism.
In asserting that the only alternative is between
the policy recommended by the President and the
adoption of a defensive position, 1 have put out of
the question the policy of taking no territory. I
have' done’ so because I believe the voice of tho
untrv has decided irrevocably against it, and that
press ’ ’ ** ' “ J *
ed by the Prcsicent, notwithstanding the disastefa
which it threatens. Let me say to my friends on
the other side o! the chamber, (lor aa each I regard
them, for political differences here do not affect onr
personal relations) that they have contributed by
their course to fix the determination not to termi
nate the war withoot some snitabie indemnity in
territory. I do not refer to jrour vote recognising
1 existence of war between the Republic of Mex-
and the United States. I well know that yotf
voted with a view to furnish immediate support to
Gen. Taylor and his army, then surrounded by im-
n-nt danger, and not with the intention of recog.
nng the war. and that you remonstrated and pro^C*
sted against that interpretation being put upop
lince it passed, and the war
of you have continued to vote for
appropriations to prosecute the war, when the object —-j
recognised, t
of prosecuting it'was avowed to be to acquire tarti--
lory as an indemnity. Now, I cannot see how the
two can be reconciled—how you can refuse to take
ndemnity in territory, when you have voted meane
the express purpose of obtaining such indent-
The people are not able to understand why
should vote money so profusely to get indem
nity, and refuse to take it when obtained; and
hence public opinion has been brought so decidedly
‘ie conclusion not to terminate the war without
itori&l indemnity. But if such indemnity is to
be had without involving the hazard of conquering
untrv, with all the dangers to which it would
expose us, we must decide whether we shall adopt
a defensive position or n«»t now—this vary session.
It will, in all possibility, be too late at the next.
I have now. Senators, delivered my sentiments
with freedom and candor upon all the questiona
connected with these tesolutions. I propose noth
ing now; but if I find that I will be supported, I
will move to raise a committee to deliberate upon
the subject of the defensive line.
The opportunity is favorable, while there are so
many officers from Mexico now in the city, whose
opinion wonld be ot great value in determining on
tne one to be adopted. If the course of policy
which I have suggested should be adopted, we may
not get peace immediate!). The war may still con
tinue for some time ; but, be that as it will, it will
accomplish the all-important object—will extricate
the country from its entanglement with Mexico.
Congressional.
ould, t<
b the
of the war. Mexico is to us a deal
s the only way that we can cut Uu
rd which binds us to the corpse.
In recommending this line of policy I look not ti
the only people of
mis cmiuuem who nave mauc revolutions without., , ■ ...
anarchy. And yet, with this example before them, • bod >’» a " d
and our uniform practice, there are those among l ' nn “
us who talk about erecting these Mexicans into
territorial governments, and placing them on an ! the interests of Mexico, but to" those of our own
equality with the people of these States. I utterly | country, and to the preservation of its free popular
protest against the project. I institutions. With me the liberty ol the country is
It is a remarkable fact, in this connexion, that,! *11 in all. If that be preserved, every thing will be
in the whole history of man, as far as iny inlorma- j preserved; but if lost, all will be lost. To preserve
extends, there is no instance whatever of any it, it is indispensable to adopt e course of modem-
if any shade, being found ! tion and jut* 5 * “
Kreat
civilized c
of the hum
towards all
equal to the establishment and maintenance of free f war whenever it can be avoided
nment, although by far the largest proportion I causes now operating continue to work, and which,
•" family is composed of them; and j by the mere operation of time, will raise our coui
even in me savage state we rarely find them any j try to an elevation and influence which no othi
where with such governments, except it be our no- ; country has heretofore attained. By pursuing sue
ble savages; for noble I will call them for their many | a course, we may succeed in combining greatne;
high qualities. They for the most part had free with the largest measure of liberty-
ar
overlook this great fact 7 Are
to associate with ourselves as equals, compan-
i, and fellow-citizens, the Indians and mixed
;s of Mexico 7 I would consider such associa-
as degrading to ourselves and fatal to our in-
rl they should become de;
being incorporated in our Union.—
Ought we to admit them? Are the Mex
icans fit to be politically associated
with us ? Are they fit not only to gov
ern themselves, but for governing us al
so? Are any of you, Senators, willing
that your State should constitute a
member of a Union, of which twenty-
odd Mexican States, more than one third
If such is its weakness, it may be J liberty fell prostrate; the Roman people I of ihe whole, would be a part, the far
pprehended that even now, without { became a rabble; corruption penetrated ! greater part of the inhabitants of which
pushing the vigorous prosecution of the every department of the Government; ! are pure Indians, not equal in intelligence
posed to | violence and anarchy ruled the day, and and elevation of character ~
military despotism closed the scene.—! kees, Choctaws,
Government exceeded the British
capacity for conquest. No Government
ever did exist, and none probably ever
will, which, in that particular, equalled
it; hut its capacity to hold conquered
provinces in subjection was as nothing
compared to that of Great Britain ; and
hence, when the Roman power passed
beyond the limits ol Italy, crossed the
A rialic.the Mediterranean, and the Alp;
t next remaining reasons assigned, that it
would be in conflict with tho genius and character
our government, and, in the end, subversive of
ir tree institutions, are intimately connected, and
shall consider them together.
That it would be contrary to tho genius and char-
r further, we are greatly
the danger which these resolutions
intended to guard against, and that it j Now, on the contrary,
requires great discretion and prompt ac- with subject provinces of
* part to avoid it.
the Chero-
anv of our Southern
England,
itly greater
territorial extent, and probably of not
But, before leaving this part of the; inferior population, (I have compared
subject, 1 must enter my solemn protest,
as one of the representatives of a Slate
of this Union, against pledging prolec-
ou lo any Government established in
Mexico under our countenance or encour
agement. Il would inevitably be over
thrown as soon as out forces are with
drawn, and wc would be compelled, in
fulfilment of plighted faith, implied orex-
prcsscd,to return and reinstate such gov
ernment in power to be again overturn
ed and again reinstated, until we should
bccompt lied intake the government into
our own hands, just as the English have
!>ecn compelled again and again to do
in Hindustan, under similar circumstan-
with them,) we see her, I repeat* going
on without the personal liberty of the
subject being materially impaired,or the
Government subject to violence or an
archy ! Yet England has not wholly
escaped the curse which must ever be
fall a free Government which holds ex
tensive provinces in subjection; for, al
though she has not lost her liberty or
fallen into anarchv, yet we behold the
population of England crushed to the
earth by the superincumbent weight of
debt and taxation, which may one day
terminate in revolution. The wealth
derived from her conquests and provin
cial possessions may have contributed
itil it has led to its entire conquest.; to swell the over grown fortunes of the
avoid following the example j upper classes, but has done nothing to
- i.~.— 1—— — r — • alleviate the pressure on the laboring
masses below. On the contrary, the ex-
Let
which we have been condemning as far
back as iny recollection extends.
The President himselfentertains doubt; pense incident of their conquest, and of
whether the plan of forming a Govern- j governing and holdiuglhem in subjection
ment in the manner which 1 have been I have been drawn mainly from their labor
I considering, and treating with it for in-| and have increased instead of decreas-
dernniiy, may not fail. In that case, he | ing the weight of pressure. It has plac-
ogrees that the very course lo which I |cd a burden upon them, which, with all
have said the vigorous prosecution of their skill and industry, with all the vast
>vill inevitably lead must lie
taken. He says, after having attempt-
|ed to establish such a government—af
ter having employed the best efforts to
to secure a peace—if all fail, ** we must
bold on to the occupation of the country;
we must take the full measure of indem
nity into our own hands, and enforce
such terms as thd honor of the country
demands.” These are his words. Now,
what is this? Is it not an acknowledgment
that if he fails in establishing a Govern
ment with which he can treat in Mexico
—after putting down all resistance un
der the existing Government, we roust
I make a conquest of the whole country,
1 and hold it subject to our control! Can
! words be stronger? 44 Occupy the whole
country”—** lake the full measure of in
demnity—no defensive line—no treaty—
und eutorce terms.” Terms on whom ?
,On ihe'government? No, no, no. To
enforce terms on the people individual
ly; 1 that is to say, to establish a gov
ernment over them in the form of a pro-
j The President is right. If tbc vigorous
accumulation of capital and power of
machinery, with which they are aided,
they are scarce capable of bearing, with
out being reduced to the lowest depths
of poverty. Take, for example, Ireland,
herearliestand nearest conquest,and is it
not to this day a cause of heavy expense,
and a burden, instead of a source of rev
enue
On the contrary, our Government in
Indian tribe;
We make a great mistake in suppo
sing all people are capable of sell-gov
ernment. Acting under that impress
ion, many are anxious to force free
governments on all the people of (his
continent, and over the world, if they
had the power. Il has been lately urged
very respectable quarter, that it is
the mission of this country to spread
civil and religions liberty over all the
globe, and especially over this continent
—even by force, if necessary. Il is t
sad delusion. None but a people ad
vanced to a high state of moral and in<
tellectual excellence are capable, in t
civilized condition, of forming and
maintaining free governments; and
among those who are so far advanced,
very lew indeed have had the good for
tune to form constitution capable of
endurance. It is a remarkable fact in ‘
the political history of man, that there
is scarcely an instance of a free consti
tutional government which has been
the work exclusively of foresight and
wisdom. They have all been the result
of a fortunate combinations of circum
stances. Jt is a very difficult task to
make a constitution worthy of being
called so. This admirable federal con
stitution of ours is the result of such s
combination. It is superior lo the wis
dom of any or all of the men by whose
agency it was made. The force of cii
cumstances, and not foresight or wis
dom, induced them to adopt many of its
wisest provisions.
If these views be correct, the end of
the policy recommended by the Presi
dent, whether contemplated or not, will
this particular, is the very reverse of the ! be to force the government to adopt one
British. Of all free.Govemments it has' or the other alternatives alluded loa
the least capacity, in proportion to the ' these resolutions. With this impression
wealth and population of the country, to I cannot support the policy he recom-
bear patronage. Tbe geuius ofthe two,! mends, for the reasons assigned in the
in this particular, is precisely opposite, first resolution. The first of these is,
however much alike in exterior forms that it would be inconsistent with the
and other particulars. Tbe cause of this' avowed object for which the war has
diflcrence I will not undertake to explain been prosecuted. That it would be so
on the present occasion. It results from : is apparent from what has already been
its federal character and elective chief said. Since the commencement of the
magistrate; and, so far from tbe exam- war until this time, the President has
pie of Great Britain constituting a safe continually disavowed the intention of
precedent for us to follow, the little she conquering Mexico and subjecting her to
has gained from ber numerous conquests our control. He has constantly pro-
nod vast provincial possessions, and the claimed that the only object was indem-
bcavy burdens which it has imposed ... - . -
1 up- 1 nity, and Uiat tbe war is prosecuted to
thousand victories. It may be, in expressing these
From the Richmond Times &. Compiler.
Washington, Jan. 11.
Senate.—Petitions were presented.
Mr. Cass from the committee on Mili
tary Affairs, reported a bill to increase
the medical staff of the army.
Mr. Ashley from the committee on the
Judiciary, reported a bill to alter and
amend the Judiciary System of the Uni
ted States.
Mr. Dayton submitted a resolution
calling upon the President for copies of
letters from Generals Scott and Taylor,
relative to levying forced contributions
upon Mexico.
Mr. Baldwin submitted a resolution
calling upon the President for copies of
the correspondence between Mr. Trist
and the Mexican Commissioners during
the armistice. ^
The resolution of Mi^fason, resid
ing to the editors of the Union tjie pri
vilege of access to the floor of the Sen
ate Chamber, was taken up an/ passed.
The Senate then passed tc/the order
of the day, being the bill'for raising
Aar vCuLlvarstm 1 "^'regulars.
Iteverily Johnson resumed bis '
Government, and subversive of our free
popular institutions, to hold Mexico as a subject,
ovince, is a proposition too clear for argumenttreaty
;fore a body so enlightened as the Senate. You
know the American Constitution too well, you have
le it wi uld be t<
i hold Mexico a;
x .titutions of this conntry
subject province. There is
ecord of any tree £jptte holding
. nations con
quered arid held as provinces have, in time, retali-
led by destroying the liberty of their conqm
‘"“ k “P< hc ,
fact that lam growing old^nd that my principles and Sion of his subject, VIZ. the conduct of
feelingsbelong to a period of thirty or thirty-five the President in the prosecution of the
years anterior to the present date. It is not, however, 1 war
the first time I h.ve ventured in tbeir maintenance to , M f Johnson denounc , d , h . „„ _
which the war had been prosecute
e j There had been a great deal said abex
prosecutittg il with “ vigor,” but the?!
the ground that there was no just ^ad been no vigorous prosecution ol ihe
[ war with her; that in entering into the war save on paper. This fact the Pres
to indemnify our citizens for old claims jcient it seemed, had just found out.
fa regard .he further prosecution
the Chambers to make the appropriation to carry it of the war, Mr. Johnson declared that
into effect; and that they were no further responsi- he was in favor of carrying it to the
* * L *- heart of Mexico, if the objects in view
letters of
stood alone
against it,
s floor. When Gen. Jackson. |
lince, during the latter part of hi;
, recommended to Congress to i
larque and reprisal against ”
and the treaty accepted and ratified with this I " v,w l””!'.-* > •• '■"‘"l--*
ondition attached. And yet the President, altho’ Siroy Mexico be the object, he would
he admitted that the King and his Ministers had not vote one dollar. He believed the
I were proper ; but if to conquer and de-
the adoption of the r
s their best efforts I
> which I haveallud- settling upon the Rio Grande as the
through the corrupting effect of extended patronage Fortunately the Governmei
iponsible power. Such certainly would be
. The conquest of Mexico would add so
vastly to the patronage of this Government, that it
•uld absorb the whole powers of the Statei
. i boundary. For that object he was wil-
Union would become an imperial power, and tne
States reduced to mere subordinate corporations.
But the evil would not end there;the process would
i, and the po\
the Union would i
ise patronage
ed, and which would have been tantamoun
Fortunately the Government ol Gre.t Britain by ! |j llg lo prosecute the
fear, ha/contrib’uted much to give the strong ten-1 ^ r * *?°* , . nSon l ^ C . n 6 ave ^‘ 3 reasons
dency. which we have since witnessed, to resort to for preferring regulars to volunteers lor
menace and force in the settlement of
s witli other powers.
According to my opinion, all partie;
e which
multitude of civil officers necessary
ould be vested in him. The great influen
would give the President would be the
uitrollmg the Legislative department, and subject- : f a j r8t f ^
ing it to his dictation, especially when combined ] contrary to that which you h
ed in adopting a line of policy which will with cer-
tainty disentangle ns from the affairs of Mexico,
and avoid the great sacrifices of men and money,
and the many other evils to which the war exposes
us. Let me say to inv friends who support the ad
ministration in their policy, that if you persist, and
if peace by some good fortune should not be obtain
ed, the war will go on from year to year, and you
will be utterly overthrown as a party. Do you not
effects, in reference to our internal af-
course of policy directly
ith the principle
become the established
The struggle to ohti
‘lecome proportionally great—so gi
;troy the freedom of elections. The end would be i cates.
anarchy or despotism, as certain as I am now ad- j this respect
ot proscription which has now j port, and in favor of that with which you hav<
shed practice of the Government. , charged your opponents with supporting. You havi
.tain the Presidential chairwould | ever professed to oppose,as a party, a national debt,
dressing the Senal
But of the few.nations who have been i
e as to adopt wise constitutions, still fe’
the wisdom long to preserve them.
• fort.
ind charged your opponents
” e the effects of war in
create an immense na
tional debt, greater than that which th* party to
e opposed could possibly have
j preserve them than to obtain liberty. Alt*
which y« [t
have by any other policy, had they been
hard- , campaign, on which you look so lightly, will add to
the entire debt
years of prosperity, the tenure by which it is held | of the Revolution. You have been opposed
often forgotten ; and I fear. Senators,
that such is the case with us. There Is no solici- I least ii
tude now about liberty. It was not so in the e
ly days of the Republic. Then it v
enlarge his patronage than any other policy which
the first oh- 1 your opponents could have adopted. You profess
‘olicitude. The maxim then was, that I to be in favor of a metallic currency. Do you not
.1 ways stealing from the many to the see, that with the increase of stocks and treasury
few M the price of liberty is perpetual vigilance.” notes, you are in danger of being plunged again
Then no question of any magnitude came up in into the lowest depths of the paper system 7 You
which the first inquiry was not “ Is it constitution- as a party, have advocated the doctrine of free trade.
‘ with our tree popular institu- ; Do you not see that, by the
al 7” “ ii
. „ „ ncrease of the
it to affect our liberty 7” It is expenditures of the country, and the heavy interest
aw. Questions of the 'greatest magnitude , which you will have to pay on the public debt, you
discussed without reference or allusion to ^ are creating a necessity of increasing the duties on
these vital considerations. I have been often struck imports to the highest point that revenue will ad-
t that, in the discussions of the great mit, and thus depriving the country of al! the prac-
questions in which we are now engaged, relating tical benefits of free trade, and preventing the Go
to the origin and the conduct of this war, their el- vernment from making any material reduction.until
feet on the free institutions and the liberty of the the whole debt is paid, which cannot be expected
people have scarcely been alluded to, although during this generation. What could your oppo-
their bearing in that r
claim to distinguii
They . . ..... ..
great and leading topics of discession; and would, you from them, and to establish that which yot
above all others, have had the most powerful effect, allege to be the reason whv they should he exefud-
” • 1 ■ ' - " ,d KiU not thi. w.i
| ed from power 7 Has n
the line of policy which you have insisted as
pire, and the aggrandizement of tlfe country. To j distinguishing yon from them 7 Why then, to sat
that it was never n
_ be attributed t
been a decay of the apirit of lib-
’it I think not. I believe
ardent. The true cause is,
bare ceased to remember the tenure by
which liberty alooe can, be preserved. We have
had so many jean of prosperity—passed through
so many difficulties and dangers without tbe loss
ol liberty—that we begin to think that we hold it by
right Divine from Heaven itself. Under this im-
yourself irom such a result-do you hesitate to adopt
the course of policy I have suggested, as the only
certain means of preventing these and other evils,
and the dangers to which our institutions are ex
posed 7 The pride of opinion may resist. I know
the difficulty, and respect it, wills
measures that we have advocated, even when time
has shown them to be wrong. But true magnanim
ity and tbe highest honor command that we should
differen-1 the service iu Mexico.
j Mr. Claj’ton desired to know before
voting whether Generals Scott and Tay
lor had asked lor this increased force?
Mr. Cass replied that Gen. Scott had
asked lor 50,000 for his -<»|»e rat ions.
After a brief incidental debate, Mr.
Clayton addressed the Senate in oppo
sition to the bill. He declared his de
termined hostility to acquiring any ter
ritory by conquest or robbery.
When he concluded the Senate ad
journed.
House of Representatives.—The Speak
er called the committees for reports,
and sundry private bills were reported
by Mr. Rockwell, Chairman of the com
mittee of Claims, who also reported a
resolution requiring the Clerk .of the
House to employ a person to make a
list ot all claims laid before Congress
since the 14th Congress, and the Con
gressional action on the same, so as to
detect frauds.
Several members spoke upon this re
solution, and several motious were made
with regard to it; but it was ordered to
lie over.
After the morningbusinoss, theHoui
resolved itself into the Committee «
the whole, and proceeded to the con-
sideralion of the order ofthe day * L
President’s message. Mr. Stewi
who was entitled to the floor replied
Mr. Clernard’s eulogy of President P|
as a model President. He ridici J
and denounced Mr. Secretary Wall
teport, which he alleged * ' '
falsehoods—adducing figtl
to support his assertions.
Mr. Venable followed. He I
Mr. Polk and the Veto, and challenj
the Whig majority to impeach him.
Mr. Rockwell, of Connecticut next
took the floor In a speech in which he
argued mainly against the Veto Mes
sage.
Mr. Lincoln got the floor, when tbe
committee rose, and the House adjourn-
them when they threaten to be injurious
instead of beneficial to tbe country. It would do
great credit »o party in power to adopt the poll
ed.