Newspaper Page Text
■wot, New Jersey, Delaware, Mary
land, North Carolina, Otrio, Kcntncky
mud Tennessee—in all 10* votes. Two
hundred and aeveoly-five votes consti
tuted the electoral college, of which 13S
were necessary to a choice. The thirty
six votes of New York given to him then,
would have elected hi in; those thirty-
six voles have not the power now. Ad
ded to o!l be received in *44, they would
•liU be insufficient. Texas, Florida,
and Iowa, together entitled to 11 votes,
havesince been admitted into the Union,
so that the electoral college, in the event
of Wisconsin not being admitted in lime
to vote, has been increased to 2SG votes,
ot which 144 are requisite to an election.
Should Mr. Clay, therefore, receive the
vote of every State enumerated, inclu
ding New York, his number would only
ho 141^-thrce less than a majority.—
Whence these could be bad, it will be
difficult to show. There is not another
of the fifteen 8lates that voted ogninst
him in 1844, except New York, which
would come forward now to his rescue.
Those best informed in the matter, their
Whig representatives in Congress, do
not think be could under any circum
stances, secure Pennsylvania, Louis
iana, Indiana, or Georgia. The simple
fact that ho was Iieatcn by a man undis
tinguished and almost unknown, cou
pled with the preference of the Whigs
in each lor Gen. Tnylur, would form a
powerful auxiliary to, if not the certain
agent of bis defeat. As to New Hamp
shire *—-» **- '
party." The majority in the HouA of
Representatives is a pertinent answer;
but for his name the Democrats would,
as heretofore, have bad complete control
of ibo National Legislature. It is prop
er, however, to give the subject a broad
er, and it may be, a more practical con
sideration. Every State which voted
for Mr. Clay in 1844, it may be justly
attorned, would as cordially support
the hero of Buena Vista. These assure
a positive capital of one hundred and
five votes ; and from the most reliable
information to- be obtained, it is equally
certain. New York, Pennsylvania, Indi
ana, Georgia, Louisiana, Florida and
Iowa, five of which voted for Gen. Har
rison, in 1840, tbe other two were Ter
ritories, would profit by the example
and follow in therr fixitsleps. These,
with the Whig States of 1844, connt 202
votes, a majority of 68 in the electoral
college. Besides, against any named
Locofoco, especially Gen Cass or Mr.
Polk, bis chance for Mississippi, Arkan
sas, Michigan, and Wisconsin, (if she
has a vote) leaving ool Alabama and
Maine, by no means hopeless, would
prove every way favorable. These are
not idle calculations, but fair deductions
from the existing state of things. And
did time permit, they would be seen to
be based on the surest principles of
cause and effect, of philosophy and fact.
True it is many well disposed indi
viduals speak doublingly of tbe Whig
ascendancy iu Ncw-England and Ohio,
ire, which has*heretofore been counted The Whigs of t New England, among
for him, hemustbeaboldcalculntor, who the truest in tMfland, will never sacri-
will claim it, in the face of the late elec
tion returns. His opposition to the an
nexation of Texas—-on opposition in
which tbe writer heartily sustained him
—settles everything so far as she is con
cerned ; and his unfortunate speeches
and votes against the pre-emption sys
tem, which have invariably worked to
his disadvantage with the far-western
Stales, as positively to preclude nil hope
from Florida, Iowa, or Wisconsin.—
Again: it is the positive opinion of
Whigs ofthe highest character in those
fice great national interests, only to be
protected by the incoming of a Whig
administration, to sectional prejudices.
They will cleave to the nominee of the
Convention, whether born under a north
ern or a southern sun. And if Gen.
Taylor be the nominee, as he andnubl- . .
edly will, every vote they raav have-or * mn “»
can possibly control will be freely ac- ' t> ~“
corded him. Indeed, it is even asserted,
and with good reason, many of her most
influential Whig citizens being firm in
his advocacy, that Massachusetts will,
lfaiae;
Massachusetts,
New Jersey,
Maryland#
Virginia,
SoQth Carolina,
Georgia,
For Taylor.
8 Kentucky,
Vi Tennessee,
7 Indiana,
3; Illinois,
6j Missouri,
17 Arkansas,
9 Florida,
lOlTrxaa,
8 Iowa,
For Clay.
111 Pennsylvania,
North Carotin*,
New Hampshire,
Vermont, 6 Michigan, A
Rhode Island, 4 . -—
Connecticut, G| 123
New York, 3Gl
This estimate, so far removed from
the expectations of those who indulge
the fallacy that lhe National Convention
is merely called far the purpose of an
nouncing Mr. Clay for the fourth time a
candidate, will be characterized as ex
traordinary. It is not, of course, pre
tended that Gen. Taylor will be, in ev
ery instance, tbe first choice of all the
delegates from the Stales named, but
enough is known of those already ap
pointed, and of the popular feeling
where they are yet to be, to warrant the
deliberate conviction, that he will get
the majority. Ol the delegates from the
southern and southwestern States, there
is inr doubt whatever. Maine, Massa
chusetts, mid Indiana are regarded
equally so by a preponderance, at least;
and Iowa has instructed her delegates.
Kentucky is placed for him on the au
thority of those who ought to know, her
Whig members in Congress. ’ From
New Jersey, delegates will be sent un-
tramrmeled, as in fact the delegates from
all the States should be, and the very
circumstances that her vote was not
given for Mr. Clay in 1840, when his
star was much more in the ascendant,
is pretty conclusive as to their course.
"*■ ... have yielded
me it appetrs perfectly clear, tbit tie Interest of lures and internal improvements. How
SJShpv hey f “ lfill , ed? Bel i:, rc ":, e , close ,
must be great If mitigated, if not entirely exlxngutsk-: of his fir.-t term they wefe blotted almost
ed, or consequences will ensue which are appalling entirely from remembrance. Mr. Van
to be thought of. * • * .* _ * I Buren was pledged to “follow in the
footsteps of his illustrious predecessor ;”
choice. It is also known, that he has
many warm and active friends in Con
necticut ; and if the Bangor Whig* the
leading Whig journal in the State may be
credited, in Maine his cause is not without
supporters. That paper under date of the
15th inst., makes the welcome announce
ment, that the Whigsentimeul there cord i>-
ally approves his position, and is deeply
impressed with the necessity and pro
priety of his nomination. These facts,
well authenticated and reliable, clearly
establish bow idle it is to insist that
such a nomination will weaken flic Whig
party in New England; nay, how idle
it is to insist that it will not thereby be
substantially strengthened. The same
remark is perhaps, applicable to Ohio ;
the?contrary is at best high-wrought fear
or vague suspicion. And if the worst
should be realized, Gen. Taylor is strong
enough chngrined as all would be to
witness a cloud pass over the Whigs
of the proud “ young giantgss,” to lose
her vote, and be triumphantly elected.
Hit Election tcill Establish Whig At-
cendancy in Congress.—There is yet an
other view of the question worthy rtf
careful reflociiod. A Whig President ’
without a Whig Congress, without the
power tosustnin Whigmeasuaes, would,
it will bo candidly confessed, be a poor
recompense for labor, and poorer joy
for r?T ., A M h "n, alr0ady b T, I DO awarded mm wuboul Conte
market!, nad Mr. Clay .ucceedcd >" !difficuIt y, if tb ey will only be
1844 Congress would have been oppos-!. • r\ j ,,
u * i a * 1 i him and to themselves. In tbe
ed. The Senate by a small, and the
House of Representatives by a majority
large enough for all practical purposes.
The prestige of his name would not only
give them Senators from NewYork,Penn
sylvania, Indiana, and Florida—the on-
Slates, that nei ther Tennessee nor New j next to Mr. Webster, proclaim him her
Jersey would vote for him in another * - *- • • • ' * 1
struggle. If these fears be well found
rd, and from the meager majoriiies of
*44, (113 voles in Teuncssce, and 823
in New Jersey,) they would nppear so
—his overthrow would come, more pain
ful to him and humiliating to us, than
that from which we are slowly recover
ing. The argument that he received
more votes than General Harrison re
ceived in 1840, and out ran every Whig
who run in *44, or has run since, plausi
ble though it bo, carries no weight. It
only demonstrates, what all who have
analysed the election returns always
knew; first, that voters increase with
the population, under the conjoint oper
ation ol the laws of majority and natu
ralization ; secondly, that the candidate
on national, disconnected with local is
sues, if he enjoy an ordinary share of
popularity, nlwnys outruns the candid-
ntes for Governor, Congress, and the
Legislature. The poll-hooks of every
Slate will attest this in its broadest as
sumption. The relative Whig strength
exhibited nt different elections, with dif
ferent candidates, is to be measured by
results, and not votes.
These explanations, made in no spir
it of anfcindlinest to Mr, Clay, show
that those who calculate so positively
on his increased strength, suffer their
zeal to override all discretion. Let
them reflect on the evil consequences
‘which may flow from their heau-sirong
will, at least, before they plunge into
ruin. If the Whigs lie again beaten,
their die is cast, and their political ex
istence ceases. And although the wreck
of all conservatism may not ensue, the
Government, continued in the hands of
radicals and destructives, will disregard
more recklessly than ever, the spirit of
the Constitution nnd the right of the
People. This, then, is no time for com
pliment, no time togive freeplay to fan
cy or feeling. The salvatiou of the
Whig party, the vital interests of the
country, and the perpetuity of the Un
ion, all forbid it.
Military Glory not bis sole Recommen
dation.—A n extended notice of the pros
pects of other gentlemen is not deemed
appropriate, because a stubborn dcier-
.minaiKiti to force them on their party
has been no where evinced. But it is
asked, and often in the spirit of taunt
and ‘raillery, *' if we must have a mili
tary candidate, why not take Gen.
Scout** He may be all that sanguine
friends represent him, still il is un
deniable that bis brilliant achievements
asa soldier—why, it is unnecessary,
perhaps, to suggest—have not turned
tbe people to him in this their hour of
peril. It is a gross fallacy, however, to
sopposo military glory is to be establish
ed as the sole title to the Chief Magis
tracy. Tbe preference for Gen. Taylor
docs not, in the apt language of Judge
Sanders, of Louisiana, rest wholly nu
what he has done or is expected to do, !
but rather on what it is believed he will not
do, if bo is advanced to that high station.
It is believed he will never wilfully
pervert or violate the Constitution.
It is believed he will never obstrnct
the passage of salutary laws by tbe in
terposition of dictatorial power.
It is believed ho will never bring the
power and patronage of the Govern
ment into conflict with freedom of elec
tions.
It is believed he will never misdirect
the patronago of the Government from
its legitimate ends, to the promotion of
his own selfish purposes or the reckless
ambition of others.
Il is believed he will never forget that
bo is not the President of a party, hut
the President of twcuty millions of peo
ple, bound together by a common liber
ty and a common Const itatinn.
And lastly, it is believed, it called to
the Presidency, he will bring back the
Government to its original purity nnd
simplicity, nnd rc-imprcss it with the
similitude of his own character.
point
be elected if adopted in National Con
vention as tbe candidate of the Whig
thought of.
The entire remedy i* with the people. Some
thing however our be effected by the means which
they have placed in my hands. It» onion that
we want NOT OF A PARTY FOR THE SAKE
OF THAT PARTY, bat a onion of the Whole
country for the sake of th^conntry.”
Did any one think these declarations,
declarations in unison with what was
expected of his Administration had he
lived, made Gen. Harrison any less a
Whig. And now in what do they dif
fer from tbe position of Gen. Taylor?
Gen. Harrison warned us that the spirit
of party “ must be greatly mitigated, if
not entirely extinguished,’* or*,tbe true ‘
interest of the country would be jeop
arded, and then reminded us that we
should seek the union of the whole peo
ple, and “ not ot a party for the sake of
that pa rty.” Gen. Tay lor but gives ad
ditional force to the sentiment when he
says, * I am a Whig, hut not an ultra,
partizan Whig.** He occupies in this,
the only ground from which the Presi
dency should be approached. He nei
ther seeks nor declines it, but leaving all
to the voice of his countrymen, while
he makes no concealment of his political
attachment, he is determined to take of
fice with no obligations except such as
the Constitution prescribes. And here
loo, he lias given the best earnest that
ho will conform his administrative con
duct to tlje noble examples of earlier
Presidents, j hey gave no pledges.—
Their public character, their unsullied
integrity was the only guarranly of the
rectitude of their intciilious. Washing
ton and Adams, Jefferson and Madison
and Monroe; when will the nation pro
duce their equals; where are their pledg
es to be found ! The historyoftheir time
will be searched for them in vain. Nay,
Nurlh Carolina, Pennsylvania, and New lnor f- Washington in all things lha
« • • *• -• model ot a man, unlike the petty aspi-
and yet slight as it was, the pledge was
never redeemed. Mr. Tyler’s inaugural
was freighted with pledges ; and what
became of them ? The little regret that
accompanied his retirement furnishes
York to Mr. Clay, when tbe two first
are much mpre probable for General
Taylor; and the last, although the del
egates from the city of New York are
pledged, by no means certain. The
vole of Michigan is quite as proh ible
also for General Taylor as for Mr. Claj*;
and of the delegates from Ohio, the
most of whom are instructed, four are
known to prefer him. As to Pennsyva-
ilia, while Mr. Clay’s friends have, by
unprecedented means and exertions, se
cured some six or more of the delegates,
it is positively ascertained that the
friends of Gen. Scott and Gen. Taylor
combined, will control the vote in Con
vention. And (Jen. Scott’s friends if
they cannot put him ahead, will go for
Gen. Taylor; certainly never for Mr.
Clay. The Intelligencer, the Whig or
gan at Harrisburg, where the State Con
vention was recently h^ld, in alluding to
its proceedings, unequivocally states
that one of the delegates at large, there
in selected, is for Gen. Taylor, and the
other for Gen. Scott, and that the Con
vention was notoriously averse to'Mr.
Clay, and would have so declared had
he not been at tbe time a guest in the
State. On that ground bis immediate
friends obtained opportune silence, but
nothing beyond. All that is required,
therefore, to insure the nomination of
Gen. Taylor, by an expression quite as
strong as that indicated, is for his Whig
friends to stand fast and firm to the
usage and organization of the party.—
The Whig nominaion is necessary to
his success; and that nomination will
I be awarded him without contention or
true to
cd.ohimrand hi, Admini.tratidn' for i
lhe most part powcrlew. 'So would it ofh.ngs, rt cannot be oiherw.se.
be could te be elected now-so would . ° « P ™~
il bo with .he election of any other ^ "° L S ’l ‘ he
our many distinguished Whigs. With I m ° re . m<xlcfn °r? de * s P cak ; a " J
Gen. Taylor tbe tables would be chang-
The indications of popular sentiment
are very decidedly in favor of another.
Ohio cannot be relied upon for Mr Clay.
Two of her Whig representatives have
declared upon the floor of Congress re
cently that the Whig party of that State
will vote for no candidate for the Pres
idency who is not a Wilmot Proviso man.
Others of her delegation are known to
hold the same opinion. If Mr. Clay
should finally conclude to submit to her
necessarily be excluded from his calcu
lation. With these facts staring me
ery comment. And Mr. Polk’s pledges, I terms, all the slaveholding States must
hat of them? His celebrated Kane 4 —' ’ r “ “ l "“
letter pledged biro to tbe protcctiyzpo-
licy; and yet the first act of his Ad
ministration was to strike a death-blow
to the labor and industry of the counrty.
He was pledged to maintain our title
to the whole of Oregon, to abandon any
portion of which he protested against as
a “sacrifice of both national honor nnd
national right” and yet, by his instruc
tions, if Louis McLane be truthful, a
treaty was concluded which surrendered
more than five degrees of the territory.
He was pledged to couquer a peace with
Mexico, such a peace as would afford
“indemnity for the past tnd security
for the future and yet he has sanctioned
the treaty of an unauthorized agent which
embraces his principle in neither par
ticular—a treaty which annexes, after
two years war, at the cost of SIOO.OOO-
000 and 10,000 lives, the very country
for which three years ago he would on
ly agree to pay S15,000,000.” He is
glad to pay as much now, and behold
we have indemnity for the past and se
curity for the future!” What, then,
are pledges, what their necessity, when
any Administsation, rightly conducted,
must beguided after all by the progress of |
human affairs and the exigencies of the
moment ? Pledges ! There can be no
pledges bat a clear head,an honest heart,
and an upright will. These united in
the man who enlists popular sympathy,
been under the stars and stripes—he is
the child of the Republic.
The great objection to him seems to
be that party harness does not fit him
well. Such is undoubtedly the fact.
A Whig in principle, he refuses to car
ry on a civil warfare against one half
of his countrymen, on the. principle of
rewarding the other half with the spoils
of victory. He refuses to bind himself
even to those with whom he generally
agrees, by pledges which may impair
his usefulness to his country. He de
mands the largest liberty to pursue r
the face, I cannot bring my own mind I fettered thcgrcatestgood ofhis country,
to the conclusion that Mr. Clay’s elec- j Those things commend him to my apro-
tion is a probable, if even a possible batinn and support. I have not regard-
event. Such, I know, from the best! ed the opinions which have been man-
sources of information, is the opi lion of j ufacturcd for Gen. Taylor by cither his
a large majority af the Whig - members. Whig or Democratic enemies, or both
of Congress. j com bi ned. The cou ntry expects to hear
- ! from himselfin due season, in reference
There ,8 another consideration oleon- to lhese opinions . i have an abiding
trolling importance to those Whigs who! ,1.„, einecimioi)
really desire the success of Whig princi-1
pies, as well as the election of a Whig
President. If the three great “Free!
States” (as Mr. Clay terms them) should :
cast their votes for him and elect him
President, he would necessarily have
the Senate, and most probably, the j
House of Representatives against him
during the whole ol his administration.
Neither lie nor his friends claim any in
crease of strength in those small States
where we must gain support in order to
change lhe present large Democratic
majority in the Senate. His nomina
tion would be a surrender of the Senate
for the next four years. The prospect
of carrying the other House would be
but little better. Those three large States
have in the present Congress a Whig
representation far exceeding their pop-
I ular strength at home. The most san-
| guine Whigs have no hop<
{ing it, while prudent men look to its di
confidence that that just expectation
ill not be disappointed. { m
I am, very respectfully, yours.
R. TOOMBS.
quently, to nominate him by a Whig
Convention is impossible. Was he no
Whig when the Whig press and Whig
speakers everywhere denounced the
Administration for its persecution of a
j Whig General? Was he no Whig
when a Lieutenant-General was pro
posed to supersede him in the corn-
rants of this day, positively refused to
subscribe any pledge whatever. In :
letter to Benjamin Harrison, and anoth
er to Benjamin Lincoln, extracts of
which are subjoined, his view of pro
priety in that regard is clearly express
ed. These letters arc to be seen in the
0th volume of Spark’s collection of his
writings.
To Benjamin Harrison.—“If it should be my
inevitable fate to administer the Government, (tor
heaven know, that no event can be less desired by
me, and that no earthly considerations short of so
general a call, together with a desire to reconcile
contending parties as far os in me lies, could again
bring me into piblie lile,) I will go into the chair un
der no fre-engagement of ANY NATURE OR
KIND whale ter. 9th March, 1789.
To Benjamin Lincoln—“ Should it become inev
itably necessary for me to go into the ch»ir of Go
vernment, I have determined to go free from allpos-
*■' e engagements of ANY NATURE, whatever. 1 *
11/A March, 1789.
The Whigs should take a Candidate on
their own Responsibility.—To what how
ever, do those wedded to an automaton
President for such must he prove who
lethets and impales himself with pledg
es, desire Gen. Taylor to be pledged ?
He has said he is a Whig in principle; istration.
does not that comprehend everything!
Were he to write volumes could he more
unequivocally attest his sincerity?—
Therein he hasjpreshadowed the whole
policy of an administration. There, is
contained “ confirmation strong as holy
writ,” of a Whig Cabinet, the perfection
of Whig measures, and eslaolishment
of the true principles of the Constitution.
Must he he for Henry Clay before all
the world, to stand on the old broad
Whig platform? He has again and
again written it, ** I would prefer him
to any man in the Union.” Where then
lies the difficulty ? Is it that the Whigs
must take him “ on their own responsi
bility.” On whose responsibility but
their own do Whigs wish to lake a Whig.
Where can they procure a bond so sat
isfactory? Will they avoid all respon
sibility,” and ask their adversaries to
select for them, the candidate? If
this be their rule of action, the mantle
will fall on Mr. Clay, not on Gen. Tay
lor ; for certain it is the former, for wise
and prudential rcaspns, among them
holds the preference.
He will accept the Whig nomination.—
nnd is a Whig in principle, are all the i , ,, , , , , . . c .
Whig party require. These pledges shaU we look to supply lies deficeucy
• °. 1 • — 1 — 1 ** • and give us such an increase of numbers
(rora each Stale) which are doubtful- i “ an< ' * ,. w “ , n .? ”° v T”r? WI,Cn r
hut insure the two Senators to be * ent i ,V ‘°i c®^ n^ed wil1 hc not accept the ^Vhig nomina-
froiu Iowa nnd two more from the new S ' ^ ^ I lion ? To affect the contrary is useless.
Slate of Wisconsin. Il may even »c-1 I There, too, he has spoken for himself,
cor that Alabama, Arkansas, Illinois, „ b ° i He has already accepted the nomina-
they have in Zachary Taylor, and
come what may, they will rally to his
standard,and once more do battle for the
country and its Constitution.
Washington, April 4, 1S48.
From the Chronicle & Sentinel, 22d inst.
The next Presidency.
Augusta, April 20, 1S48.
Messrs Editors:—I hand you herewith
a letter received by me from ffie Hon.
Robert Toombs, intended by him for
publication. Concurring with him, as I
the preference expressed for Gen. I zeal into the struggle; but the contest
as will secure a working majority in the
House of Representatives ? Unless \
can secure them somewhere, success
the Presidential election would only give
us place without power. The real gov
ernment of the country w’ould fall into the
hands of our opponents, and we should
secure but little else than the distribu
tion of the “ Spoils ;” the most embar
rassing and the least desirable of all the
results of victory. Those who expect
to profit by them will perhaps enter with
©clcgraplpc.^
TRANSMITTED TO AUGUSTA BY TELEGRAPH.
LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM
EUROPE.
and Missouri, thoroughly aroused by
tbe same revivifying influence, will
each return a Whig Senator, instead
of the present Democratic incumbents.
As to to tbe House of Repreaentatives,
while the Whigs could not, uuder any
circumstances expect to accomplish
more than the division of the delegations
in New York and Pennsylvania, by unit
ing on Gen. Taylor, they would be rea
sonably, if not morally, certain to gain
one member in Maine, one in Rhode
Island, one in Maryland, two in Virgi
nia, pne in Norih.Carolino, two in Geor
gia, one in Alabama, one in Mississippi,
two in Louisiana, two in Ohio, three in
Kentucky, one in Tennessee, one in
Illinois, one iu Missouri, two in Indiana,
one iu Michigan, and two in Iowa—
twenty-four members. The popularity
of Gen. Taylor with all classes of the
people, except the few who adhere to
*• the obsolete idea** that defeat under
one baunei is preferable to success un
der another, is indisputable. He is just
the man for tbe masses. There is that
in bis character, a singular blending of
greatness with simplicity, of worth and
modesty, which grapples him to them
with hooks of steel. He is a man of
strong practical sense and sound judge
ment, and these are equalled ou!y by
the sternness of his virtue and the incor
ruptibility of bis honor. Such are the
leading traits of tbe man, and such the
marl, commissioned of the People, tbe
time anil tbe purpose demand.
He will be Nominated—Prophecy is
not a human attribute, yet where tbe
signs are propitious, the roost cautious
are prone to attempt it. Such an at
tempt will, therefore be, in this respect,
excusable. That tbe Whig National
Convention will nominate Gen. Taylor
is no longer a problem difficult to solve.
His strength grows daily, and if the re
sult of the Convention, with all proper
can and will be Elected.—The next deference to tbe feelings and opinioos
for inquiry is, “can Gen. Taylor of others, does not nearly incline to tbe
% >—i — following, then many will be deceived,
and false prophets numerous »
mary assemblies, so stoutly proclaimed
him “ every inch a Whig, a Henry Clay
Whig?’* We have his own word for it
that he is a Whig, “ not an ultra parti
san Whig,** but “a Whig in principle.”
He says, moreover, in his letter to Mr.
Jos. R. Ingcrsoll, liiat—
** At die but Pres iddial canrtu, without inter
fering in uiv waj with it, it was well known to all
whom 1 mixed, Whigs and Democrats, for I
w> concealment in the matter, that I was decid
edly in favor tf Mr. Clay's election, and 7 would now
prefer seeing kirn in that office TO AN Y INDIVIDU
AL in the Union, certainly more so at any time than
In a letter of later date to Col. Mitch
ell, he repeats this avowal.of his poli
tics:
“Ihave no hesitation, [he remarks,] in stating,
limes stated an oil occasions, that I AM A WHIG,
though not an ultra one; and 7 hare no desire to
conceal this feel from any portion <f the people tf the
United States.
A Whig in principle, having no con
cealments,preferring Henry Clay’s elec
tion in 1844, and preferring il in *48 to
that of any other individual, apd yet hc
is no Whig! The doubt is almost
criminal; for who believes Gen. Taylor
insincere, who bold enough to harbor
tbe suspicion, that he speaks in this, or
anything else, with a forked.tongue ?
He is Sustained by Harrison and Wash
ington.—But Gen. Taylor refuses to give
any pledges, and says tbe Whigs must
take him “on their own responsibility.”
Who asks more? Who is the Whig
who wishes a Whig President to be
come the mere creature of cliques and
cabals, to degrade both bis office and
tbe dignity of bis nature, and forget
country, Constitution, and all the Chief
Magistrate of the Republic should ven
erate, in the petty triumphs of party ?
If there be Whigs so bigoted and intol
erant, and so contracted in tbeir esti
mate of what properly befits the char
acter of a President, let them listen to
the advice of the lamented Harrison.—
In bis inangural address, Gen. Harrison
thus reflects upon the violence of party:
** Before concluding, fellow-cititens, [says be,1
I must say something to yo« on tbe subject of tbe
parties at this time existing in oar country. To
i already accepted
lion oi Whigs of various sections of the
country, ot Whig meetings and Conven
tions in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and
Maryland. What further objection can
be urged ?
Is it to the manner of his acceptance ?
Place Mr. Clay’s acceptance of the nom
ination of the Whig National Convention
1S44, and Gen. Taylor’s acceptance
resentatives. Calm and impartial men ulo . 1V4Wlt ^ 0 „ tv .
received the result as the judgment of! solTorevVn chief ingredient of hispi£
... «..u ...... his countrymen against Mr. Clay spre- ularit unde rstnnd but little of this
of a Whig nomination side by side, and . *® us, °? s lolhe P resit J en cy- Hostility to, g reat p 0 p U l ar move. While the bril-
mark the similarity : Mr. Clay vvas the cohesive power which f iancy ot G en. Taylor’s military career
__ _ _ I hf»M Ifurplhpr hits nnnnnpntt i thpw hnH • ■ •' . ■ ■ •
Mr. Clay.
Taylor, and desiring that his views
should be made known—I will leel
much obliged by your publishing the
letter in the Chronicle & Sentinel.
ANDREW J. MILLER.
Xl*tt. Hobcrt ToomW Letter.
Washington, April 13, 1848.
Hear Miller:—Mr. Clay’s address to
the public was published here this mor
ning. It has given real and unconceal
ed pleasure to the friends of the Admin-
It contains some things that
had better not been written at all, and
many others, that ought not to have been
written by Mr. Clay. It discloses his
strong desire for t^e nomination, and
furnishes a weak, inconclusive, and oth
erwise objectionable argument in sup
port of it. My convictiqn is unshaken,
that his nomination would produce the
overthrow of the Whig party, and se
cure the continuance in power of the
weak, profligate, and treacherous ad
ministration of Mr. Polk. My duty to
my country and my principles will
therefore constrain me to oppose it. In
1S44, Mr. Clay had the united and en
thusiastic support of the Whig party of
the Uuion; and his friends were confi
dent of success, and labored earnestly,
faithfully, and vigorously to achieve it.
The Democratic party was divided
to fierce factions ; its Convention result
ed in the overthrow of the candidate to
the support of whom a majority of the
delegates were pledged by their constit
uents, and in the nomination of one of
the least worthy men of the party. His
want of merit seems to have been the
chief element of success. Amid the
strife of contending chiefs hc received
the nomination of a parly because hc
bad been too inconsiderable a person to
command the support of a faction. Yet
that election resulted in the signal defeat
of Mr. Clay, and the total overthrow of
his friends. The Democratic party
elected Mr. Polk by a majority of sixty-
five votes in the electoral colleges, and
carried two-thirds of the House of Rep-
will present but few attractions to those
who require higher and nobler stimu
lant to political activity. I purposely
omit any personal objections I may have
to the nomination or elect ion of Mr. Clay,
because I wish to avoid all questions
which are calculated to disturb the calm
judgment of the Whig party. From
these or other considerations, the Whig
parly of the Union, until a very recent
j>eriod, had directed its attention tooth-
or distinguished individuals ol the Re
public, iu connection with the Presiden
tial election. The Whig party of Gcor-
n convention at Millcdgeville,
June last, unanimously nominated Gen
eral Taylor for the Whig Presidential
candidate. The Whig Senators in the
last legislature unanimously voted for
resolutions nominating him for that of
fice. The Milledgcville meeting in De
cember last, which, 1 was informed by
tbe most reliable sources of information,
was attended by a large majority of the
whig members of both branches of the
General Assembly, wtih great unanimi
ty, also nominated him. But the au
thority of these different bodies to speak
for tbe whig party on this subject has
been questioned, and I think will be
questioned, for the simple reason that
no person is bound by the action of par
ty conventions but those who choose to
be. I refer to them as evidence of pub
lic opinion furnished by those who had
the best means of knowing that opinion,
and the strongest motives for not mis
representing it. I concurred with this
popular feeling in favor of Gen- Taylor,
and my opinion is unchanged. 1 believe
him to be a sound whig, equal Vo the cri
sis, and fit for the crises. I have seen
nothing to shake my confidence in his
principles or in the man. Since his
brilliant achievements attracted to him
self the public attention, men of all par
ties have borne ample and willing tes
timony to tbe purity of his character, to
his integrity of heart, to the valor and
genius, which he has displayed in the
military service of his country. But
those who suppose his victories are the
Baltimore, April 20, 8P. M.
Highly Important Intelligence.
Republicanism spreading throughout Eu
rope—Prussia a Republic-—Emperor of
Austria expected to abdicate—Revolution
in Lombardy—Polish Revolution fully
confirmed—Reported Failure of the
Rothschilds, $*. 4*.
Wo received last evening from our
incrcas- attentive correspondent, a third ^des
patch, which gives us news of stirring
interest, brought to New York by the
packet ship Duchessde Orleans, arrived
from Havre, bringing three days later
intelligence from France.
We learn from our despatch, that
fermentation and Republicanism were
spreading throughuot Furope.
Prussia has been declared a Republic,-
and the King and Ministry have bcea
imprisoned.
The Revolution in Lombardy has
proved successful, after much blood-
shed.
The King of Naples has yielded to
the wants of the people, and the Empe
ror of Austria was expected to abdicate
his throne.
The Polish Revolution is fully con
firmed. The Emperor of Russia has
ordered his armies to oppose the Re
publicans.
Fngland lias protested against the
Montpensicr marriage.
Some disturbances had taken place
... Lyons between the People and the m
Soldiers, but at last accounts all was
quiet.
In France everything was peaceable,
id Republicanism appeared lobe on a
sure fooling.
No news from England or Ireland.-—
Nor have we any commercial intelli
gence by this arrival.
Many failures nre said to have taken
place in France, and the Rothschilds
said to be numbered among them.
“ Gextlemer I have
the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of yonr letter,
dated yesterday at B*Ki-
G E ,. Taylor. opponents; they had ( ““^e.ed “he kuenlion and excitcd U,;
Mexico, Ju/w 6,1847.} the sagacity to perceive that he was , adlnira ,i 0 n of his countrymen,his mor-
resoiution.receoflvTdoiH! T 3 't*, , P, r ! nc 'P ,es .°f hls P^ 1 ?' j al qualities won their hearts. They
STC mSung y o?Z lh P P r , ofile<1 ^ t . h,s knowledge, every- adl 2 irc , he soIdi bu[ love tl)e man .i.
, - _ eitisens (Whig) of Prince j where by converting the contest .nto aj Th behold in him a succe sslul Gene-
more, communicAtingniyiGcorgeacocintry, H.ry- war on the man. 1 he unpopularity of: ra , whh , cbaracter on3Udn ed by n sin-
,he . C! >" d 1 “ Iate “'way* >» a greater le aot of riolen disobed icnce ,o law,
^justice. One who, while
V repelling injustice with firmness, sub-
' ls i mits to authority with dignity and calm-
! ness. Men but deceive themselves who
there assembled , . .
people of the Unitedly received.
States as a candidate for Yet thou|
the office of President of]to yield TO THE PEO-
- - PI.E AT LARGE I
should hail with pleasure
ugh I feel impelled
Presidency) on some <
inent statesman.
Z. TAYLOR.
the United States Confi
dently believing that this
nomination is in confor
mity *ti/h the desire tf a
majority of the PEOPLE
OF THE U. STATES, 7
accept it, from a high sense
tf duty nnd with teeling of
profound gratitude. * *
H. CLAY.
It will be seen Mr. Clay bases his ac
ceptance on the belief that the nomina
tion emanated from “ a majority of the
people,” while Gen. Taylor says he
will, notwithstanding his great aversion
to being considered a candidate, feel
himself compelled “ to yield to the peo
ple at large.” • There is no difference
between them.
The Presidents Elected on Pledges ha\
he maintains, and truth is often rentier- !
ed powerless by the unpopularity of its j
exponent. Mr. Clay’s argument *
From the Charleston Courier Extra, April 22d.
Later From Liverpool.
Arrival of the sarah sands, t
We received at a late hour last night
Telegraphic despatch, giving usnhc
following summary of news, brought by
the steamer Sarah Sands, at New York,
which vessel left Liverpool on the 3d
inst.
An European war had commenced—
The Austrian troops were- expelled
from Sardinia. Poland is- in a stale of
insurrection 1 . Russia was about send
ing troops South, but were likely to be
opposed by Prussia and France. The
French army were marching North.
Money Consols 81 J. Stocks dull on
the continent, owing to further failures
London.
The Grain and Floor Markets jlull,
in consequence ofincreased receipts and
fine weather.
No change in trade in Manchester.—
Leeds woollen market somewhat better.
Cotton, Bowed, 3£ a 6|? New Or
leans 3J a 6£. Sales of the week 24,670
be les.
Flour 20 a28s ; wheat 7s a 8s 9tL
Lard Is to 2s lower.
have 5ee n To\vC"e^Tchange°of pul>-1 Icnfas" 3 U ” ,CO ” patible with miUiary
lie opinion favorable to Mr. Clay. His ® S *
friends are devoted and enthusiastic ;! Such is not the truth of history or the
they were equally so in 1844; his ene-ijudgementof mankind. Those qualities
mies are still unrelenting and remorse-1 which are requisite for the civil magis-
less. His opponents are scarcely less! tratemay as well be displayed and prac-
desirous of bis nomination than his mosu lived in command of armies on the bat-
devoted friends; they want an enemy ! tie field as in the command of party,.——
whose strength they have measured. If j legions on the hustings or in the legis- 1 for you, because you were suspected oj,
Mr. Clay conld carry every vote he did lative halls. Wisdom, Justice and truth, in declaiming against slavery .
C. IS. Clay against Henry Clay.
Cassius M. Clay, the well known
Abolitionist, has fiercely assailed Henry
Clay, in a letter published under bis
own name in the New-York Courier•
The letter breathes personal animosity in
every line (which the writer frankly
avows,) and does Mr. Clay much in
justice, but tells some hard truths as to
his present availability. The most cu
rious thiug however is, that while Mr.
Clay has been abused at thfc Soutli for
courting the North, Cassius charges him
•with having taken the Southern ground
his Lexington speech.
The Abolitionists as a party, did not
vote for Mr. Clay at tbe last election,
though Cassius Clay did—if he was de
ceived, he deceived himself—but the fol -
lowing extract from bis letter will show
how the Abolitionists of the North view
that ** seventh resolution,” about which
so much has been said :
“Ohio went for you by the Western
reserve vote, whjph 1 assisted in getting^
in 1844, and the vnte of New York be
sides, on account of the admission of
new States into' the Union, he would
still have less than a majority of the
whole number. It is the most idle of
all dreams to suppose he can carry Penn-
never regarded them.—-And these parti- j sylvania—her last election showed a
zan pledges, these promises of the of- j Democratic majority of 18,000. His
fice seekers, wbal arc they worth ? In hopes of New Fork are founded chiefly
cases out of ten they are made on
ly to be broken. Pledges! Who that
made has ever kept them? Will the
lessons of experience never impart wis
dom ? The pledges of Gen. Jackson’s
Administration were, retrenchment and
reform, tbe limitation of Executive pat
ronage, prolection to domestic manufac-
on the division of his enemies. If noth
ing else can heal those divisions, his can
didacy will do it. Tennessee voted for
Mr. Clay in 1844 by a majority of some
thing over one hundred. It is the opin
ion of persons having the best means of
knowing popular sentiment in that State,
that hc cannot now get her vote.
Moderation are the great essential qual-; I had too much respect for your talents
ilies wc want in the ruler of a free people, j to suppose that you would again attempt
These noble'charactcristics have mark-' the same shallow.game ! Noyodr Jan-
ed and illustrated every step of Gen. : as-faced resolutions at Lexingtoq, dc- .
Taylor’s progress through life* Much ' ceive no longer the blindest “ fanatics,
of his life has been spent remote from! Besides, if the free North would not lake *
the habitations of civilized men pro-1 you, when the question was Clay and
teeling the homes and the firesides of no slave territory, will they take the issue
our frontier population. To the remote j which you covertly tender them, Clay
forest, to the distant and vast prairie, to and no free territory !”
the gloomy everglade, he has been called, j Between two stools Mr. Clay seems
by duty, to privation, to toil, and to dan- destined to fall to the ground. He lias
ger. For forty years he has been stand- displeased many of his Southern friends
ing guard under the staff which bore Ips by tbe equivocal character of his re- .
country’s colors. His " services have marks upon the subject of slavery, while
been national; no section can claim him tbe enemies of the South know that bo
as her exclusive son, his home having never has, and never will aid them i»